The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 16, 1926, Page 14

By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. Says Engdahl. it is possible that the country which begins ‘the revolution, which makes a ppunns will come a time when the| preach in the capitalist front, may be united revolutionary power of|less developed from the capitalist America’s workers and farmers will| Point of view than others which re- result in the United States becoming a part of the growing Union of So- viet Republics, the final boundaries of which must be all the ends of the earth, There is no better time than the an- niversary of the death of Lenin to make special efforts to awaken labor in this land to a realization of its role in the world social revolution that will bring the dictatorship of the pro- letariat to the land of the most power- ful imperialism, HE Bolshevik victory of Nov. 7, 1917, was the victory of our Rus- sian comrades, aiming at world revo- lution. The Soviet Union, even as it stands today, is not alone Russian, however. It is an international insti- tution, The British trade union dele- gation truly reported to the workers of Great Britain that “Any nation out- side the union has a right of adhesion to the union.” This report also added that “The army is not the Russian army, but the Red Army. Its flag is the Red Flag of universal brotherhood. Its silver coinage has for device the sickle and hammer, and for motto, ‘Workers of the World Unite.’” A constantly increasing host of British workers aspire to the time when they will bring England into the Soviet Union, against the resist ance of their ruling class. e¢oq,.00@ arn re HIS month we also commemorate the anniversary of the death of Karl Liebknecht. It was my good fortune to visit this intrepid revolu- tionist in Berlin before he started on his tour of the United States in 1910. Tiepkndéont at°that time held to the opinion that the world revolution would first break in the United States. He based this belief on the rapid de- velopment of capitalism in this coun- try. Liebknecht held to the opinion that the capitalist world front would be pierced first in that country, “where industry is most perfected, where the proletariat forms the ma- rity, where civilization is the most advanced, where democracy is most developed.” “So one used to answer,” says Sta- lin, the secretary of the Communist Party of Russia, in his “Theory and Practice of Leninism,” showing that this belief was quite general in the days before the world war broke in 1914. But that was not the theory of Leninism. Stalin writes: “No, replies the Leninist theory of the revolution. The front of capital- ism will not necessarily be pierced where industry is most developed, it will be broken where the chain of im- perialism is weakest, for the proletar- ian revolution is the result of the rup- ture of the chain of the imperialist front at its weakest point. So then main, nevertheless, within the frame- work of capitalism,” : *- * & T was Lenin’s absolute faith in this belief that caused him to fight unswervingly for the Bolshevik seizure of power in November, of 1917, Rus- sia was then the weakest link in the world imperialist chain. ~The Russian proletariat had for its alk the peas- antry. The Russian link yae broken by the onslaught of a great popular revolution. This happened ix spite of the fact that Russia was less ad- vanced from the capitalist point of view than Germany, France, England or the United States. + « * T is very interesting to consider where the imperialist chain will break next. Leninism holds that the same rule will apply again, “Precisely where it is weakest.” Stalin replies, “It is not impossible, for example, that it may be in India. Why? Because there is a young and combative revolutionary proletariat which has for ally the movement for national liberation, which is unques- tionably very powerful. Because in that country the revolution has for its enemy a foreign imperialism, de- prived of all moral authority and hated by the oppressed and exploited masses of India.” . . 2 ® O matter, however, where the next weakest link in the world. imper- ialist chain may be, it is the duty of America’s workers to build their power for struggle against American imperialism. This can be done in many ways: FIRST:—Build the instruments ft struggle, the Workers'°{Oomininist) Party, the vatigitard’ fighter of ‘the working class; the labor party, to break working class elements away from the capitalist parties; militant trade unioms and aggressive farmers’ nations, This is part of the meaning of world trade union unity, FIFTH :—Develop the spirit of sol- idarity between the workers and farm- ers of the United States, the world’s greatest. imperialist state, and the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union that already includes one-sixth of the land surface of the earth. It is only in struggling along all of these lines in- the spirit of Leninism that American labor will in time suc- cessfully bring this nation under the Red Plag of me Soviet Union. ef UT American workers mitist re member,. in the words of Lenin, that the coming of the Soviet power, “marks only the end of bourgeois de- mocratic parliamentarism, the begin- ning of a new era of mankind, the era of the proletarian dictatorship.” For Communism has not yet arrived even within the present boundaries of the Soviet Unon. The Soviet state still exists. Yet it is only the Soviet state, “allowing the constant partici- pation of the organizations of work ‘Ts in the management of public af fairs, is aba to prepare that gradua’ disappearance of the state, toward which the devsiopment of a Commun ist society naturally tends.” It was in his thesis on the consti tuent assembly, the dispersal o which by the Bolsheviks shocked the socialist parliamentarians of the world, that Lenin ‘said: . “The republic of Soviets of work ers’ soldiers’ and peasants’ delegate: is not only a higher type of democrat- ic institution, but is also the form of capable of ensuring the most painless realization of. socialism.” > *+ # OMPELLED to face increasingly difficult Struggles With their ex- ploiters, the” workers "ot fhe United States. will become better acquainted as time goes on, with the principles and theories.of Leninism. Today the masses know little about them. organizations. Never to lose sight of} the creation of an ever closer allian between the industrial workers and the farmers, the land workers; SECOND:—Develop the demand of American labor for the liberation of the colonies of American imperialism —of Cuba, Porto Rico, the Hawaiian islands and the Philippines—thru the alliance of the proletariat in the home- land with the oppressed colonials; THIRD:—Strengthen the alliance between the proletariat of the United States with the proletariat of those nations under the thumb of American imperialism, as for instance, Mexico, Central and South America and also Canada on an increasing scale, thus building the united power of Pan- American revolutionary labor. FOURTH:—Cement the relations between the American proletariat and the proletariat of all other countries, especially the other great capitalist @ many millions of the American working class have gained their im- pressions of Leninism thru reading the subsidized press of the very class that is doomed by the rise of the workers to power and the ushering in of a classless social order. They look upon Leninism as something purely akin to Russian conditions; as some- thing alien to the land of “100 per cent Americanism.” Yet they will learn that Leninism is just as native to American soil as it is fo Leningrad, Moscow, the Val- ley of the Volga or the far stretches of Siberia; For it was Lenin, the second anni- versary of whose death we com- memorate, who founded the Commun- ist International that leads the work ers in the struggle to win power everywhere and include every nation within their Union of Soviet Repub- LENINISM IS NATIVE TO AMERICA In no Country in the World More than the United States, are the Teachings of Lenin Applicable to the Workers’ Problems, The | Skyscraper By ROBERT WOLF. “A stupid, stand back there! Can't you see, the sign?” Ump-oom! Ump-oomt “Come on, now, get "a move oi, ‘get ; that load out of here!” Ruh, Ruh. Ruyuuuuuuuumm. ‘Ruh. Ruh. Ruuuuuuuuuu,. “Get it out of here, I said! Jesus Christ! would you look at that god- dam guinea!” “Gimme chew.” “Still you got to admit those god- dam Bolsheviks. . .” ' a-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-tah! “I ain’t taking no orders from n0o—” Ra-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-tah! “Gimme the hammer, Bill.” Ra-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-tah! “.. I seen you with on Houston Street? Come on now, who was it?” Ra-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-tah! “. . dhalf a dollar?” Ra-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-ta-tah! “Still you got to admit those god- am Bolsheviks, . .” E that load of brick around to the other street.” Clack. Clack-clack, Ah-clack. “Jesus Christ! can’t you hear me? “ake it around to the other street.” “Giddap there!” “What the hell’s the delay!” ; Baw! Baw! Baw-baw-baw-baw-baw! _Nonale, the. Grane Fompagy, AYRE jelivered. . . eo a i “Jees, that sonofa-bitching™ ar. it Crrrrang! “Tell him he can go stick it up. . .” “Still, you got to admit those god- jam Bolsheviks, . .” * F “J WONDER when we move in, Milt?” Watch your step!” “Not till the thirteenth, says.” “Unlucky, hey?” “Gangway!” “Wait a minute, I want drag.” “Still you got to admit those god- dam Bolsheviks. , .” Cassels another “IIVWENTY-ONE.” “Four!” “Five,” “Seven.” “So long, Smith.” “So long.” ‘Out four.” “So then she says to me. . .” “. . at Childs, . .” “Out five.” “Still you got to admit those god- dam Bolsheviks. . .” or- of rn in tat ith r0- ng it’s of I as: ore ny 25e the $e) - ive the the the this 2u4 Su =