The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 24, 1925, Page 9

A Short Presidential Excursion Into the Realms of Sociology and History With a Few Observations Upon George Washington’s Opinions of Down East Yankees By H. M. WICKS. HEN President Coolidge publicly discusses political issues affecting the immediate interests of the ruling class of this country, he manages, in a dull sort of manner, to convey to his hearers some conception of gov- ernmental policy. It is possible, with some concentration, to determine what he, with his queer New Eng- land cacography, is driving at. For such occasions his utterances are carefully prepared, and unquestion- ably censored by his “political ad- visers.” But when, on occasion, he appears before conventions and indulges in the expression of his own opinions he becomes incoherent, if not positively silly. Such an occasion was his recent ap- pearance before the national council of the congregational churches, as- sembled in Washington. There, be- fere a body of people whose bodies have been catapulted into the 20th century, tho their minds dwell in the fourteenth century, the president of the United States, asserted that religi- ous influence over government was the proper agency tg combat the ever recurring crime waves. No one expects a chief executive of this country to understand the eco- nomic basis of crime and propose the only effective means of abolishing it —the revolution. It is not too much, tho, to expect from a president a slight’ knowledge of the facts gleaned from govern- mental reports regarding crime. Are non-religious people criminal, while religious people observe the law? If one were to analyze crime statistics upon such a basis, but one couelu- sion could be reached: Religion, in- stead of preventing crime, is respon- sible for crime. The most powerful single religious body in the United States, claiming to have the support of less than 15 per cent of the popu- lation, furnishes more than 70 per cent of the criminals. On the basis of this fact alone one can make out a very good case against religion. But just as we cannot accept the Coolidge analysis of the cure for crime, so we cannot accept the ab- surd contentions of certain free- thinkers that religion breeds crime. The identical economic conditions that breed crime also breed ignor- ance, the basis of religion. Remove those conditions and both crime and religion will vanish. * *- * SECOND error revealed in his address was the statement: “It is my understanding that gov- ernment rests upon religion. While in our own country we have wisely separated church and state in or- der to emancipate faith from all po- litical interference, nevertheless the . forms and theories of our govern- ment were laid in accordance with the prevailing religious conviction of the people.” Such a lack of understanding of the history of the United States is almost pathetic. It calls to mind that other genius, Mr. Henry Ford, the Detroit flivver magnate. Does not Mr. Coolidge know that the American revolutionists, in their revolt against every form of feudal- ism, indelibly stamped upon the gov- ernment they created the ultimatum that church and state must forever re- main separated and that no man must be discriminated against be- cause of his beliefs? If it is really Coolidge’s understanding that govern- | i g i pings of religion and because it used the church as an armed force against the rising bourgeoisie, that superfi- cial observers imagined“the feudal State was based upon religion. The American and the French revo- lutionists at the close of the 18th cen- tury proclaimed the complete separa- tion of the church from the state as a means of destroying this combina- tion that under feudalism proved such a bulwark aganist them. LTHO Coolidge says in one breath that government rests upon relig- ion, in the next he pays lip service to the separation of church and state, then immediately qualifies it with the assertion that “nevertheless the forms and theories of our government were laid in accordance with the pre- vailing religious convictions of the people.” What people? Tom Payne, who wrote the first draft of the dec- laration of independence? Thomas Jefferson, who completed it? Neither of them were christians. And as for George Washington, the “father” of his country, no one would be so pre- sumptuous as to acclaim him an or- thodox christian. The fundamental aay ments are equalled by his ability ar a caustic writer described these “su- perior people” in letters to some of his confidants who had been sent to New tngland thusly: ‘ “Notwithstanding all, the public virtue which is ascribed to them (the New Englanders—H. M. W.) there is no nation under the sun— that | ever came across—pay great- er adoration to money than they do. . . Such a dearth of public spirit and want of virtue, such stock- jobbing and fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantages of one kind and another. . . | never saw before, and pray God | never will be witness to again. Such a dirty, mer- cenary spirit pervades the whole that ! should not be at all surprised at any disaster that may happen.” (George Washington, Writings, Vol. HL, pp. 264f, 413.) Thus we have the first president’s Negro Delegates at the A. F. of L. Convention BR ae They felt rather lonesome but there will be more of them as the power of the left wing grows. so een neernnne oeeeneirene emma memmmnemneemmene ae ists of today would consign him to the lowest depths of their phantom hell. T was not the puritan founders oi New England whose religious con- victions formed the theories of the American government. Tho it was to their interest as a part of the rising bourgeoisie to fight against all’ the ‘traditions of feudalism, they could not overcome thé=feudal’ conviction that government and religion must be in- separable. Karl Marx well said: “The traditions of all past gener- ations weighs like an alp upon the brain of the living.” This applies with particular force today in New England and Calvin Coolidge seems to have gained his in- spiration on the connection between church and state from the pre-capital- istic period. It is an established fact, proved by reams of historical documents, that the relics of feudalism transplanted to the new world with the puritans per- sisted to such a degree that it is ques- tionable whether their participation in the war of the revolution was not more helpful to the enemy than to the colonies. Being puritans they did not have the courage openly to op- pose the war, so most of them stayed home. Those that did go were such a sneaking, thieving gang ,that, ac- cording to George Washington, they seriously endangered the revolution. E people, who called tnem selves a superior race, with th« most exalted ideals, proved to be the most treacherous, sordid, venal, grasp- ing aggregation tifat the history of this country records. While a large part of the continental army, under command of Washington, was endur- ing indescribable hardships and while every effort was made to raise money to pay the soldiers in action, the New Englanders were having a pious time of it. Officers absented themselves from duty, took privates with them and worked them on their own farms while both drew pay-from the contin- ental army. ' Washington, whose military achieve- victure of the prototypes of the twen- ty-ninth president, We wonder what sort of pen picture Washington would lraw of Coolidge after reading his latest utterances. It was the Paynes, Jeffersons and Washingtons, not the religionists of New England that made the revolu- tion possible. A’ this point some hundred per cent American is likely to arise and derisively ask: Why quote these his- torical figures against Coolidge? Are Coolidge, considered by representatives of the bour- previous preparation, One of the sections of the party training course is a course in “Party History and Preblems,” instructor, William W. Weinstone. The aim of this course is highly polftical: To wrientate leading comrades for a so- ution of future problems thru a study of present and past ones. This course will seek to familiarize the membership with the origins of the Communist movement; its social- ist background; the left wimg strug- gles in the socialist movement, which are the roots of the ideology prevail- ing in the American movement. It will deal with the various groupings ‘which existed within the movement; their contributions toward the move- seoisie? Our unequivocal reply would ye: Yes! But the revolutionary founders of this country represented capitalism in its infancy.” They had the courage to fight the revolutionary battles of their day against an ignor- ant and vicious tyranny. Today, how- 2ver, that class whose supremacy they fought to establish has outlived its usefulness. From being a revolution- ary class 150 years ago, it has now be- come a bulwark of reaction, a fetter upon production, and a new class created within the process of capital- ist production itself has rose to chal- lenge it. There is a vast difference between being a representative of the revolu- tionary bourgeoisie at the close of the 18th century and a representative of the bourgeoisie in the year 1925 when ‘t can only exist by the most fright- ful despotism known to the history of mankind. It is the difference between the determined revolutionist and the tool of reaction. Coolidge by his utterances proves that he has no conception of the his- tory of the government at the head of which he stands as a puppet. So long as he is simply a megaphone for the powers that direct the executive com- mittee of the capitalist class at Wash- ington, his pathetic lack of knowledge is not revealed. But on those occa- sions when he is not under, the guid- ance of Wall Street we see the real Coolidge—a down east Yankee with grou, and the Communist Party and struggles to date—treating these struggles from the Marxist-Leninist standpoint. The course will aim to show the development of the party toward a Bolshevist party and will treat of the obstacles leading toward it and how to avercome them. In each period of the party his- tory, the problems will be taken up and discussed from the viewpoint of the Communist International. Effort will be made to relate the C. L. view- point at the various congresses with the party attitude toward such prob- lems as the party organizational structure and the federations, the le- gal and illegal organization; the unit- ed front’and labor party; trade union work; agrarian and Negro work and imperialism. No one can understand the task of bolshevization of our party without a knowledge of the party history and problems. all the amazing stupidity of that clan. | ORKER’S SCHOOL REVIEWS PARTY HISTORY IN TRAINING COMRADES FOR BIG TASK OF BOLSHEVIZATION ‘ORK, Oct. 23.—Demand for the party training course at, the New York Workers’ School is proving to be much heavier than expected and at least two groups will have to be started. Even at that, all of those applying cannot be admitted as over fifty applications have been received and only twenty-five’ will be admitted to each of the two groups. Many more applica- tions are expected. Admission will be made on the basis of activity and +-—_—_—————————_ <. dt S