The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 24, 1925, Page 7

LE IT RTE aET “The ider becomes power when it pene- trates the masses." Karl Marx. SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT SATURDAY, OCTOBER 24,.1925 amie 290 Pe nn ee THE DAILY WORKER. SECOND SECTION This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday im The Daily Worker. The A. F. of L. and International Relations By WILLIAM F. DUNNE, ARTICLE 4. we the decay of British. indus- trial and ‘financial supremacy ac- companied by the rise of the revolu- tionary consciousness in the ranks of the working class and the stabiliza- tion of German economy under the Dawes' plan, the Second Internation- al, as Zinoviev remarks, moves its headquarters back to the German speaking country. It is Wall Street and ali the im- mense power which the name signi- fies that is forcing stabilization in western Europe. It is not surprising therefore; to find that at Atlantic City the convention of the American Federation of Labor sought and found a new orientation to correspond with the new develop- ments in the field of American imper- ialist enterprise in Europe. ROM Portland to El Paso to At- lantic City the officialdom of the American trade union movement has been trying to follow. a policy consist- ent with its position as the labor agents of Wall Street. At Portland, after a year of prepar- ation, it dramatized its opposition to’ Soviet Russia, the Communist Inter- national and the growing left wing by the unseating of William F, Dunne, Communist member of the Interna- tional Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, At El Paso; the-A, F. of L. extend- _ ed its pro-imperialist front, procured the expulsion of Communists from the Mexican labor movement, debauched and betrayed that movement and turn- ed it over to its Wall. Street masters. At El Paso also was manifested the first sign of friendliness for the so- cial-democratic trade union leaders of Germany. UT it was at Atlantic City that the A. F. of L. was able to grasp clearly the world policy of Wall Street and align itself definitely with it. It is for the German reformist unions whose leaders accept and en- force the Dawes’ plan and wars on Soviet Russia that the A. F. of L. now feels a’ kinship. It is true that the re- lations are those of a stern father to an. erring son, rather than that of brotherhood, but this is beautifully consistent with the role of the A, F. of L. as the labor outpost of Ameri- can imperialism. . ; To understand the full significance of this new alignment we must re- call some of the incidents which marked the winning of American la- bor for the Morgan-Wilson-crusade to “make the ‘world safe for démocracy.” year the Germans had been a powerful influence in the American trade unions and not only a powerful influence but, with their advocacy of labor in pofitics and with some of the traditions of ’48 and '73 remaining, an influence for good. In many centers the German emigrants had been the organizers of the trade unions. With the war all this wag changed. Gompers’ latent nationalism, always inclined more to the pure and simple trade unionism of Great Britain, fitted in well with the wave of hatred aroused against the -“horrid Huns.” Everything German, including Ger- man trade unionists and German trade unionism, was cast into the outer darkness, , HERE were no more uncompromis- ing haters of the German social- democrats and their unions that the bureaucrats of the A. F. of L. The whole machinery of the unions be- came a spy-hunting agency under the direction of the department of justice and the army intelligence service and woe unto any union man with a Ger- man name who even opined that wag- es were a little too low in comparison with the mounting living costs. He was very lucky -if he eseaped lynch- ing. THIS is the first of a series of articles on the proceedings of the A. F. of L. convention, which will deal with ‘The A. F. of L. and International Relations,” ‘The A. F. of L. and the Unorganized Workers,” “The A. F. of L. and the Class Struggle,” ‘The A. F. of L. and the Left Wing,” “The A. F. of L. and’Militarism,” etc. Even after the Russian revolution and the organization of the Commun- ist Party of America had created new menaces for the valiant social-patriots in the unions to fight, the British la- bor movement remained as the apo- theosis of all that was safe, sane and Anglo-Saxon except for its aberration in the matter of a labor party. The charitable Gompers tried many times to remove this blemish by admonition and advice without heat or hatred. UT, largely because of the efforts of the British trade unions, Great Britain re¢ognized Soviet Russia. Then came the Dawes’ plan and duty called the A. F. of L. for labor among the hated Huns that the fruits of the The Entrance to the ly that world capitalism was bank- rupt.' He spoke warmly of the first workers’ and peasants’ government and stated that he was “proud of the achievements of his class in Rus- sia.” Green’s speech in reply was a deli- berate insult to the British trade unions and a wholesale condemnation in the most bitter terms of the Rus- sian revolution and the Soviet gov- ernment. The Federated Press correspondent, whose reports of the convention are marked by an effort to find something encouraging to the liberal elements while at the same time not antagoniz- ing the blackest conservative, says: “Labor” Convention So much for the reception of Pur- cell’s proposal for recognition of Sov- iet Russia. UT the final insult was reserved for his urgent plea for world trade union poe, | The Federated Press reports as follows: The proposal_°‘for world trade union unity was denounced in much the same terms as that for Russia recognition. The committees report, however, contained the interesting information that the “British work- ers have sent us a message urg- ing our sympathetic consideration of the proposal contained in this resolution.” Replying to this ap- peal, the committee ANNOUNCED A MONROE DOCTRINE FOR AMERICAN LABOR’ AGAINST “AGGRESSION BY PROP A- GANDA.” _ my iE The Pan-American Federation of Labor, continued the report, is the recognized international labor movement of the Americas. Thru it the American republics give expres- war for democracy might not be lost to Wall Street thru social revolu- tion. — The reformist leaders of Germany submitted. to. American imperialism but the British workers not only have spoken out against the Dawes’ plan, but have entered into the drive for world trade union unity, side by side with the All-Russian trade unions, to smash this slave scheme. at NCH more the duty of the A. F. of L. is plain. The’ proceedings of the Atlantic City convention leave} no doubt that cost what it may, the A, F. of L, has made a. united front against the British and Russ. trade unions and world trade union unity with the right wing of the Amster- dam International, the reformist sec- tions of the German trade unions. The treatment accorded A. A. Pur- cell, fraternal delegate from the Bri- tish Trades Union Congress and chair- man of the Amsterdam International, and the German trade union fraternal delegates, during and after the con- vention, is proof of the above state- ment, : URCELL made what is probably the most brilliant and closely rea- soned speech on the need for” world trade union ‘solidarity ever delivered at an A. F, of L.. convention. He pointed out the menace of the Dawes’ plan and the danger of néw imperial- ist wars and told the delegates plain- ECOGNITION of Russia, the proposal of the Anglo-Russian Unity Committee for a world trade union congress to arrange a plan for international labor co-operation were. . . defeated . .. And it is doubtful” if whether these left ~wing proposals have been assailed in harsher language at any previous convention . . . the report of the resolutions committee on the Russian recognition proposals, read by Matthew Woll and accepted by ° the convention, WAS A DECLARA- TION OF AGGRESSIVE ENMITY - » « “THE AMERICAN FEDERA- TION OF LABOR DECLARES ITS HOSTILITY NOT MERELY IN A DEFENSIVE MANNER, BUT IN A VITAL. AND AGGRESSIVE MAN- NER.” The next paragraph goes so far as to commend for its courage in refusing recognition the Ameri- can government whose administra- tion chiefs (Coolidge and Dawes, W. F.-D.) were opposed by labor in the 1924 campaign. William Greeh . . . spoke as emphatically against a diplomatic rapprochement with Russia as had his predecessor, Samucl. Gompers. He denounced Russian institutions as autocratic and praised American institutions as free . . . said he would fight attempts to change American institutions. (Emphasis mine, W. F. D.) sion to the aspirations and ideals of their wage earning masses and “the American people are determin- ed. that it shall so. continue. NEITHER THE RED INTERNA- TIONALE OF AUTOCRATIC MOS- COW NOR’ ANY. OTHER INTER- NATIONALE MAY IN COMPLAC. ENCY IGNORE THIS DEFINITION OF AMERICAN LABOR POLICY. (Emphasis Mine, W. F. D.) The gist of this is: “Let the Bri- tish labor movement beware! The A. F. of L. will fight all attempts to make it part ofthe world trade union movement, but it reserves the right to follow the flag of American imper- ialism whenever it leads! Brotherly resolutions on matters of vital- interest. to°'workers the world over are denounced as “aggression ‘by propaganda.” | One additional comment is needed; ‘The Pan-American Federation of Labor includes’ the United States, Mexico and Porto Rico. . It-is this ‘imperialist tool that the A. F, of L. hails as the “recognized labor movement of the Americas.” ET us turn now to the speech of Fritz Tarnow, representing the German trade union delegation, and the reception accorded him. One searches in vain in the remarks of this reformist bureaucrat whose party of the Second International pre- (Continued on page 8) Sree ——w,