The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 19, 1925, Page 13

Our Press and Re-organization UR party press has an all-import- ant part to play in the reorganiza- tion work now being undertaken in accord with the shop nucleus: basis laid down for all parties by the Com- intern and the attention which it must devote to all problems arising out of the change from the territorial to an industrial base should be con- sidered net a passing and temporary phase of development but a stage in its Bolshevization. Fundamental changes will take place in our press as a result of the change in the base of or party. The Communist press is the voice of the party and of the most conscious sec- tion of the working class, It has to give the party the lead in the tasks of reorganization and at the same time carrv without cessation to the masses the Communist program cov- ering every form of working class ac- tivity in the struggles against capital- ism. That this places a heavy burden ewpon opr press an be understood »~when--we* realize the difficulty it has already encountered in its double task of speaking officially to the party membership and at the same time acting as an agitational organ in the mass movement, Co we drop our mass campaigns for six months or a year and con- centrate on the work of party reor- ganization we would have a formal solution of the problem which would delight the right wing elements in our party. But the party that would emerge from this cloistered period would not be a Communist party nor would shop nucleus organization achieved in such a manner be any- thing but lip-service to the theory of Bolshevization—a change in party structure secured mechanically, ster- ile and meaningless. The reorganization of our party, if activities thru the shop nuclei. Watch these columns closely. it is to be an aid to and one of the methods of building a firm Bolshevik core in the American revolutionary movement, must he achieved, not by any cessation of mass activity but side by side with, as part of and as a result of intensified activity in every sector of the labor movement, On the party press rests the respon- sibility of keeping this correct idea of reorganization and the methods by which it is to be obtained before every member of the party. Upon the party membership is the duty of reading the party press more assiduously and serachingly than ever ‘before. Reorganization work will test every member and every unit of our party and only by careful apprisal and mutual study and solution of the im- portant problems that arise can suc- cess be attained, is certain that differences of opin- ion will arise—as a matter of fact Get Ready for Reorganization N yesterday’s DAILY WORKER the Organization Department an- nounced its plan to mobilize the membership for the reorganization of the party into shop nucleiand international branches. With the beginning of this campaign to reconstruct our party, a series of articles.on organizational questions is being printed in every organ of the party. Questions and problems confronting our mem- bers in the rebuilding of the party will be answered and analyzed in the DAILY WORKER by Comrade Jay Lovestone, head of the Organ- ization Department, and other party members. The DAILY WORKER has also established a special section for the Organization Department. in this section there is being printed ar- ticles on the progress of the organization campaign, the experiences of the comrades in the work . of organization, and letters and reports from comrades giving their experiences in carrying on the party’s These articies will be Mving articles, and of intense interest. they have already arisen—over details of reorganization and the role of the party during the reorganization period. In the press there must be the fullest discussion of these prob- lems—but not in the spirit of separat- ing these problems from the revolu- tionary tasks of the party as the ad- vance guard of the whole working class. Our press must urge and the membership must respond with arti- cles giving the detailed experiences encountered in this stage of our de- velopment always “in the light of ad- justing our party as rapidly as pos- sible to the tasks which it must carry out. How strong is the idea of shop nuclei reorganization as a mere structural change in our party. I do not know but that it exists to some extent is evident. Our press must combat this wrong conception in such a manner that it dies for lack of nu- By William F. Dunne trition—and speedily. The shop nuc- leus as the unit of our party gives us an efficient organizationatbase from which to carry on our Communist work but just as important is the complete proletarianization of our party that will result—not only by the elimination of non-working class ele- ments but by the closer contact with and understanding of the needs and thoughts of the masses, the complete orientation of our party towards in- dustry and the industrial workers as the only sound basis for a Communist party. What are the conclusions from the above? They are: (1) That our press dur- ing the period of reorganization must keep the attention of the party fixed on the mass movement to a higher de- gree than ever in order that od in- ternal problems, important as they are for the future of our party, may not overshadow the need for constant par- ticipation in every struggle of the workers and thereby defeat the real purpose of shop nuclei reorganization, (2) That our press must devote the greatest attention to the reorgan- ization campaign itself and keep the membership fully informed on all its political and organizational implica- tions. (3) That our press must take the lead in stimulating the whole party to disciplined and continuous en- deavor in reconstructing our party by discussion of all problems encounter- ed. Especially must it concentrate on securing and publishing the experi- ences of the field workers who en- counter the reorganization problems not as academic propositions which can be solved theoretically but who must solve internal party problems as part of the whole work of our party as a section of the Communist International—a living organism which must fight to live and fulfill its revolutionary role. British Labor Movement and Imperialism By @. ALL ALLISON One of the oustanding features of the British working class movement, which is only now being rapidly Mqui- dated, is its exceptionally nationalist outlook. It is true that both in the political and economic spheres British labor long before the war participated in international labor conferences. It did so, however, always with some re- serve, always with the feeling that we were different, higher, more advanced. The role of British imperialism in world politics goes a long way towards explaining this fact. Before the war, except for occasional crises, the em- pire was able to carry on its ramifica- tions with little serious interrrup- tions. Thru the medium of intensive colonial exploitation, the home em- ployers were able to reduce the dis- ‘content ‘of the British workers to a minimum. The labor movement both amongst the masses and in leading cir- cles accommodated itself to this con- venient arrangement. With the ex- ception of the most radical sections British labor was unmindful of the conditions that prevailed on the con- tinent, in the colonies, or elsewhere so long as fairly tolerable conditions could be abtained at home, U. S. Enslaved Europe. The post-war situation is entirely different. America has emerged as the supreme imperialistic power! She has adopted Canada, enslaved Eu- rope, and is now casting covetous eyes at another cherished British do- minion—Australia. Britain on the other hand, has been forced to turn more than ever to -her colonies and mandated territor- ies. Egypt, India, Mesopotamia, and now China have all felt the extra pres- Soviet Russia, but even when it was deemed advisable to cease open hos- tilities and when Russia was still en- gaged in deadly conflict with the “Whites” Britain established herself firmly in Mesopotamia, Persia, and the Baltic states. Britain’s Real Policy. For quite a time thereafter the real attitude of British imperialism towards Soviet Russia has been apparent. Thru the trade agreement and later thru the activities of the labor gov- ernment it was fairly obvious that Britain was prepared, at least, to Tol- erate the existence of the U. S. S. R. and it is only, now that the real policy again shows itself, Among the real representatives of British imperialism there is no confus- ion. Their aim is not only to safe- guard the colonies, but is directed against the very existence of the workers’ republic. Thru gross misrep- resentation and acts of provocation the support for Russia in Britain is reduced to a minimum and “border hostilities” pitch. On the other hand we see assembled the supposed “friends” of Soviet Rus- sia. This group which includes within it a wide circle varying from promi- nent conservatives to supposed left wing trade union leaders aim at a more friendly attitude towards So- viet Russia; closer relations and a trading agreement. Fundamentally these two groups are in complete agreement. The “die hards” quite openly recognize and declare their hostility to Russia, and see in her overthrow the stabilization of the em- maintained at highest sure of British imperialism resulting | pire. from the American conquest. But there is still a greater menace. The new Russia represents not only boundary beyond which the fron- tiers of the British empire cannot ex- tend, in addition, she is looked upon as a positive danger to the empire as it stands, The policy adopted by the ruling The Reason for Sympathy. The “sympathetic” groups imagine they see in Soviet Russia, a means of temporarily dealing with the serious etonomic situation in Britain, reviving British industry and simultaneously stabilizing the empire and liquidating all the dangerous tendencies at home. This idea is clearly portrayed in the Li class in view of all these events was a far-seeing one. Not only did she ns part in the general attack on attitude of the reactionary leadership in the British labor movement. The war against the Communist Party and the National Minority Movement is continuing as relentless as ever, but some of these same leaders let the secret out by explaining how “illogi- caf” it is to advocate a trade agree- ment with Soviet Russia and at the same time to refuse as trade unionists to join hands with the Russian unions. If further proof is required, the re- cent happenings in China provides it. Similar Attitude. Despite the authentic information supplied by the labor press and even its own organ. the Executive Com- mittee of the labor party decided to take no definite steps until more news on the “causes” of the Chinese rising was available and even when the situation was the subject of dis- cussion in the house of commons we find practically no difference between the attitude of the labor party and the cabinet. Both MacDonald and Trevel- yan, the labor party spokesman, main- tained that the duties of the govern- ment were first to safeguard the Brit- ish lives in China, and then, in con- junction with the other interested im- perialist powers, to establish a com- mission of inquiry to investigate the causes of the uprising. In other words the leaders of the labor party endorsed the aggressive policy of Britain in China and pleaded for a more scientific and less brutal form of exploiting. Chamberlain himself can wish for nothing more. Hence we see that in actual prac- tice the policy of the labor party is purely imperialist. It is but a short step from where it now stands to openly supporting an aggressive pol- icy against the U. S. S. R. Putting a Leading Question. These facts present the Communist Party and the Minority Movement with their most important task. To the left wing in the trade unions we must say: Are you supporting in- ternational trade union unity for the purpose of solidifying the proletarian forces for the international class struggle, or are you sheltering behind a popular slogan to hide your imperi- alist intentions? To the left wing in the labor party we must say: Are you for the empire or for the masses it subjects and exploits? Only by this means can we have a clear estima- tion of our forces. We know where the masses stand. Under no eircum- stances will they allow fresh attacks on Soviet Russia, but thru the treach- ery of its chosen leaders the British working class may find itself tacitly supporting war against’ Russia, en- .£aged in by the buffer states but en- gineered and supported by British ijm- perialism, Consequently our task is clear. In fighting against the dangers of im- perialist onslaughts on Soviet- Russia, we have to insure that mass opinion finds organized expression, and that all the imperialist tendencies within our movement are left behind. Only then can we feel sure that Russia is immune from the covetous hand of British imperialism. The DAILY WORKER gub- seription list is a Communist honor roll. Is your name on it? “NA BOYKOM MIESTE” PRESENTED TONIGHT AT WORKERS’ HOUSE The Russian theater season will be opened formally this Saturday, Sept. 19, at 8 p. m., at the Workers’ House, 1902 W. Division St. Under the leadership of the Russian actor L. Luganov, and with the participa- tion of the Russian actresses Aza Namgova, Moiseyenko and others, the play “Na Boykom Mieste” by Ostrowski will be presented, It is expected that the play will draw a big crowd,’ The library of the Workers’ House ie now receiving magazines from Soviet Russia, also books pub- lished recently in Russia,