The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 22, 1925, Page 13

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By Comrade Nikolayeva of the Rus- sian Communist Party. February revolution, when our party. was no longer obliged to work -illegal- ly, but was able to go forward to real mass work, the party activity in the women’s circles changéd in character, and was also enabled to advance more and more to mass work. The small circles in the separate factories were now replaced by large groups of women workers, connecting the different workshops. and depart- ments with the masses of proletarian women. The Central Committee of our party received further aid thru the affiliation of a special commission for conferring on the work to be done among the women. This commission formed at the same time the. editorial staff of the periodical Rabotnitza. It organized the work among the wom- en, and ensured its being carried on under the leadership of the party. At the same time this commission was complemented by Communist women workers working in the factories and districts. Women Workers’ Meetings. Besides the general factory meet- ings, special women workers’ meet- ings were systematically organized by the groups of active women workers, under the leattership of the nucleus. At first the general mass of working women in the undertakings in ques- tion did not attend these meetings, but after a while, hand in hand with the development of our agitation, and with the increased organization of the active elements amonz the non-party women workers around our party, more and more women participated. The working women, thus becoming accustomed to the women workers’ mass meetings, now began to attend other meetings, bearing a politically fighting character. Thus for instance in July, 1917, when the party was again forced into illegal activity, nightly meetings were arranged in the name of the Rabotnitza, the sole Bol- shevist press organ left. existing, for the purpose of enlightening the mass- es on the meaning of the events in July, and on the treacheron3 role played by the mensheviki. We sent special groups of working women to the meetings called by the mensheviki, to expose the true nature of the menshevist activity. Here we achieved positive results. We pro- ceeded in the same manner at the meetings convocated by the “League for Women’s Rights.” At this ime there was a mighty inctease in the publication of leaflets, posters and other propagandist literature. We de- voted special attention to our periodi- cal, and its circulation increased rap- idly. We may claim that the whole of this work was eminently successful. The working women participated in enormous numbers in the street dem- onstrations in Leningrad on April 21, 1917, and in the June demonstrations. The preparatory work was carried forward not only by the party mem- The active elements among the non- party working women werc organized in such manner that circles were formed for the working women in the workshops and factories, by women comrades closely conneci»1 with tre various shops, departments, etc. Under the rule of the capitalist or- der, this form of work was the ori- ginal form of the delegates’ meeting. But since it was not possible at that time to hold delegates’ elections in the factories, these circles were 80 erganized as to permit the party nu- clei to exercise influence over the marses of working women. Nucleus Recruiting Center. The circle was. conducted under the leadership of the nucleus, it served to maintain communication between the nuclets and the masses of women workers, it was the recruiting qenter for gathering together more and more working women. The existence of such circles in the factories naturally led to Systematic meetings among their organizers, to consistent and systematically conducted work. Besides this, common meetings of all circles were held from time to time, in order that reports might be heard, a rapproachment made possible between the working women employ- ed in different undertakings, the feel- ing of solidarity encouraged, and the members of the circles (and with: these the broader masses of working women) revolutionized. The organization of working women correspondents organized by the peri- odical MRabotnitza (The Working Woman), an organ published by the Central Committee of the Russian C. P., attained a position of great im- portance in our sphere of activity, not only for our agitation and propaganda but at the same time for the organ- ization of the masses of working wom- ene: The. working women immediately connected: with the factories and with the editorial staff of our newspaper were successful in gathering the mass- es of non-party working women around our paper; this they attained by pub- lishing notices, articles, and poems sent in by the working women, and by calling upon the women to support their own press organ. By means of these measures, aided by the trade unions, the educational organizations and the workers’ clubs, We were able to so organize and rev- olutionize the working women under the leadership of the party that the women have taken part in the strikes, and in the revolutionary actions en- tered into by the working class. A REPLY TO WOLFE’S UNCRIIGAL “CRITIQUE” (Continued from page 6) ency to monopolize everything and thus to destroy the native bourgeoisie. The revolt against this is, as Wolfe says, a basis for the national libera- tion movements in the colonial coun- tries. But side by side with this tend- to ask how they could best prepare for the coming demonstrations, — Influence Soldiers. the fundamental contradictions of im- perialist capitalism. Wolfe’s failure to comprehend it leads him into the absurdly extravagant statements of : : ; : i af : i | : fs 5 E i Eg i : F FF ith ae | egk8 i g® at ‘Work of the Russian Communist Party Among Women In the time during and after the ] ward masses of working women. The party had frequently passed: resolu- tions, at its congresses, to the effect that the organization of the broad masses of working women is one of the tasks incumbent on the whole party, and the party committees were thus induced to pay special attention to this sphere of work. Now that the party had extended its influence to certain strata of the non-party working women, it became necessary to convyocate conferences, first among the non-party women workers and later among the non- party women workers and peasants. The first of these conferences of non-party women workers took Place tm Petrograd before’ the October revolution. About 800 delegates were present, represent- ing 80,000 working women. The con- ference declared its completely solid- arity with the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviki) in its struggle for the power of the Soviets. " ‘This conference was followed by a number of similar ones in all the in- dustrial cities and districts of Rus- sia. They proved of enormous organ- izational significance. The October revolution faced us with the neces- sity of perfecting these forms of ac- tivity, in order to reach the greatest number of working women in every branch of industry, and to organize at the same time the womén peasants and other strata of working women. Work Expands. The departments already existing for work among the women were now developed into integral parts of the party apparatus, employing paid com- rades. Up to this time, in the first and second working periods, none of the comrades carrying cn this work were paid, except the comrade re- spensible for editing the newspaper. The whole of the members of the low- er party apparatus performed their work for nothing, as a part of their duty as members of the party. ‘Now, ‘however, a central apparatus was formed and affiliated to the Central Party Committee, and special organs were provided for the lower party or- ganizations. Every factory nucleus, and every Volost nucleus (rural dis- trict cell) appointed a special organ- izer for work among the women work- ers and peasants, and among the wom- en of the other strata of the popula- tion. In every factory and village delegates’ meetings of working and peasant women were organized, the delegates being however no longer volunteers, but elected. Systematic conferences were now held among the women organizers, and the question of training suitabie comrades for this work arose. Work among the women could now be car- ried on in complete harmony with the tasks confronting the party and the Soviet power. Active in Red Army. Thus for instance the working and Peasant women aided the Red Army during the civil War, took part in the Sappers’ work, organized ambulance divisions, participated in the defense of towns, and performed every pos- -}Sible description of work. The actual participation of working and Peasant women in the building up of the state became a reality. 40,000 Peasant women became members of the vil- lage Soviets, thousands of working women worked in the city Soviets. Many hundreds of working and peas- ant women distinguished themselves not only in the civil war, but in every kind of civil service. Even the work- ing women of the East, enslaved and suppressed for centuries, brought forth from their midst a considerable Millions of working and peasant women are represented by hundreds of thousands of women’s delegates. The organized cadres of working and peasant women gathered around the Communist Party grow from year to year. The number of our women party members grows in proportion. The development of the institutions actuating the emancipation of work- ing women, the abolition of illiteracy and the uplift of the cultural and pol- itical level uf the broad masses of the working and peasant women, are win- ning millions of these women for the social and political life of our coun- try, and for the constructive work of the Union of Soviet Republics. In this sphere of work the party is following faithfully in the footsteps of Lenin. AN UNLENINIST ANALYSIS OF IMPERIALISM (Continued from page 2) unwittingly creates a native bour- geoisie On the contrary, it tends to destroy it. Again Gomez is confusing the export of commodities with the ex- port of capital. Again the economic error implies a grave political one. If the export of capital creates a na- tive bourgeoisie, then such native bourgeoisie should welcome imperial- ism and its gifts. But the export of capital destroys the native bourgeoisie by competition, by absorption, by mon- opoly concessions and by use of force—precisely for this reason, the native bourgeoisie fights against im- perialism and is a potential ally in the struggle for national liberation which gives the proletariat its allies in the struggle with finance-imperial- ist capitalism. Who does not understand the eco- nomic fact in question will not under- stand the political corrolary expressed in the theses on imperialism of the Co- mintern and will not be able to util- ize, as we must and can, the national bourgeois revolutionary movements 4s partial allies in the struggle against capitalist imperialism, the final stage of capitalism. | John Lassen | ' By SIMON FELSHIN,” ‘°° There was none gentler— With a pleasantry in the last hour. He fought to breathe, But with so slight a frame He lost to death. He wished so little for himself, And yet he was thwarted— That is the way of the world. His pen was a weapon Against all the oppressors. Though slight of frame He shunned to rest. Even a little rest From the heaviest tasks. He was a fighter— One who does not surrender Nor even falter. He fought in two continents, For which he was tracked By all the oppressors. His pen was not for sale. Self was forgotten i For the holy cause j Of all the oppressed. i Japanese Textile Workers Slow Up As Blacklist Protest \ i 1 NEW YORK, Aug. 21,—-Textile trade | reports from Kobe, Japan, state that { woolen textile workers of Nippon { Keori Kaisha at Kakogtwa, Harima | | Province, are slowing up production | | because of the employers’ discrimina- { tion against strike leaders who were ) active in the April fight. \ The strike wag over the attempted introduction of a “profit-sharing” scheme by the management, ‘The strike on the job by slowing up work is continuing because the company refused to take back strike leaders prosecuted in the Himeji court altho the workers were not convicted and despite previous promises of the em- ployers that all workers would be | restored their jobs, LL \

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