The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 23, 1924, Page 6

fed Page Six "THE Usd cibt pee Bea Friday, May 23, 1924 THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 month By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2. montus —<—<—$=$ $$$ $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Iinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE) “" MORITZ J. LOEB. ..Bditors ...Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. ee 290 Advertising rates on application. Taking Morgan’s Orders The victors of the “Socialist bloc,” who won the recent elections in France, have been notified by the defeated Poincare-that the French people do not rule their own country. With the elections over, Herriot and Painleve, leaders of the new majority, have been summoned to the Elysees Palace and told that the real ruler of France is none aan than J. Pierpont Morgan, of Wall Street, U. A, The seabice of the DAILY WORKER have known this right along. The high sounding phrases uttered by the spokesmen of the French “Socialist bloc” would indicate that they were at léast trying to hide this fact, just as the “Socialist” Ebert, in Germany, and the “labor” premier, Mac- Donald, in England, try to hide the fact that capitalism still rules in these two countries. -Tke monarchy may have disappeared in France, but the republic that now exists is a capitalist republic of bankers, landlords and big capitalists, not.a republic of workers and farmers. And as such it is ruled by the Almighty American Dollar that holds its sway over the enslaved peoples of the world. The government of the “Socialist bloc” in France will not be able to achieve anything lasting for the workers and farmers of that country. All it’can do is to teach the French masses that their only hope lies in their own workers’ and farmers’ rule. That lesson will drive the millions toward Communism and a labor triumph, the victory that is rapidly approaching in Germany, that has al- ready been won in Soviet Russia. Then Morgan’s orders will fall on deaf ears. An Epoch-making Convention The thirteenth Congress of the Communist Party of Soviet Russia starts Friday. Numerous mo- Mentous questions confront the delegates to this: congress of the greatest political party in the world. This is the first convention of the Russian Com- munists without Lenin. This is the first time that the strongest party of the Communist Internation- al is gathering without the presence of its teacher, theoretician and leader. But.despite the fact that Lenin will no longer be present in person at this gathering, the spirit and heritage of the leader of the world proletarian revolution will unquestion- ably be impressively left thruout the sessions. ~-It-was under Lenin’s leadership that the Russian Communist Party grew to its present strength and international influence. It was the pursuit of the Lenin policies that enabled the Russian Commun- ist Party to win political power in a country in- habited by 130 million people and covering the largest contiguous area within the realms of one nation in the world. ‘The working masses of the world, the exploited and dispossessed farmers of every country, have a vital interest in this convention and its decisions. Not only does the Russian Communist Party shape the policies and destinies of the first Workers’ and Farmers’ Soviet Republic but it is also the leading section of the Communist International in which are found the most aggressive, class-conscious pro- letarian and peasant masses of every land. As Communists, as those who have no interests other than those of the working class, we are espe- cially concerned with the deliberations and actions of this Party of the Russian masses. We have every reason on earth to look forward to this convention proving of as great service to the workers of the world as have all its previous gatherings. Everywhere the class lines are be- coming more distinct, everywhere the conflict be- tween the employing class and the working class is taking on increasing intensity, and everywhere the workers and poor farmers will draw inspiring lessons from the congress of the Russian Commun- ist Party which has proved its mettle, weathered fiercest of storms, and vanquished its enemies the political, military and economic battlefields. Harmless Radicals ah The overthrow of Poincare in the recent French ctions and the probable ascendency of Herriot re occasioned a flood of talk about a swing to left in European politics. We do not deny that outcome of the French and German elections cate,a swing to the left. But in so far as 2 has been any genuine swing to the left it is + measured solely by the increased strength of ‘oldlidaniats in both countries. }-experience of the working masses of every ty with every stripe of capitalist or middle progressive has brought out one truth that hallengeable. Whether these “radicals” be Krench, German, American or Japanese, charged with the state powers they they forget about their pro- a of the big capitalist interests on all important questions. Thus the reputed “radical” Socialist leader, Her- riot, after a conference with the militarist Poin- care has promised to behave. The Morgan-French assurance it has received from the Herriot-Painleve group that the new government will not disturb the supremacy of the banking interests in France. Even the oft repeated promise of Herriot to work for the recognition of Soviet Russia, an issue which has enabled him to win considerable support among the working masses of France, is now being shoved into the back-ground. The situation in England is fundameitally simi- lar. The budget proposed by the Socialist, Snow- den, has met with extensive approyal in the circles of British high finance. It was this budget in particular and the moderate behavior of the Labor government in general that has inspired Sir Guy Granet, senior London partner, of the American banking firm, Lee Higginson & Co., and one of the most powerful rail magnates in England, to praise the Labor government officials for “following the right ideals” and manifesting “firmness and_ de- cision” in the treatment of India. This banker ac- corded special praise to the MacDonald govern- ment for having abolished the corporation profit tax.. The preceeding two reactionary governments which were openly hostile to labor did not dare take this step. The moral to be drawn from the above experi- ence of the French and English workers is that the working and farming classes should never put any faith in the numerous capitalist “progressives” who séek political leadership of the laboring mas- ses thru mouthing so-called radical phrases. Strategy or Stratagem? The reply of the executive secretary of the So- cialist Party to the request addressed it by the Workers Party for its severing all relations with the Cleveland Conference for ‘Progressive Political Action and. joining hands with the Farmer-Labor Minnesota Convention of June 17th, purports to inform the reader that “while the National Office of the Socialist Party has had indirect information of the St. Paul convention, it has had no official communication whatever respecting it.” “Then the answer goes on to ask whether the Workers Party has “the authority to invite our participation, and, if so, is the letter which you have submitted to be considered as a formal invita- tion?” The above points indicate the use of the poorest sort of strategy or the resort to unvarnished stra- tagem by the Socialist Party in negotiations over a question which involves the cardinal interests of millions of workers and farmers. The call of the committee charged with organizing the June 17th farmer-labor convention, a call addressed to every labor and farmer organization in the coun- try, was given the widest possible publicity in the general press. In attempting to misrepresent the St. Paul convention and its objectives, the enemies of the working and farming masses gave it some of the publicity it needs. The Socialist Party cannot seriously ask us to believe that the call which was sent to many hun- dreds of labor and farmers’ organizations thruout the country did not reach it. Certainly the Social- ist Party has had ample opportunity to get the Farmer-Labor Minnesota convention call. , Surely the Socialist Party does not expect the ‘Workers and farmers of the country to accept that a8 the reason for its having failed to act up to this mo- ment on this momentous question put to the work- ing and farming classes by the conditions at hand. The fact of the matter is that the Socialist Party has kept a watchful eye on and has been in strict touch with all the developments ‘culminating in the issuance of the St. Paul call. But from here we go to an even worse attempt on the part of the Socialist Party. The question as to the Workers Party having a right to issue in- vitations to the farmer labor convention is either wretched strategy or that type of stratagem so oft employed by the high-priced corporation 1a’ in expensive court litigation. The Socialist Party has always known that the} Workers Party never had and does not haye the power to issue such invitations. The Socialist Party has always known that a special committee con- sisting of the delegated representatives of various labor-farmer groups having a mass following con; siderably in excess of the its own was the only body authorized to extend such invitations. This inference on the part of the Socialist Party ap- pears to carry with it a rebuke to the St. Paul con- vention because of the fact that the Workers (Com- munist) Party will be represented there. It is precisely such arguments that the open-shoppers, the sworn enemies of the working class are making today against the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Move- ment and against the discontented agrarian masece of the Northwest. Indeed, the task of Communist-hunting, ved-bait- g, is not the best task that an organization an- nouncing its working class character, can assume for itself, particularly at this hour when every ounce of energy and effort should be invested in uniting the workingmen and poor farmers into a virile national class farmer-labor party. Lewis had his laugh last winter’ in Indianapolis. Howat came back this week with his laugh at Peoria, Illinois. “He who laughs last, laughs best,” is an old saying that is very apropos. Join the Workers Party and subscribe for the DAILY WORKER. Join the ranks of the liberators in the American Communist movement, ia “ finance combine now feels relieved because of the Where Does La Follette Stand? « By ISRAEL AMTER. merica faces a revolution,” de- clared Magnus Johnson when campaigning, for election to the Unit- ed States Senate. The propaganda was effective among the farmers and workers of Minnesota and Magnus Johnson was elected. Johnson assured his electors that he would make a great noise at Wash- ington, and that he would roar with the loudest of the progressives. But Johnson's roaring has all been of milk: smooth and sweet, as it comes from the cow. Johnson does not think of the revolution any more— although the situation of the farmers has become worse, with no prospect of betterment. La Follette, on the other hand, has been roaring in the Senate for many years. He struck a brilliant note when the Teapot Dome scandal was brought on the scene. Here he was able to shine; the republican party was being completely discredited and La Follette could begin to hope that the fragments of the party would be gathered up in a new party with him- self as the leader and spokesman. But history is not made up of scan- dals; it is the product of sterner forc- es, the scandals, merely showing the rottenness of the prevailing system. La Follette has pricked the surface of the powerful forces that run the government and has made attempts to uncover them. Is it because he cannot go any further or that he dare not go too far, for fear that the work- ers and farmers will learn TOO much of tne system and its methods? Both hypotheses are possible. La Follette has had to deal with the present rulers of society; he has been compelled to take a stand many a time. His refusal to approve the war, his militant defiance of the war mania showed that, at least, he had the back- bone of a man with convictions. That was glory enough to carry him along for a long time. His fight against the railway trust was a good one, and perhaps he believed and still believes that he will be able peacefully to con- quer that trust and the many others that govern the United States. That is his illusion and the illusion of the many millions of workers and farm- ers of the United States who under- stand little of the political forces fighting for control. “8 The workers of the country have awakened somewhat to the nature of the power that confronts them on ey- ery side. Although they may not be able to make a synthesis of events under a democratic (capitalist) re- gime and succeeding events under a republican (capitalist) regime and thus arrive at the conelusign that something generally is wrong with the whole capitalist regime and sys- tem, still for the past five years at least they have begun to believe that the employers, manufacturers and financial magnates have entirely too much control of government. Hence they have begun to think in terms of political action by the workers. Need- less to enumerate the trade unions that have gone on record in favor of a labor party—even though such expressions of opinion have been systematically sabotaged by the trade union officialdom. Needless to men- tion the trade union locals which responded to the referendum of the Trade Union Educational League on the question of a Labor Party, and the great number which never received the referendum because of the oppo- sition of the local secretary of the ‘By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN. Bush Conservatory orchestral con- certs concluded for this season at Or- hestra Hall last Tuesday night. The concert opened with two excerpts m.the opera “Der Freischuetz,” (The Freeshooter) by Weber. The overture, with its romantic horn solo and its mysterious, magical passages, was followed by an aria that was bril- liant and colorful, and excellently sung by Helen Smith of the conserva- ‘Olga Eitner, a pupil of Richard Czerwonky, director of the orchestra, played the first movement of the Men- delssohn violin concerto. The tempo direction of the movement, allegro molto appassionato, (fast, and much impassioned) describes the character |’ of the music well. Miss er’s first appearance at Orchestra Hall was also with the Buch orchestra, when union. Though the movement ‘for a Labor Party is not universal. among the American working class, the more awake, virile — sections. favor it— despite their- knowing that it cannot succeed at the first election, and their wish to have voted for the winning party at each single election. ee The farmer, on the other hand, is up against the capitalist on all sides. He is literally crushed: by the. trusts and the banks, and every attempt to get legislation in his favor has.met with a rebuff both from the Demo- cratic and the Republican goyern- ment. As a consequence, he has naturally turned to politcal action and the many movements in the past thirty years indicate his determi- nation to do some things, for himself. Hence we find in the movement throughout the middle and far west that the farmers are going into the movement by the tens of thousands. But an even more significant pheno- menon is manifest today. Whereas in former times, the farmers had their distinct movements and were little inclined to cooperate with the work- ers, the attacks of the trust.and the feeling of common suffering, are uniting them with the workers. Move- ments like the Non-partisan League are doomed in America. Their place is being taken by the farmer-labor movement—a movement of revolt against the trusts—the enslavers of the workers. and the farmers. It is a groping revolt, not the product of consciousness—and surely bereft of all understanding that behind the trust and big capital is the GOVERN- MENT, representative of wealth and power. The making and unmaking of laws, the issuing of injunctions, the ig- noring of the sufferings of the farm- ers deliberately’ and savagely by the gevernment, haye fastened the eyes of the workers and farmers on Wash- ington. Senators and representatives have been sent to Congress and presumably have put up a militant fight particularly in behalf of the farmers. They are few in number, and only a fortuitous situation has placed them in the position of power; the balance that they wield thay have exercised with great shrewdness and acumen. The movement, however, that has placed them in Congress, and the sufferings and the movement that they ostensibly represent are far stronger than the group itself. The revolt of the farmer is clear, for it is based.on the economic condition of the farmer. The revolt of the work- er is more vague, for economically he has not yet felt a great pinch and he feels only the pressure of the law —particularly of the injunction, which he tries to evade. * es @ The movement is just taking form; it is impelled by economic motives and by the fact that this is-an election year. At least four million workers and farmers have openly expressed their will to undertake independent political action. These workers and farmers are more or less clear on the proposition. The more militant and nearly class-conscious’ of them are for the immediate formation of a farmer-labor party; the others express it in a less distinct form.’ The petty-bourgeoisie, professionals and liberals, who suffered during the war and have not recovered, are seek- ing redress in some form or other. They are totally unorganized and filled with the same democratic illusion that a “good” government will give proper attention to their situation. The Progressive: group in Congress are well aware of this situation. They have been the expression of it and have helped to crystallize it. The power they have wielded in. Congress has. helped. to organize it. The po- litically unconscious and semi-consci- ous groups have been encouraged in their organization plans and are be- ginning to seek power. The organized workers have’ looked’ to the Prog- ressives, to take the ‘lead of the movement; ‘the organized and un- organized farmers have regarded the Progressives as their spokesmen. La Follette knows it; Brookhart knows it; Shipstead and. Norris know it. Why have they not acted? They have‘ not acted because they are too weak, too cowardly to take a definite stand on these burning questions. They are waiting to see what the Republican convention will do; they wish to see what forces they will have behind them before they split. They do not regard themselves as PART of the movement, but mere- ly as its leaders. But they are wary leader's not venturing the fight till the army, demonstrates its strength. This stand'is plausible; LaFollette, Johnson, Shipstead, Brookhart, and the others ARE NOT PART OF THE MOVEMENT.: Their interests are not bound up with ‘it, They: do not share the sufferings of the workers and exploited farmers. They are plain politicians attempting to capitalize these sufferings and build a move- ment for themselves. It is highest time to talk to these gentlemen, The workers and ex- ploited farmers. must demand to know where these people stand. Are they willing .to line up with the workers and .poor farmers IRREVOCABLY against the big capitalists? Are they willing to throw in their lot against the government of the capitalists? Are they willing to become a part of the coming Farmer Labor Party, submitting to its control? They have already clearly demonstrated’ their stand: THEY REFUSE TO LEAVE THE RE- PUBLICAN PARTY. They are dick- ering with the Republican generals about candidates and platform; either a “liberal,” “progressive” program to fool the masses, or a “progressive” candidate. This will keep the Re- publican party intact and ‘ensure victory at- the. polls. se ® Is this what the workers and ex: ploited farmers want? Are they not aiming at the formation of a Farmer Labor - Party? Can the Republican Party of Wall Street be made an instrument ofthe workers and poor farmers? THE ANSWER IS CLEAR- LY AND EMPHATICALLY NO! A farmer Labor Party must be formed, and these would-be leaders must be told to remain where their interests place them, viz., in the ranks of the capitalists. They are betraying the movement now when it is seeking leadership; they will betray it later when: it.is:moving to power. Have the workers’ and farmers not. been sufficiently betrayed in the land of “democracy” for them:to have learned that this new movement dare not be trifled -with?. Or must they pass through’ one treason after the other before they will wake up? The answer must be giver to the Progressive group—to LaFollette, Shipstead, Brookhart’ and all: others— not after the Republican convention, but NOW. Too much time has already been lost. The workers: and poor farmers can organize, build ‘and run their party themselves. Ea eee RATERE she played the Chaykovski. concerto, a year and a half ago, and she has im- proved much since then. She has won the most important prize offered vio- lin students in Chicago,.the contest of the Society of American Musicians, which brought her a solo appearance with the Chicago Symphony. A beau- tiful tone, interpretation and technic are hers. Following the long and religious prelude to Lohengrin, Robert Sanders, a young student of composition at Bush, directed the first. performance of two of his works for orchestra, a scherzo and a short tone poem called, “Carneval.” Both his directing and his composition showed. skill and. in- genuity.. The “Carneval” especially, in ultra-modern idiom and -well, or- chestrated, won the approval of San- ders’ hearers. Harold Triggs, pianist and cymbal: player, played the first movement of the Beethoven “Emperor” concerto for ptanoforte. It is a typically class- ic work, and played with understand- ing of the classic spirit. “1812” Overture. The concert closed with Chaykov- ski's old, warhorse, the overture, “1812,” written to celebrate an anni- versary of Napoleon’s defeat at Mos- ‘cow in 1812. It was originally writ- ten as an open air piece, for sym- phony orchestra, military band and cannon. - When played as a symphon- ic work the band part, is played on an organ, and, as last Tuesday even- ing, the cannon. part is sometimes omitted. .The work isa- grandiose fabric of Russian folksongs, in which the first few bars of the Marseillaise are constantly repeated, but always drowned out, At the end the Tsarist Russian hymn is solemnly brought in. The work is a pure show-off piece, and not ‘to be compared in musical value with’ the same composer's sym- phonies. So the Bush Orchestra season ‘closed in a clamor of much sound. Making Good a Horrible Threat--Almost By J. >. BENTALL. | aad some decades now the Duluth wnenige worth while, Tribune nas threatened practically stretch their legs, orthodoxy of Leach- Van Lear who is If Leach had kept still‘ or said |one of the prettiest traitors of labor have been well. on the open prairies of the Mississi; the whole world that it Would some “ pi Valley and declares that “It w! day say something that had almost lhe my sacred duty to see that every a rational idea in it. In this it is not much unlike the Chicago Tribune. Only, our Duluth Trib has shinned | up its threat and almost made good. It is an evetit in American history, almost epoch marking. Great movements do not stir small brains, so it was up to George B. all wouldjon exhibition in the western hemi- But he comes out | sphere. \ Anybody but a hardened Bolshevik must sympathize with the Tribune. ‘This wholly common and outworn man and woman who works shall not pledge ‘given ‘to labor by every repub- only have a living wage but a saving |}ican candidate since Jonah swal- wage—to that they are entitled. Can you beat that? lowed that whale of a fake seems to be the only exciting phenomenon in: Can. you blame the Trib for going the life of our unworthy contempo- 1 |into hysterics? It is almost rank Communism a Leach, present erly? of Minneapolis, | smells it. ito file for governor thus inspire the tiny ‘Trib's cranium to rub t sown brielic Van’ Lear who: vouchss ot Minnesota and| And this from ai condidnlp on: the in the |republican ticket, hdggoveibec by Ga- | for the rary, a8 Brisbane would say. the wae , however. There was er of Leach. He added also provide “capital we dre sede to a AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O'FLAHERTY An English artist painted a por: trait of His Majesty King George, which is not at all flattering to the head of the British Empire. The worst of it is that the portrait can be seen by anybody curious enough to visit the Royal Academy in London, where it is on exhibition. The British Fascisti and the Tories believe it should not be viewed by any loyal subject from the Dominions, tho na- tive Britons could perhaps, look upon it without danger to His Majesty’s in- terests. The trouble is that the paint- ing puts the head of a weakling on the shoulders of the king. ** # Other admirers of: the royal family even go farther and describe the painted head in more severe terms. In justice to the king, it should be stated that George dia not sit for the picture, and Sims, the artist, is al- leged to have drawn somewhat freely on his imagination while doing the job. What the Tories fear most is, {that the rather unnecessary look on His Majesty's face as represented’ or misrepresented by the artist. cannot make a very favorable impression on the thousands of colonials who are in London for the British Empire Expo- sition. They may get the idea that) His Majesty's head is full of empti- ness if not worse. ae William Gibbs McAdoo is recog- nized as the favorite son of the Ku Kluz Klan for the presidency on th? Democratic ticket. This secret en- dorsement is not liable to bring Wil- son’s heir any enthusiastic support from the hard boiled Catholics from New York to San Pedro, Calif. Me- Adoo, like a good politician, does ‘not want to lose Klan support, neither does he wish to antagonize the Catho- lic vote which will be cast for him provided he gets out of Madison Square Garden with the nomination. His campaign manager issued a state- ment on the Klan issue which is a marvel of evasion. He simply declares that he favors free speech, freedom of religious worship andthe right of free assembly. Even the Klan claims to believe in the first amendment to the Constitution of the United States, but practice—ah, that’s another matter, s 8 # When McAdoo had almost entire- ly recovered from the effects of Do- heny’s oil treatment, his progress was seriously impaired by the discovery that the secretary to his Illinois cam- paign manager was one of those ar- rested in the raid on the Sieben Brew- ery with Dean O’Bannion, John Torrio and the other alleged leaders of Chi- cago’s beer ring. It is true, however, that so far as the majority of Chica- go's voters are concerned, violators of the Volstead Act are liable to be ben- efitted by an indictment. But the moonshine membership of the Ku Klux Klan away in the fastnesses of Kentucky will not care to support their competitors here in the Windy City. *- 2. * An Italian paper, by the name of “Ill Sole,” commenting on the expul- sion of John Giglio, correspondent of the London Daily Herald and the DAILY WORKER, said that the news sent out of Italy by Giglio was injuri- ous to Italian interests. The paper also said that the relations of the cor- respondent with Italian radicals and Free Masons were calculated to dis- turb the peace of Italy. English gold was suggested as the motive behind Signor Giglio’S activities. We are in- debted to a so-called representative of DeValera’s Royal Irish Republic for this information. He quotes the above approvingly and hails Mussolini as a great patriot. Ugh! of the Trib about like the twin howl of a new fog horn that belches forth a respectable opening blair and fin- ishes with the course moaning of a caged lion. To help make things worse the Trib ends its superhuman effort to force posterity to give it a place } among the philosophers of the ages, thus: , “.... Just how does he propose t carry out this wholly commendal aim of providing everyone who wor! with a saving wage, and capital wi a fair return? If that could be dona by a governor or a supreme dictator, it would end all humanity's economic problems.” Isn't that “almost-a rational idea?” Almost. Now supposing the Trib contuiues along that line and finds that when — those who- work get a living and sav- ing wage—and a living wage is noth- ing less than all that the worker pro- duces—that there is nothing left for capital to get, leaving capital to starve to death, will the Trib help us bury the old corpse so it may not offend our sensitive smelling apparatus? Leach may be honest about his en- deavor to serve two 0) ‘ters, but both the g and the bad hook say it can’t be done. The republican party has always been true to its class. It has always promised to serve both the w and the capital it has served the workers is with in- Junctions. It it is tear that Leach might de: viate from this time-honored custom that causes the knees of the Tribune to knock together, allow me to smoothe your bobbed hair and calm you. Leach is a good republican who_ will help capital to “a fair return” and let his other notion go han, And if Leach should by any chance get to at Gabrielic Van Lear i but the only way ee .