The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 23, 1924, Page 2

THE DAILY WORKER NAILS LIES OF PHIL MURRAY Denounces His Slanders Against Coke Strikers Vice-President Phil Murray, of the United Mine Workers of America, used the platform at the Illinois Miners’ District Convention, now in session, to make false statements against the gallant strikers in the non-union coke fields of Western Pennsylvania who were so basely de- serted by the International Union in the 1922 strike. In the following ar- ticle he is answered by Thomas Myerscough, secretary of the Pro- gressive Miners’ Committee, and one of the leaders of the rank and file strike activities in 1922. eo © By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH. (Special to The Daily Worker) PEORIA, Ill, May 22.—All miners agree, that the chestnuts were pulled out of the fire in the strike of 1922, because the non- union miners of the country came to our assistance by lay- ing down their tools when we did on April 1st of that year. This is particularly true of the Somerset, Westmoreland and Fayette Counties of Western Pennsylvania. Yet, in spite of this fact, Philip Murray, international vice-presi- dent of the U. M. W. of A., him- self a product of a non-union field, undertook to place the blame for the loss of the strike in those fields, on the strikers themselves. When he did this, Murray knew he ‘was not telling the truth, but he thot he could get away with it because the Illinois miners were far removed from the scene of conflict and would not be familiar with the facts in the case. Contradicting Murray's Lies. Being an active member of ‘the U. M. W. of A. in District No. 5 at that time, and being familiar with the en- tire situation because of such close proximity, I will try to correct the false statements of Murray by giving you the facts. The coke region miners,.who were specificaily ‘mentioned in the attack, were, without question, as good a bunch of strikers as any who partici- pated in that memorable struggle. ‘They had actively taken part in the preparatory work, and when April ist folled around they dropped thetr tools, thereby giving hope to the none-too- confident men of the old organized fields. During the progress of the strike and up to the time when the Cleveland Agreement was signed, there was no semblance of a break in the ranks in the coke region. Union’s Promise to Coke Men. Representatives of our union at meeting after meeting were telling those men that, because of the man- ner in which they had rallied to our support, the U. M. W. of A. would never forget them, that there would be no contracts signed in any field un- less the coke region was signed up. In spite of these promises the Inter- national Wnion signed contracts and settled the strike elsewhere. The coke region miners then began to feel that they were being betrayed and so notified the officials in charge. How- rer, they were pacified with the mise of retief and with positive Ultimate victory, only to find that this so was only a promise to be broken. { should be meationed here that very ‘w men returne] to work, even after \e Cleveland agreement was signed, id those that 4ii, were mostly men to had union cards from the adjoin- + union field, according to their own tements to the men,of the region y were doing the picketing. qubled Crossed By International. wy things enter into the loss of ‘trike in the coke region and the Qing counties of Pennsylvania, he strikers cannot in any sense med. For instance, at a certain ig in one of the principal camps strike zone, one of the miners this question of one of the or- § who was engaged with the pacifying these men efter the in territory had recurned all to work: “Will the United rkers sign contracts with the panies who own oth union nion mines, if such contracts \ude all the mines owned by company?” no circumstances,” an- organizer, will the U. M. OF COURSE LABOR REACTION FEARS TO HAVE THE RANK AND FILE READ Selling “The Daily.” This is why the reactionaries get sore. Reading “The Daily.” The DAILY WORKER not only prints the truth about them, but it also gets on the job and sees that it ic circulated among the workers and the militants at all conventions. The above pictures show Kitty Harris and Natalie Gomez selling the DAILY WORKER at the Peoria convention of the Illinois Mine Workers, and a militant worker anxiously scanning the copy he has just bought. The reactionaries wouldn't mind if the DAILY WORKER printed the truth if it never got any circulation, What gets under their hides is that people actually read It and believe in it. W. of A. sign contracts with any com- pany, unless that contract covers ali the mines owned by the company in question.” This answér was so definite that it was believed by every one who heard it, but a few days were suffice to in- form the miners who had made our victory possible, that the promises of organizers were like the proverbial pie-crust, easily broken. Signing Hillman Contract. The words of these organizers had scarcely stopped ringing in the ears of those who heard them, when infor- mation reached them that the officials of District No. 5 had signed up with the Hillman Coal & Coke Company for their mines in the union territory, but that nothing had been done for their mines in Fayette county (coke re- gion). Fact is, the ink was scarcely dry on the contract for the mines in the union territory when this same Hillman concern began throwing fur- niture and families out on the street at its non-union holdings. Thus began the misery of the men who had in no small way mad@ possi- ble the victory in our struggle of 1922 and had made the “No Backward Step” slogan of Lewis, a seeming real- ity. Immediately after the signing of the Hillman contract, many other coal companies signed up in like manner, much to the chagrin of the men who had hoped to escape the miseries of non-unionism. Lewis Signed Despite Protest. One notable case of this kind was the signing of a contract in District No. 2 (central Pennsylvania) at Nanty Glo, where John L. Lewis signed a contract himself over the head of John Brophy. It appears that this com- pany had a-non-union mine in Somer- set county, Pa., and they were desir- ous of starting the mine at Nanta Glo, but Brophy told the coal company that the only way they could start this mine was by signing for the other one in Somerset county. This they re- fused to do, saying that Lewis had told them that it was unnecessary and that Brophy would have to sign up. To make it brief, I will merely say that after Brophy, his executive board and even the miners in local union meeting, had decided that the compa- ny must sign up for both mines be- fore any could work, President Lewis signed up with the operator himself, with the result that the mine in Som- erset county is still a non-union mine. Strike Refused to Collapse. It is well known that the miners had been working for some time be- fore the International Executive board levied an assessment on the member- ship, and its appears from things that followed that Lewis thought that the strike would come to an abrupt end and that the blame would fall on the men of the coke region themselves. However, things did not turn out that way, and in the month of Decem- ber, 1922, Lewis sent a committee of National Board members into the coke region to conduct an investiga tion, This committee, accompanied by the National Board member of Dis- trict 5, and also by Wm. Feeney, the organizer in charge of that field, made an extensive survey of the conditions in that field and recommended that the strike be continued. This infor- ‘EAN COMMUNISTS REJECT _ DAWES REPORT IN CONVENTION May 22.—The sharp difference that separates the two great ¢ German working class movement from each other finds ex- @ attitude toward the Dawes reparations report. unists held a convention of delegates from France, Germany, um in Berlin, at which it was Reece tay d agreed that the ro nd its recommendations are unacceptable m a Communist \d even worse than the treaty of Versailles. The Communists ties in tl jindful of ‘ weleome it * in the fact that Fran y pre: struggling against its a ocialist comrade, Ramsay MacDonald, over In England ts in mation was conveyed to a responsible officer of the United Mine Workers, by one of the members of the com- mittee, who no doubt thought that the report being submitted by them would be accep.sd. Strike Called Off. Such was not to be, for when the board met in Indianapolis early in January, 1923, at the end of the first day’s session, Lewis called the com- mittee to kis private chamber and when the report was submitted to the board it was to the effect that the strike should be called off. On Janu- ary 18, 1923, the coke region miners were hurriedly called into convention at New Salem, Pa., and by the use of threats of cutting off relief, well- known machine tactics and innuendo, the strike was brought to an end. Then the storm broke loose, the strikers, who, with their families, had fought a valiant battle, were prac- tically deserted and the best oppor- tunity in thirty years to organize that field had been, lost. When Miners Got Relief. The Pittsburgh Miners’ Relief, re- ferred to by Murray, was the only medium thru which relief could be secured during the strike, and was distributing relief where it was need- ed most before either the coke region relief committee, headed by Board Member O'Leary, or the officials of District No. 5 made any effort to se- cure relief. If there were any dual relief moyements there in the coke region, the two last named groups were the ones. These two factions, battling for official supremacy, staged an open war on October 1, 1922, in the city of Pittsburgh, over this matter, but failed to reach a satisfactory set- tlement. Only the then approaching 1922 election brought peace between them, and that after the writer re- fused to enter into a political ar- rangement with Feeney, against the Lewis-Murray-Fagan machine of Dis- trict 5. Westmoreland-Somerset Later. In this brief manner, I believe I have shown that the officials in charge of the affairs there and the National Executive Board are responsible for the loss of the strike in the coke region. Thru these columns I will give the details later, also the con- tributing causes, I will also covet the Westmoreland and Somerset County fields in like manner, Secretary Of Whisky In Coolidge Cabinet Not To Quit Just Yet By The Federa WASHINGTON, “May” Dat passage of the soldier bonus bill by the Sen- ate, over the veto of the president, will not lead to the resignation of Secretary Mellon or any other mem- ber of the cabinet. Before the final vote was ‘taken it became evident that the stock market and banking lobbies were doing their utmost to secure votes to sustain the veto, and Mellon would be considered merely their agent rather than the responsible leader of the anti-bonus campaign. Mellon’s resignation will come later —and for quite another reason—after Francis H. Heney and Senator Cou- zens have started the official investi- gation into his administration of the Internal Revenue Bureau. Russian Clerics Tour Europe. MOSCOW, May 22.—A delegation of the Synod (central organ of the Rus- sian Orthodox Church) is leaving for Germany, England and France, with a view to acquaint the foreign clerical circles with the church life in the Union of Soviet Republics. Dark Horse In Dem. Derby. WASHINGTON, May 22,—McAdoo it | supporters have revived the discussion of Sen. Thomas J. Walsh of Montana, director of the Teapot Dome inquiry, as a dark horse candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, BARY MILLS RUN AT THREE-FIFTHS FULL GAPACITY Lack Of Orders Shuts Out Workers By-H. W. GARNER. HAMMOND, Ind., May 22,—From jwhat one hears from the numerous workers who are walking the streets of Hammond, East Chicago, Indiana Harbor and nearby towns in search of jobs, there can be no doubt that business is slowing up all over the country. Many coal miners are here now, having come to Lake county af- ter the closing down of the mines. Depression has not yet affected the Standard Steel Car Company here to any extent, but the smaller plant of the Keith Railway Equipment Com- pany, which manufactures and repairs coal cars, is practically closed down. Car Makers Siow Up. As for East Chicago, I am informed that the General American Company, manufacturers of freight and tank cars, laid off a considerable number of men some weeks back. The Sinclair Oil Refining Company’s plant is op- erating on a large seale, altho decid- uly less than a year ago. It is very difficult to get informa- tion concerning the output of the In- land Steel Company and the Marx Steel Mills of Indiana Harbor, but one of the best barometers I know is the L. C. L. Transfer, of the Indiana Har- bor Belt Railway. This is a large freight transfer house, located at Gib- son, just out of Hammond, where the Belt Railway transfers practically all incoming and outgoing freight be- tween Indiana Harbor and all parts of the United States. I am informed by a checker, who is a close friend of mine, that transfer of freight has fallen about 35 per cent. The decline in steel shipment is ex- ceptionally large. A car which for- merly carried from three to five or- ders now contains as many as 20 orders, indicating that producers. of steel products are operating on small orders. As small orders aré seldom placed for future delivery, it would ap- pear that advance bookings are small indeed. While considerable steel is being moved, the outlook for the fu- ture is bad. In the building trades there is still plenty of work, but here, too, the prospect for the future is not encour- aging. The local building boom has been entirely a question of putting up rental residences and small cheap homes .(on the partial payment plan) to take care of the great number of workers from southern and,central Il- linois and other parts of Indiana’ who have flocked to Lake county. Owing to the extreme scarcity of dwellings, many of these men were literally forced to build a home on the pay- ment plan or stay on the streets. With the collapse of the steel and equip- ment industries, it is probable that the bottom will fall out of the build- ing boom. SOUTH CHICAGO DISTRICTS FEEL BUSINESS LAPSE Unemployment Grows In Steel Towns - By J. RAMIREZ. (Special to The Daily Worker) GARY, Ind, May 22,—Conditions here have changed materially since last year. No longer do carloads of negroes and Mexicans swarm into the town with every train. The brief, shabby “prosperity” which Gary knew, is at an end. Unemployment it He. ‘bigsissue of the moment. At¥ew weeks ago, the United States Steel Corporation, which owns Gary body and soul, and dominates the lives of many thousands of workers here, began to curtail operations because no new orders were being booked. At present, the company’s plants are working at less than 60 per cent of capacity and the situation of the Gary workers is becoming worse every day. Open Hearth On Part Time. The Open Hearth section, employ- ing some 3,000 men, is working only four days a week. The “Merchant's Mills,” including the biggest steel trust plant manufacturing finished steel products, is on a three-day schedule. This effects about 6,000 workers, In the sheet and tin mills, only four mills out of 24 are running. The Plate Mill is almost entirely shut down. Both the electric shop and the big machine shop laid off one-third of their working force Monday. On all sides one hears talk of a wage cut. Nothing definite has been an- nounced along this line, but the vari- ous straw bosses are hinting that the company will take advantage of the severe depression to force down the wages of the workers to as low a level as possible. Canadian Miners Evicted. CALGARY, Can., May 22,—Hvictions of coal miners in the Edmonton field where the union is fighting a wage cut are setting public opinion against the Western Canada Coal Operators Assn. The co-operators claim that the use of fuel off has injured the Can- adian coal market. The strike includes camps in Alberta and eastern British Columbia, organized as District 18, U. M. W, * ‘ ' ) (Continued From Page 1.) powerless to lead us in this difficulty. Instead they dwell on past accom- plishments, and tell us how much bet- ter off we are than we were years ago when there was no union.” “Our international officers tell us that the coal industry must be stabil- ized. They tell us that there are 50 per cent too many mines and 60 per cent too many miners. They tell us that 50 per cent of us must find some new occupation. We are told to go to the farms, but we find the farmers are bankrupt and they are being told to go into the mines. Some of the miners are going to the farm, but the only farm they go to is the poor farm. Nationalization and Six Hours. “The only immediate solution.of the problems of the coal miner is the na- tionalization of the mines, the estab- lishment of the six-hour day, and the domand that the industry be compelled to take care of its employes, and the organization of the non-union coal fields.” “ In defending the report of the com- mittee on officers’ reports, President Farrington pessimistically stated that the six-hour day is not a solution of the problems. Farrington said, “It is popular to talk of a shorter work day. It tickles the ears but it is not possible at this time.” Talks For Operators. Farrington showed his considera- tion for the coal operators by saying that “It would be impossible for the Illinois mine operators to go on a six- hour day and compete with the non- union coal fields. The non-union fields are working ten hours a day and for lower wages and the central competi- tive fields would have to close down if they had to accept a six-hour day. The six-hour day is not a solution to our problem.” Some of the delegates pointed out to the DAILY WORKER reporter that if the miners had taken Farrington’s view in the past, it would have been impossible to secure the eight-hour day, as they secured it under the the fight for the six-hour day. That “Non-Union” Excuse. “In order for a shorter work day to succeed we would have to have all or the major portion of the miners on a shorter work day basis, and the non-union fields miist be organized,” FParrigton said. “An aggressive bunch of mine of- ficials! They tell the miners they can’t have a six-hour day until the non-union fields are organized, and then they say, as Lewis, Green and Murray said, that it is impossible to organize the non-union fields. Every demand that means something to the miners is, ‘imposible at this time.’” The report of the committee on of- ficers’ report with regard to the wage scale was adopted. In the discussion of the section of Farrington’s report, devoted to the Il- linois Miners. Delegate Pritchard of Herrin accused the Illinois Miner of doing Herrin and Williamson county an injustice by accusing the Conser- vative Party in that place of being a Ku Klux Klan Party. He, Pritchard, practically admitted he is a member of the Kian. He stated the Ku Klux Klan has made Herrin the cleanest town in the county and “If I lived in Peoria I would. clean this town up too.” DAILY WORKER DEFENDED. Delegate Miller from Panama sug- gested that now that the Illinois Miner had been attacked, every paper at the press table had been accused of lieing and he suggested that the DAILY WORKER reporter be brot back and re-seated at the press table. Upon request of Vice-President, Fishwick, who took the chair during the action on Farrington’s report, Pritchard withdrew his remarks from the minutes of the convention. Fish- wick gave as his reason that “I do not want to bring on. the floor of this convention such controversial matter as that mentioned by Delegate Prit- chard. We do not want to discuss whether one faction in Herrin is right and another wrong.” In plain words Fishwick’s request was an admission that the officers of District 12 are afraid of offending the same circumstances as now prevail inKu Klux Klan. (Continued From Page 1.) the Kentucky fields unorganized. Farrington stated that at present there was no demand for coal either from non-union or union fields and when the demand came, those who could sell cheapest would get the market. He assured the delegates that they would fight against any re- duction of wages or lowering of the standard of living. He stated that West Virginia, “one of the fields we have to compete with,” had mined 30 million more tons of coal than Illinois with approximately the same number of miners. Draws Dismal Picture. Farrington expressed the hope that some day the workers would wake up and close their ranks. He repeated that the agreement was there and had to be lived up to and that his report only reiterated that. He drew a dismal and hope- less picture. Many delegates showed the inabil- ity of the coal operators to,run the mining industry, pointed out the ter- rific waste and said that the contract forced the miners to work in unsafe mines. Delegates seemed saturated with the pessimism of Farrington and could not see how class action would materially help them now. The pic- ture drawn by Carry and others seem far away to them. Not one delegate supported this part of the report aitho they accepted it as the inevitable. | In the discussion on the appointive power a hot fight began. The com- mittee on the officers’ report recom- mended the retaining of the ap- pointive power of the president of the district, altho over 70 resolutions had been introduced for the doing away with this tyrannical usage. Committee Member Rebels. The surprise of the convention came when Matt Pickford, a member of the committee on officers’ report, opposed the committee's report. He did not send in a minority report but spoke from the floor. “Men sell their souls to the ap- pointive power,” cried Pickford. “Its power is unlimited. Thru this ap- pointive power the International has taken everything away from us.” Pickford claimed that he was one of the pioneers in the building of the organization and that for the interests of the union organization the ap- pointive power should be abolished. Delegate Corbishley, of Zeigler, stated that Farrington had no right to ask delegates to disregard their instructions. He said that he came there instructed to oppose the ap- pointive power and that his local of 1,100 members had discussed the matter thoroly, as, had every other local in the district. He main- tained that his local of 1,100 mem- bers had a right to tell him how to vote on this or any other question. Corbishley pointed out cases of grievances which the Tit committee and sub-district officials had taken and said they were lost because of some appointee. He showed that at the last election for the district presi- dent and the executive board, he had been elected along with two other members at Teller. He said that on the day of the election he was sub.|tion MINERS FIGHT F ARRINGTON POLICIES poenaed to appear before the grand Jury at Benton. Corbishley called up the judge and told him that he had an important union function to perform and wanted to be excused. The judge told him that if he did not come, the gudge would send for him. When Corbish- ley went, he told the convention, he found out that the grand jury was not to meet and the judge laughed at him, saying: Tried to Steal Election. “¥ou must be against Farrington. He wants you out of town.” Corbishley attributed this action to appointees and charged them with be- ing part of the Farrington political machine. Delegate Tony Schragel of Johnston City, showed that appointees had tried to steal the election for Far- rington. He said that he caught them stealing 65 votes cast for Hindmarsh out of 160 votes and giving them to Farrington. These men were fined by the local and not allowed to hold office for three years. They appealed their case to the district executive board, and one of its members heard the evidence which plainly showed their guilt but he found them “not guilty” and let them be restored to full mem- bership. Vice-president Fishwick says that this issue of the abolition of the ap- pointive power is the paramount issue of the convention. Manufacturers’ Head Attacks Child Labor And Rail Bills NEW YORK, May 22.—The closed shop, and child labor legislation aroused the ire of John Edgerton, president of the National Manufac- turer's Association. In a speech be- fore that body, which is meeting here in convention, he denounced every sign of progress as the work of “reds.” The Howell-Barkley ill, which would abolish the railroad labor board was also denounced. Americanism of the 100 per cent variety and the G. O. P. were the only things that didn’t get Edgerton’s goat. Mellon Urges Cal To Swing Veto Ax WASHINGTON, May 22,—Secretary of the Treasury Mellon will recom- mend to President Coolldge that he veto the tax bill, it was said on his ne jalf at the treasury department to- jay. The bill as it stands, is highly un- satisfactory to Mellon, and his opinion |" ia that it will have a depressing rather than stimulating effect on business in general, It was sald. Magazine for Blind Children. LONDON, May 22.—A Braille maga- zine for blind children has just been started here. It is called the “School Magazine” and reports itself as the first thagazine with Braille raised let- ters for the blind little readers, Hs- says, poetry, humor and a competition page are included in the new publica- Friday, May 23, 1924 LL LQ -__LA . MINER'S HAIL 6-HOUR DAY __| STRIKING GIRLS APPEAL FOELL’S LAST SENTENCE Judge Gets Tough To Garment Workers Three striking garment workers were sentenced to pay fines of $250 each and serve 60 days in the county jail yesterday by Judge Foell. The judge in passing sentence pulled the ancient gag, “If you don’t like this country why don’t you leave?” He did not give the girls a chance to tell him that a garment workers’ wages do not permit of travel, After asking why the girls didn’t leave thi’ coun- try he asked if they Were ¢Ttizens. They all said they were. Bosses Don’t Tell Them to Go. “Our bosses never asked us why we don’t leave this country,” one of the girls said after court. “They are will ing to have us work for them if they can dictate the wages and conditions, ‘When you ask for American wages and conditions then you are asked why you don’t leave.” The girls fined and sentenced were Kate Miller, Albino Cag and Eleanor Sadlowska. They were all released on bonds pending the decision on the ap- peals that will be made on their cases. In Judge Sullivan’s court Meyer Barkan was tried for contempt. The judge reserved decision in his case. Barkan, was. charged with having di- rected the strikers to go to the picket line. Rat-faced Stool Pigeon. The chief witness against him was @ little rat-faced stool pigeon named Dave Cohn. Cohn worked for the firm of Applebaum and Stern during the strike and apparently in slack times went around to the strike head- quarters, at 180 W. Washington street, to spy on the strikers. He said that when he went to the Washington street headquarters he heard Barkan give direction to strikers on how and where to picket. On the stand Bar- kan denied this, saying that he knew the strikers had brains enough to know the necessity of picketing and where to picket. On cross-examination by Peter Siss- man, Cohn' was asked if he consid- ered himselt a member of the union. Cohn said he didn’t know. Then Siss- man asked him if he thot he was scabbing. Sullivan rushed to the as- sistance of Cohn by objecting to Sissi man’s use of the word “scab.” Legal Gents Can’t See “Scab.” Sissman said that he was trying to get at the state of mind of the witness and not trying to intimidate him. He said that the word “scab” was well recognized and good English. © Sulli- van said that it was not recognized as good English among “legal gentle- men.” After Cohn left the stand, Pat Mo- ran was called. He said that he had seen Barkan busy among the girls who were in court in the corridors of the court. He said that Barkan was instructing them on how to testify. He also said that Barkan had given Peter Sissman’s son money to pay the fines of strikers who had been fined in Judge Foell’s court. Under cross examination, Moran ad- mitted that he had not heard what Barkan had told the girls he had been talking to. “In other words, you don’t know what he was doing. You don’t know if he was instructing them,” he was asked. Moran had to admit that this was true. When Barkan took the stand he said that he had not given young Siss- man the money with which to pay the fines. He also denied that he had in- structed the girls how to testify. Lying Skunk Moran. When court had adjourned for noon recess, Moran had the gall to go up to Barkan and try to tell him that he had lied on the stand. Barkan refused to talk with him, Later, when young Sissman was in Judge Foell’s court waiting to have the three girls who were sentenced, released, Moran, came up to him and started to talk to him about the mon- ey Barkan had given him. Sissman told him that he was a liar and a damned lar at that. Moran grabbed at Sissman’s glasses and tried to take arapat him. Sissman countered with a push that made Moran realMe he had picked on the wrong man. Moran walked out muttering to himself. Moran's activities around the court since the injunction hearings began have been to try to make friends with strikers and then lead them into mak- ing statements that he could use against them when their cases were heard, He has tried to appear very pleasant and more or less in sym- pathy with the strikers, but all of them have managed to smell the skunk on him. ‘The cases of the other strikers who were not heard, will come up today. East Side New York Grows Hairy While (By The Federated Press: NEW Yori, May 23 ist of the barber shops on the Wast Side in New York city are hit by the strike of 2000 barbers, The men, who have been get- ting $30 a week or less, are demand- ing $35 with 30 per cent of receipts over $45 a week. They wish the ex- tra hour on Saturdays—8 a. m. to 9 Dp. m.—eliminated. The union, Jour- neyman Barbers’ International Union of America, local 752, represents the mén in the negotiations. r N eae r