The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 10, 1924, Page 6

_ ee Peactionary A PICTURE OF TRADE UNIONISM By Earl R. Browder NOTE—The following article by com- rade Browder was originally written afd published as a preface to the English edition of a recent book by A. Losovsky. HIS book is the stenographic re- port of a series of lectures, deliv- ered by A. Losovsky, General Secre- tary of the Red Internatiéual of Lator Unions, before the school of the Rus- sian Communist Party in Moscow, during July and August, 1923. It was published in pamphlet form in the Russian language early this year, and is herewith presented in English:# ROBABLY the most important characteristic of Losovysky’s lec-|4 tures is that, for the first time, there is available a comprehensive picture of the trade union movement from the world viewpoint, which deals not so much with the statics (the unillumin- ating details of organization and the million variations of program and problems) but rather with the vital living influences at work within the labor movement, the tendencies, the relation of forces and, especially, with the tremendous struggle developing throughout the world since the war by the forces of revolutionary strug- gle, crystallized in the Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions, against the class collaboration policies of the old bureaucracy, organized in the Ams- terdam International (International Federation of Trade Unions). It is this world-wide viewpoint upon which the lectures are ‘based that gives Whe book its greatest value. Such a comprehensive outlook is es- specially needed in the American lab- or movement. The trade union move- ment in this country, originally-among the most militant and izterhational in its attitude, has tor“forty years been stifled by tie harrow nationalism, as well us“ by the jealous craft spirit wpettth the limits of the nation, of the officialdom headed by Samuel Gompers. To see and to un- derstand that the fundamental prob- lems of the trade unions throughout the world are essentially the same as our own, an understanding which a study of Losovsky’s book will cer- tainly give, is to lay the firmest pos- sible foundation—the only possible one—for a broad and powerful revo- lutionary organization in America. American Trade Unionism Before The War. If we were to attempt an adequate review of developments within the American labor movement, as com- plete and comprehensive as that giv- en by Losovsky for the International, it would require another book of al- most equal dimensions. In this. brief introduction it is the purpose only to suggest some of the main points’ of comparison. In the pre-war period of American trade unionism, three main tendgn- cies may be distinguished; they may be classified as trade unionism, syn- dicalism, and _ soclalism. Each of these tendencies, although corre- sponding in a general way to their analogous forces in the European movement, varied in many respects from their counterparts in other coun- tries. Trade unionism, as a distinct phi- losophy of the labor movement which concerns itself exclusively with the| immediate economic struggle, is ad- equately characterized by Losovsky in dealing with the world situation. In the International movement this tendency is largely represented * by the British and American unions, One important difference in the pre- war development of the two Anglo- Saxon movements, however neces- sary to an understanding of many present problems, is that while in Britain the trade unions (and trade unionism as a system of ideas) had entered a period of change and devel- opment eyen before the war, in Amer- ica this process had started much lIat- er and under different world condi- tions. Thus while the British labor movement, reformist to the core though it was, yet was developing in- dependent political action in the Brit- ish Labor Party and embarked upon deviation from its classical policies— collaboration in the capitalist parties and strict craft autonomy. The syndicalist tendency in the world movement has its counterpart in America in the Industrial Workers of the World (I. W. W.) Arising as a protest against the antiquated struc- ure and class collaboration policies of the A. F. of L., on the one hand, end against the parliamentary cretin- sm of the Socialist Party on the oth- erable role in the ideological develop- ment of American revolutionists, jthough a much smaller one in the class struggle itself.. Dominated at ts birth by a leadership imbued with Marxism, yet early it adopted the futi-political theories of syndicalism. Although the form of this syndicalist \Coctrine was largely molded by the syndicalist schools of Europe, it was actually based in the social and eco- jnomic conditions of the western mi- \gratory worker of America, the only element of labor that has been per- jmanently in the I. W. W; On its positive side the I. W. W. developed }a complete theory of industrial union- ism, an ideal plan for reorganizing the labor movement from top to bot- tom. It is this concept of industrial unionism, necessarily applying cen- tralized organization, which is the chief difference between the I W. W. and European syndicalism. During the pre-war period the I. W. W. un- er, this organization played a consid,» ant * rebels conscription of the working class for war and industry, a vehicle for float- ing war loans among the workers, a machine for delivering rebellious workers to the Department of Justice ~in short, to» take its place as an open section of the ruling class—with- cut losing its control over the masses, or creating any considerable organ- ized opposition. Upon the I. W. W., the war had a hattering effect. Permeated by mili- who actively fought against. participation in the world slaughter, it brought down upon itself €ll the wrath of American capitalism. Hut because it was dominated by syp- cicalist prejudices it was completely unable to form such a well-knit Body of men and ideas as could survive such a period of suppression and emerge stronger than ever on account cf it. After hundreds of its leading liilitants had been sent to prison, the I. W. W. rapidly developed into a pa; cifist, non-resistant organization. It lost not only the bulk of its mem- tership but, more important, it sur- trandered its position held up until the war, of the most militant section of the American working class. When America was thrown into the war, the Socialist Party was again torn by its inner contradictions. The St. Louis convention in 1917 was dom- inated by the anti-war elements. But the right-wing was still in almost complete control of the Party, with doubtedly represented the most mili- the result that its practical activity PRODUCTIVITY OF LABOR IN RUSSIA DURING THE YEARS. 1922-23 During 1922-23 productivity of labor has steadily grown from month to month, and while 1921-22 the growth of labor productivity lagged behind the increase in wages, during this year the situation was re- versed. Taking the daily productivity of one worker, for October 1922 as 100, its growth will be expressed as follows: October, 1922 November, 1922 . December, 1922 . January, 1923 February, 1923 March, 1923 ... April, 1923 May, 1923 June, 1923 ..... Thus during eight months. the 39 per cent. tant and class conscious section of the American proletariat. is The Socialist Party as a force in the trade union movement, has played no dominating role in America. When it came upon the scene it found the trade unions already established, witht a crystallized leadership that was hostile te Socialism. The impa- tience of the Socialist. with this reac- ionary trade unionism led not only to the “dual unionism which culmin- ated in the I. W. W., but also divided he socialists themselves on the trade union field. The split which divided the Socialist Party from the Socialist Labor Party, one of the issues of which was the latter’s policy of dual unionism, did not leave the Socialist Party free to develop as a power In the trade union movement. The so- cialist left-wing became militant ad- able of developing a real opposition to Gomperism. While the Socialist Party remained, “His Majesty’s oppo- sition” in the court of Samuel Gomp- ers during the pre-war period, its op- position was at almost all times very ineffective, it had no trade union pro- gram, and was entirely incapable, even when its members gained con- trol of large unions, of effecting the general course of American trade unionism. Effects of the World War. The entry of America into the world war brought profound changes in all thes® groups and ten- dencies in the American labor: move- ment. The trade unions, during the war and the years immediately fol- productivity of labor increased by brought the S. P. few of the benefits of a fighting anti-militarist stand. Qn he other hand, the St. Louis resolu- ion, after causing the split away of an insignificant group of socialist jin- goes, (Spargo, “Walling, et al.), brought the S. P. up against the solid wall of Gompers’ ironclad control of the trade unions. The socialist lead- ers in the labor movement quickly made their peace wth Gompers. The ideological and organizational strug- gle within the 8S. P., between the rank and file militants who stood for ac- tive anti-militarism, and the right- wing leadership that wished to ac- commodate itself to “reality,” pre- pared the ground for the later disinte- gration of the Socialist Party. Effects of The Russian Revolution. The Russian revolution crashed in- most widespread and effective” for- Hitherto-unorganized millions flooded into the unions. For the first time mil- t leadership upon a large scale ‘able to appear above the stifling Gompers bureaucracy, as in the steel strike. The masses in the trade unions had been profoundly stirred. In the I. W. W. the Russian revolu- tion had been greeted with great ac- claim. With the development of civil war and the accompanying struggle against anarchist and Menshevik ide- ology in Russia, a division took place in the I. W. W. The anarcho-syndical- ist tendency which, combined with a came definitely antagonistic to the lowing, made great strides forward |revolution; at the same time a large in membership. The officialdom was |number of the clearer elements defin- largely incorporated into the govern-|itely began to shed their anti-political ers. This allowed some misunder- standing to occur, so that the confu- sionist leadership continued to dom- inate the organization. The result was that thousands of the best rank and file militants left the I. W. W. in disgust at its propaganda against Sov- jet Russia. The full effects of the favorable reaction towards the Rus- sia revolution on the part of the I. W. W. membership thus failed to ob- tain expression in the organization as uch, : Most profound was the effect upon © the Socialist Party of the Bolshevik upheaval. The split which took place in 1919, the formation of the various Communist Parties and groups, and neir later*integration under the in- fluence of the Communist Internation- al, brought a profound change into the left-wing conception of _trade union strategy and tactics. At the same time this split eliminated the Socialist Party as even the shadow of an independent factor. Since 1919 the S. P. has steadily and consistént- ly gone to the right, abandoned all pretense even of opposition to Gomp- ersism, and today suffer silently from the insults which “the Grand Old Man” heaps upon them the while he orders them about. ys The Birth of the American Left-Wing Movement. Within the trade unions there had for years been a small group of revo- lutionists attempting to develop a revolutionary wing therein. In 1912 this group organized the Syndicalist League of North America, which ex- pressed the general tendency of syn- dicalism but in flat opposition to dual organization, opposing thereto the idea of revolutionary nuclei in the mass unions. This movemént after a short but active life, subsided, to appear again in 1916 as the Inter- national Trade Union Educational League, which, however, -soon expired jin the war atmosphere of the time. In 1920 the Trade Union Bducational League was formed, marking time for the most part, while it endeavored to bring about unity of program among all the left-wing elements. It was at this time that the, full effects of the Russian revolution upon the American labor movement gener- ally began to show themselves. Un- der the leadership of the Communist International and later also of the Red International of Labor Unions, the revolutionists of America were freeing themselves from the peculiar- ly American dogma of dual unionism which had rendered their efforts sterile for a generation. The result was the coming together in a great campaign of left-wing organization and the clarification of program, in the Trade Union Educational League. From the mass trade unions came ‘hundreds of militants hitherto unat- tached to any revolutionary body on account of the old dual union notions. From the I. W. W. came a group of workers who embodied all the fine traditions of the best revolutionary days of that organization. From the Communist groups that split away from the Socialist Party and were later unified in the Workers Party of America, came the full current of American revolutionary experience and ideology. In the Trade Union Educational League all these ele- ments, comprising every healthy American left-wing tendency, were fused together into the first effective left-wing trade union movement in this country, the American section of the Red International of Labor Un- The Red International in America. In the brief years of its work the Trade Union Educational League has wrought a profound clarification in the entire labor movement. Starting out with a great campaign from coast to coast and in every labor union, for amalgamation and a labor party— slogans expressing the two deepest and most fundamental needs of the American labor movement—the T. U. E. L. has reached the minds of hun- dreds of thousands of trade unionists and influenced the decisions of at least 2,000,000. From the broad slogans that 4 projects of amalgamation that broke|mental machinery and occupied a|dogmas and to assimilate the lessons up the hard and fast conceyts of/semi-privileged status. “War prosper-|of the Russian revolution. The de- stir the masses, it has intensively de- craft unionism, in this same period |ity” delivered an enormous power in-|velopment of this Comm wing in| Veloped the issue of revolutionary un- the American Federation of Labcr|to their hands. The bureaucracy was |the I. W. W. was retarded by the im-|{onism until today it represents the stood solidly against the sl'ghtest'able to become an instrument for the'prisonment of many of its best lead- (Continued on Page 6.) ee + ’ See