The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 10, 1924, Page 10

HE offensive against June 17th, is in full swing. All forces of re- action, every sworn enemy of labor and of the exploited farmers: capital- ists, labor fakers and enemies of prog- ress in general—everything is being mobilized and set at work to defeat the convention of June 17th, The rea- son? Simple enough. To prevent the organization of a class-party of work- ers and farmers, HEY hate it. They fear the mere sign of it. They simply refuse to believe, that such a “monstrocity” as a class-party of workers and farmers is at all possible. But at the same time, they take no chances, They are hard-boiled and practical. Experience to them is not a dead letter. They have learned from the past six or sev- en years that things seemingly im- possible are of a sudden become a reality. Hence, the redoubled attacks, the enormous denunciations, and the whole renewed offensive against the June 17th convention—the event which promises to open a new chap- ter in the history of the class-struggle in America. HE attack comes from three quar- ters. First, in the line of attack stand the reactionary officials of the trades unions. Secure in its black ar- mor of trickery, wire-pulling and ter- rorism, Gompersism incarnate is step- ping heavily along the warpath of reaction desperately trying to ward off the day of political liberation of the American working class. This gang of betrayers and double-crossers knows too well on which side its bread is buttered. They have realized none too soon what the success of a Farmer-Labor Party Will mean for their domination in the American la- bor movement. Hence, their unbound- ed hatred, the unscrupulous and treacherous maneuvering of Gompers and his kind against anything and ev- erything that may lead to independent political action by the workers and poor farmers. ; EXT comes the crowd of July 4th. “It’s a motley crowd, this C. P. P. A. Based upon one of the most pow- erful sections of the American labor movement, and driven to action by the crying needs of tens of thousands of workers organized in the railroad industry of the country, yet the poli- cies and practices of the C. P. P. A. are being crested and shaped by a group of leaders which is as foreign and hostile to the class interests of labor as are the capitalists them- selves. THE OFFENSIVE IS ON - ND really, here is a chance that may not repeat itself in years. The working masses are restless. The poor farmers, large numbers of them, are definitely opposed to the contin- ued domination of capital in the gov- ernmental affairs of the country. The political parties controlled by the cap- italists are discredited and demoral- ized to a very large extent. In addi- tion to this, there is already on foot a strong movement to pull out of the two old parties and to make in the direction of a new party. There is also in existence—and this is the most gratifying and promising feature of the whole situation—a movement toward a class-party of workers and poor farmers. S if history had predetermined that this be the year of the great event, all objective forces that are operating within the frame-work of our social life at this moment, are bent in the direction of a class party of workers and farmers. Under these conditions, what other duty have leaders of labor than to take firm hold of the situation and to push developments consciously and persistently in the direction of such a party? Clearly, this is the supreme duty of the hour. But the leaders of the C. P. P. A. think otherwise. In- asmuch as there is any common thought at all between them, they seem to be determined at all costs, to prevent or at least cripple the June 17th convention. Theig official organ “Labor” has launched an attack against June 17th, which not even the capitalist press Would be able to sur- pass. The call has been issued to ignore and boycott the June 17th con- vention. Why? ELL, this brings us to the main- spring, fountain-head and real spiritual leadership of this renewed offensive against June 17th. We re- fer to the capitalists and their press. Need we say here again that the capi- talists do not want a Farmer-Labor Party? Must we take new pains to prove it? Of course, they don’t. Capi- talism in America is quite well satis- fied with the present two-party sys- tem. This show democracy of ours has been functioning pretty effective- ly as an organ of capitalist class op- pression, partly because of this two- party system. If this is so, then why should our masters desire a change? And should a change become inevit- able, least of all, will our masters then permit the formation of a class- party of workers and farmers. Not on your life, if they can prevent it. ENCE, the renewed vigorous of- fensive against June 17th. And what is the excuse? Well, the old thing, the Communists, At all the cross roads leading to the convention of June 17th, the capitalist press has put up the danger-Signal: “Stop! Look! Listen! The Communists are out to dominate the convention of June 17th.” The capitalist press knows better, of course. It knows very well that the large mass-move- ment of workers and farmers which is headed toward a class-party is by far not a Communist proposition. The kept press also knows that if this movement were now ripe for Com- munist “domination” (read: permeat- ed with Communist spirit and ideolo- gy), its immediate aim might have been not a Farmer-Labor Party, but a workers’ and farmers’ government, or, still better, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. HE capitalists and their servants know all this very well. But the ery of “Communist domination” is be- ing raised and propagated just the same in the hope that someone might take the thing seriously and keep away from the i/th. However, it does not look as if this trick is going to succeed. The June 17th convention has already captured the imagination of large masses of workers and poor farmers. These masses know that the Communists are in it and yet they don’t get nervous over the fact. Most of them accept the Communists into the partnerships of political struggle against capital not because they al- ready accept the Communist program and principles, sorry to say, but be- cause the Comrenists are the most sincere and determined fighters for in- dependent political action and for a close alliance between the workers and poor farmers, e. i. a Farmer-La- bor Party. That’s the main reason why the capitalist-Gompers-C. P. P. A. bunk about Communist domination will have no effect upon those whose very existence depends upon the suc- cessful consummation of June 17th. EANWHILE, thé movement is proceeding ahead. Within the last few weeks steps have been taken in a number of states to bring about the formation of state Farmer-Labor parties, which will participate as such in the June i7th convention. Such parties are now in. the process of or- ganization in New, York, Ohio, Michi- gan and Illinois. The existing state Farmer-Labor parties in the north- west and in the west have either al- ready become part of the June 17th Convention thru representation on the Arrangements Committee or else have endorsed the call to the convention By Alexander Bittelman } and will send delegates to it. As far as the organized Farmer-Labor Party movement is concerned, the situation is as bright and hopeful as one could desire. HE energies of those who favor June 17th, must now be concen- trated on local unions, labor fraternal organizations and other. organizations of workers and poor farmers. As we see it, the work of securing endorse- ment of and participation in the June 17th convention is primarily a job of political education, which means that success depends to a large extent, if not wholly, upon the way in which the issue is presented. How should the issue be present- ed? Precisely as it has been shaped and. presented to uS by the actual development of the class-struggle in the United States up-to-date, that is, as June 17th versus July 4th. UNE 17th cannot be understood separate and apart from July 4th. Moreover, one’s estimation of and at- titude toward June 17th is contingent upon a proper analysis and under- standing of July 4th. It is therefore, absolutely imperative that the cam- paign in favor of June 17th be con- ducted and fought out in this manner. Independent political action. A working and fighting alliance be- tween the workers and poor farm- ers. A class political party to fight the battles of the oppressed classes against the domination of capital. That’s what June 17th stands for. N the other hand, July 4th. What does it stand for? If the day is won by some of the presidents of the railroad unions, it will be McAdoo on the ticket of the Democratic party. If the decision goes to another section of the ©. P. P. A, it may mean LaFollette as an inde- pendent or as the head of a middle- class liberal party. There is also the possibility of one part of the ©. P. P, A. endorsing a regular republican. If the forces are divided more or less evenly, there may be no decision at all as far as the presidential elections are concerned, and locally the contin- uation of the old C. P. P. A. policy of supporting “good men” on the tickets of the capitalist parties. That’s what the C. P. P. A. and July 4th stand for. F you happen to want and strive for a new day in the American la- bor movement, don’t waste your en- ergy on July 4th. You wouldn’t get it there. Better turn your eyes, and mind, and devotion to June 17th, and by active participation in the move- ment help along in the struggle for a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government. A PICTURE OF TRADE UNIONISM (Continued from Page 2.) organized struggle within the unions against every phase of capitalistic in- fluence and bourgeois ideology. While it battles for the formation of an all- embracing farmer-labor party, to ex- press the broad political struggle of the toiling masses at the present mo- ment of development, it is at the sam: time rallying the smaller groups of conscjous revolutionary workers to the more bitter and intense struggle against the subtler forms of class col- It is no accident that the T. U. B. L. is at once a leading fac- tor thruout the labor movement in the struggle for a-labor party, in which millions are enlisted, and at the same time is organizing the resistance to the nefarious “B. & 0.” class col- laboration scheme of the railroad un- ion bureaucrats, to the poisonous ef- fects of which the workers are only laboration. beginning to be aroused. Of course the tremendous progress made by the Trade Union Educational League, in establishing the left-wing as a power in the trade unions, has not been unopposed. Long before the bureaucrats generally realized what menace the T. U. E. L. was to their comfortable swivelchair life, tue old fox Gompers had sounded the alarm. As the left-wing campaigns shook the labor movement and registered suc- cess after success in almost every leg- ee - “3 ” RMS HLZ NN ARMOR IIS 9 aN islative gathering of the working class, the officialdom took alarm and rallied every force of the union ma- chinery, the capitalist press, and the State. The Federal Government was used in an attempt to railroad Foster to prison, along with 70 other trade union militants and Communists. The capitalist press has teemed with or- ganized and inspired propaganda against the left-wing. The union jour- nals have been full to overflowing with denunciation and provocation against the T. U. EB. L. militants. And, direct from the Amsterdam Interna- tional, headquarters of reaction in the world’s labor movement, has been im- ported the policy of expulsions and splits against the left-wing. Space will not permit even the briefest review of the development of the American left-wing’ movement in the trade unions. Those who have missed reading “The Labor Herald,” monthly organ of the Trade Union Educational League since March, 1922, can find the rich experiences of these few years embodied therein. Back numbers and bound volumes can be obtained from the League office. Just as this book of Losovsky’s is necessary to everyone who would un- derstand the world’s labor movement so is “The Labor Herald” pant in the great revolutionary strug- gle now going on for the leadership of Fn ne Ten aan aaa aeemenemnnenmannl the American labor movement. Altho the American class struggle has so far developed the most primi- tive trade unionism, in ideology and organizational form, yet the struggle itself, in the direct clashes with the employing class, its private armed forces and the State, has beeh more bitter and violent than in perhaps any other country previous to the: revo- lutionary period. The reactionary leadership and antiquated program and structure of the American labor movement could not prevent the giant forces generated by American capi- talism from coming to expression in great struggles. It is enough to cite Homestead, Pullman, Ludlow, Mc- Kees Rocks, Lawrence, Mesaba, the Steel Strike, Herrin, West Virginia, and the whole history of the coal miners, to understand that the Ameri- ean working class contains within it- sélf the forces of proletarian revolu- tion corresponding to the productive forces of American Capitalism, the greatest in the world. Delayed in com- ng to expression by the peculiar con- ditions of American social develop- ment, the forces of revolution in the American trade union movement will be all the more sweeping and rapid in their development, all the more de- cisive and relentless, when the chains of capitalist ideology, of reformism, of Gomperism, are finally broken. “HAIL, HAIL THE GANG’S ALL HERE” BUT ELEPHANT DUCHESS IS DEAD GREENWICH, Conn.—Masons and Knights of Columbus sat down together at a banquet in the Masonic Temple here and joined in singing “Hail, Hail, the Gang’s All Here.” guests of the Masons. The Knights were Fred W. Upham, member of the Republican National Committee, was offered the remains of Duchess, Chicago elephant, who died suddenly. “The G. O. P. wants live elephants, not dead ones," Upham declared. NEW YORK.—Working as a conductor on a suburban train here, Daniel Horton hag travelled a distance equal to eighty trips around the world. His fellow workers announced today Horton has passed the two million mile mark. octal it yy eames ater