The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 10, 1924, Page 11

At present we are only at the beginning. The electoral exchange of compliments is to be continued in the same tone between the hostile brethren of the bourgeois block, who, at bottom, have the same ideas, the same hate of revolution and of Com- munism, but who possess divergent electoral appetites and interests. For the Communist Party the task is not only to take note of these blows and to derive profit from tiem. It must, in‘ the first place, unmask all the bourgeois parties and their con- ceptions, setting out with full details a faithful record of their stupidities and of their crimes. First let us cast a general glance * over the political chessboard and the large parties engaged in the fight. For the moment we will pass over the parties “standing outside” and all kinds of malcontents of the latest fashion, seeking for -social position and parliameatary seats. There then remain three large par- ties, representing three large social classes, striving with their utmost means to attain power. . 1. The Party of the Bloc National, representing a nondescript coalition of capitalist greed and interests, 2. The Democratic Party (Radical- Socialists) represents the middle and petty bourgeoisie (non-socialist peas- ants, small annuitants, small shop- keepers, All kinds of brokers, and those members of the liberal profes- sions who have not abandoned them- The (Continued from Page 1.) leaders of the social-democracy be- come in theif efforts to hasten the split in the trade unions. The pro- vocative tactics of the ‘Social-Demo- cratic leaders in certain places are very successful. Among the German left wing there is developing a wrong and extremely dangerous.attitude to- wards the question of the future work in the reactionary trade unions. The Fifth Congress wil fave to speak with all its authority and determination against the policy of leaving the So- cial-Democratic unions, and at the same time it will have to find a prac- tical solution to the problem of how to organize those workers whom the Social-Democratic leaders have suc- ceeded in expelling from the trade unions. As hitherto, the National Question will be discussed with extreme atten- tion at the forthcoming Congress. The theoretical basis of the solution of this question are contained in the reports and resolutions introduced at previous congresses by Comrade Lenin. The task of the Fifth Con- gress will consist in working out more concretely the application of the na- tional policy of the Comintern in va- rious countries. And especially in the countries of the East and in the col- onies, where the struggle for national independence is developing more and more into a revolutionary movement directed against the domination of in- ternational capitalism. The proper solution of the national question will help all parties to win over the masses to their side. It is the national and agrarian questions that most of all “distinguish the Comintern from its predecessors, the Second Interna- tional and even the First Interna- tional, which, owing to historical con- ditions, raised these questions only in an abstract manner. Without solv- ing the national and agrarian ques- tions in the spirit of Leninism, the Comintern cannot win over the ma- jority of the toilers and without do- ing the latter, we cannot enter the de- cisive battle. The question of Relation to the Peasantry will be presented to the Fifth Congress in the form of a re- port from the Peasant International, which is in the process of being or- ganized (conference in Moscow, 1923). The correct solution of the. national question to a large extent implies 41so the correct solution of the peasant problem. The young organization which began to be organized in Mos- cow under the name of the Peasant —_— selves to the reaction.) This middle and petty bourgeoisie is menaced with irreparable ruin. And during critical moments flies to the opposi- tion in the full hope of re-establish- ing itself with the aid of parliamen- tary power and of credits. 3. The Party of the Working and Peasant Class. While waiting for the full deevlopment of class conscious- ness, we are—unfortunately—obliged to. consider as one of the parties of the working class, the Socialist “Par- ty” (S. F. I. 0.), which still has in its ranks misled proletarians, credulous peasants and exasperated petty bour- geois. Tomorrow it will confound it- self with the Radical-Socialist Party, which is neither radical nor Socialist. The day after tomorrow all the ele- ments of the left will assume the So- cialist label, omitting the prefix “rad- ical,” which,. since it extends from Perchot to the editors of the “Lan- terne” and of the “Rappel,” has lost all serious significance. At such time, the Socialist Party, section of the “International of the Royal Minis- ters,” as stated by the citizen Bar- thelemy Mayeras, one of the distin- guished members of this same quasi- international, will lay all its cards on the table, will throw off its mask and proclaim itself a party of the counter- revolutionary order. The situation will become clear and definite. The workers and peasants’ class will be represented solely by the Communist Party, section of the Com- munist International. Fifth Congr future. The European Communist Parties have not yet done one-hun- dredth part of what is necessary in order to win over to their side those sections of the peasantry which can be attracted to the working class. The Fifth Congress must exert all ef- fort and determination to deal with this problem. A new question is placed on the agenda of the Fifth Congress, viz: The Attifude of Communists towards Intel- ligentzia. The term intelligentzia is used in the broad sense of the word, and includes also the technical intel- ligentzia. In a number of countries, the intelligentzia as a consequence of the prevailing economic conditions are in more or less harp opposition to the existing regi e* In various parts of the world—Germany, Japan, Bul- garia, France, etéconsiderable sec- tions of the inteliigentzia, oppressed by poverty and feeling the effects of predatory imperialist policy, are now at the cross-roads and are not with- out sympathy towards the revolution- ary labor movement. In this sphere the Comintern must take the initia- tive in its own hands. It must show in which way live, revolutionary Marx- ism differs from the ancient lifeless presentation of the question of the intelligentzia. The Question of Organization will be raised at the Fifth Congress more concretely than hitherto, and on the basis of a greater accumulation of ex- perience. The majority of the Com- munist parties of ine West to this very day have failed to organize on the basis of the factory nucleus. To solve this problem, not merely on pa- per, but in actual practice, will signify a great step forward along the path towards real preparation for the pro- letarian revolution. The Fifth Congress will also deal in great detail with questions of propa- ganda. It will give the required atten- tion to the Youth Movement, which ts developing so well and which has so great a future before it in the work of preparing for the world revolution. The Fifth Congress will also give proper 0 Movement, to the Cooperative Ques tion, to the Red Relief, etc. The agenda is long and varied. Dur- ing the two months remaining, the parties must thoroughly prepare themselves for these questions. The near future will give us the ibility of testing the strength of e Communists at the parliamentary elethtons in Italy, in Germany, in France. Communists, of course, do not attach vital importance to parlia- International undoubtedly . a great mmatary elections, but as a means of !> Radical Party, Socialist, Party), what- ever they may be saying and doing, have common features, common in- terests and even a common mentality. foe: Communism. Poinéare, including M. Herriot, right up to Blum-Paul Faure, they have a horror of the revolution, not of the word, but of the thing itself. these three parties, the revolution is an accomplished fact, or, to the classic formula of reformism, is accomplishing itself every day by means of reforms. parties the question is how to seize power by means of the parliamentary, of the legal method. attained power in France, will repeat the same acts, the same gestures, as ties” of Germany with Ebert-Noske- attention td the Women’s |= The three parties (Bloc National, First of all,sthey have a common the Revolution, and its Party, Beginning with M. For according For these three The Socialist Party, having once were performed by its “brother par- Scheidemann, of Sweden with Bran- ting, of Belgium with Vandervelde, of England with Ramsay MacDonald. This is not a hypothesis, a supposition, a polemical slogan, These are facts which strike the eye. The Hamburg Socialists have been governing, are governing and will be governing the capitalist society on behalf of and for the profit of the capitalist order. The bourgeoisie, particularly the stupid, ignorant and terrified French bourgeoisie, will-need a bit of time before it can grasp the fact that it is ess of the ngre our influence among the mass- es, these elections are of no little im- portance. The recent elections in such a remote corner of Hurope as Carpathian Ruthenia have shown that, when Communists take up a proper attitude towards the peasantry, the proletarian party may win over a con- erable section of the peasantry to its side. The events in Germany have ac- cuired tremendous importance for the activities of the Comintern. In the Autumn of 1923, events in that coun- try developed so stormily that every- one expected a stormy revolutionary rise and a decisive rebellion. Instead of that, we suffered defeat. ‘Ine Ger- man working class has been flung back for some little time. However, the question of preparing for the pro- letarian revolution in Germany re- mains as hitherto one of the most im- portant problems confronting the Comintern as a whole, and its most important section in Europe in par- ticular. To win over the Majority among the On the Eve of the French Elections s.<%m- to its interest to clear out the ‘te alear Gat the ‘Bloc National, which is ruining and ren- dering ridiculous the capitalist re- gime in itself, and that the radical party-in itself is without backbone. As instinct of self-preservation opens the eyes of the blindest, so even that great baby, the French bourgeoisie, will realize in time that its best game- keeper is the party which calls itself Socialist, which at one time played the role of poacher in the struggle be- tween the propertied and non-proper- tied classes. There is still another fact welding together these three parties and mak- ing of them a block of capitalist con- servation, in spite of temporary di- visions. This is the so-called national interest, so-called national defense. Any one listening to Paul Boncour or Varenne when speaking on vital ques- tions, would think he was hearing an oration by M. Poincare. One must not. give heed to Blum, or to Longuet, because these citizens, being the mouthpieces of another phraseology, will speak of other things, while vot- ing in wartime for war credits. Organized Communism must there- fore fight to the bitter end against these three parties of different origin, but of identical counter-revolutionary import. This is not altered by the fact that each of these three parties has its own particular character, its political apparatus, its own methods. We must thoroly understand their real nature in order the better to fight against them. C. I. most important sections of the work- ing class—this is the legacy left to us by the founder of the Comintern, Lenin, as the task of tasks of the present period. That task has not yet been fulfilled. The Fifth Congress will have to devote its greatest atten- tion to its fulfillment. The slogan of the Fifth Congress will be “without Lenin in the spirit of Leninism.” The great leader of the Comintern is dead, but his cause lives, above all in the Comintern. The Fifth Congress will undoubtedly solve all the questions that will confront it in the spirit of genuine Leninism. The teachings of Lenin will remain the guiding star for all the sections of the Comintern. FOR RENT FURNISHED ROOM, suitable for one or two young men; good home with all conveniences; private family; no children; steam heated. Mrs. Krlo- wenko, 1801 S. Hamlin. STARTS TV SVS VV BDVVVVVSBSVVV BAST VVVTAY MAY 18th ee SSS TST TVS ST SSSA TAA = Dairy and Poult established in Sov Our farm for this Commune. Russia. as the first group is ex We meet every second an lst N. Claremont Ave. PROLETARIAN CONCERT 1258 W. WILL RENDER “THE TWO BROTHERS” The well-known poem by I. L. Peretz. Other well-known selections by a COMMUNE Enterprise on a Collective Basis to be delegates are in Russia now to arrange for a suitable = Competent workers of the various trades may join us now, ed to leave soon. fourth Sunday at 3 P. M. at the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, 1902 W. Division St., 2nd floor, Chicago. For further information call or write to our Secretary, S. Miller MAY 18th Taylor Fretheit Mandolin Orchestra SF TTS TTS UUUSSUULUOCOOUGUUAONO ORONO EEUU TERESA Chicago, Illinois