The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1924, Page 6

THE OCTOBER COUNTER-REVOLUTION By F. WEBER (Note: This article is the official expression of the Central Executive The Social Democracy was formally for the seizure of real values, and for Committee of the Communist Party of Germany, and the writer is one of the leading comrades of the Party.) % The New Orientation of the Policy of control of production. How was it possible to defeat it on the ground of these slogans which it recognized? Only if the Communist Party would say to the Secial Demo- erstic workers: You are for the same fighting aims as we, therefore, we want to fight in common for these aims, we want to establish the united front. United Front—But How? the Communist Party of Germay AVING determined that Fascism at present possesses the real power in Germany, we must make it! clear to the masses that Fascism, which draws a good deal of its force from their sympathies now bears ot responsibility for thei: fate. Regard-!established? The left comrades said: less of what the Parliamentary scene |Qnly from the bottom! The Com- looks like, General Seeckt has the jmunist International and the majority power in his hands. The lower mid- ‘of the Communist Party of Germany dle class masses who, with longing }declared: This attitude is incorrect. awaited the dictator, the Saviour, | If we would rally the Social Demo- must receive an object lesson now be-!cratic masses to the common strug- fore they can get rid of Fascist illu- | gle for common slogans, it is neces- sions. And the Communist Party of | sary to show concretely that the Germany must help them to it by |Social Democratic leaders do indeed How was the united front to be|¢, comparing day in and day out the words of Fascism with its deeds, its promises before the victory with its actions after. The more thoroughly the lower middle classes discard their Fascist illusions, the quicker they do so, the sooner and more decisive will be our victory. We can see more clearly the political effect upon our tactics resulting from our realization of the victory of Fascism if we call to mind the most outstanding points of the tactical de- velopments of the Communist Party of Germany. Tactical Changes In the year 1918-19 the working class was engaged in the direct strug- gle for power: proletarian dictator- ship or middle class democracy, the power of the working class or of the capitalist class, these were the objects of the struggle. Our program and the first phase of our tactic was in keeping with this situation. Our fight ing program called for the proletarian dictatorship, our tactic consisted in splitting away all the labor elements from the Social Demoeratic Party, all those who, fired by revolutionary struggles, found themselves together under the flag of proletarian dictator- ship and Soviets. As the direct aim which we set for curselves was the ona of power by the working class, we had to aim also directly for the destruction of the Social De- mocracy, the decisive opponent of the proletarian dictatorship. The second rha-e of cur tactic be- gan when it became apparent that the capitalist class and the Social De- mocracy proved to be stronger than the revolutionary movement of the workers. The middle class democracy remained intact after it had with ease overcome the Kapp-Putsch. The Social Democracy played a big role in the middle class democratic state, the same as though taking part in the government, whether openly or tacit- > The various cabinets counted upon e leaders of trade unions, which were one of the most important props of the November system. The con- quest of power by the working class ceased being an immediate object of the struggle, although every action of the Communist Party was determined by considerations of the later struggle for the dictatorship. But the masses of the working class, even of the Communistic masses, fought during this period, not for power, but against the offensive of capital, against the continual, even though concealed, deterioration of the living conditions of the working class. As a result of this change in the general situation of the working class a change necessarily took place in our tactic. The immediate demand be- eame the object of struggle. All workers suffered from the high cost of living, which was caused on the one hand by the financial chaos, on the other hand by the economic chaos. How could the economie chaos be met? Through the seizure of real values. The seizure of real values entailed the government trustification of industry, which measure, although it was rather neglected in our agita- tion, was even considered as an op- portunist original sin by the left com- rades; but it nevertheless represented the connecting link between the slogan of controt of production and seizure of real values. What kind of organs could put into effect contro} of production in the historical sense? The factory councils, which, besides the eight hour day constituted the only achievement, even though a limited one, of the November revolu- tion. ,The Social Democratic as well as Communist workers rallied to- recognize the common fighting aims in words, but do not want to move a finger in the fight for them. The establishment of the united front from the bottom necessitates the at- tempt to form the united front from the top. Only when the Social Demo- cratic leaders rejected our demands for common action to fight for the necessaries of life of the workers, were we able to convince Social Democratic masses that we alone are by defenders of their necessaries of ife, But if the Social Democrats agree to our proposals, the Lefts ask, what becomes of the unmasking of the Social Democracy? We reply to them: The seizure of real values, the control of production necessitates re- volutionary mass struggles. The capitalist class, which pays no taxes, which lays its hand on the last utili- \ties still found in the hands of the idemocratic state (the demand of |Stinnes for pawning of the railroads) | will neither pay taxes nor permit the control of industry by the organs of the working class without a bitter struggle. This struggle will require of the Social Democracy to break with the policy of co-operation of the classes, to break with the policy of leoalition with the capitalist class. |The Social Democracy as an entirety | will not join in with this break. Its leaders of the right will strive with |might and main against the liquida- tion of their policy carried on since August 4, 1914. It is thus that they will best unmask themselves before the Social Democratic masses. The laboring masses which we cannot separate from the Social Democracy through the propaganda for the dictatorship of the proletariat we will \break away on the ground of the struggle for the immediate demands. of Saxony, Thuringia, Braunschweig, with a correct revolutionary policy it would facilitate greatly the fight for the dictatorship on a national scale. In the south of Germany, in Bavaria, there was the seat of the peasant counter-revolution. In the north and north-east, in Mecklenburg, ‘Pom- mernia and East Prussia, was the seat of the land owner’s counter-revolu- tion. Both constitute the mass basis of the Fascist counter-revolution of big capital. lies over Middle Germany. In Middle ermany with its crowded laboring population, the leaders of the right of the Social Democracy went bank- rupt. The policy of the Social Demo- eracy was influenced here much more powerfully by the sentiments of the Social Democratic wofkers than was the case in the bureaucratfe centers, in Berlin and Hamburg.. The forma- tion of the workers’ government in Middle Germany was to give us the means of power for beginning the struggle for the dictatorship on a national scale. Middle Germany was the marching ground of the working elass, just as Bavaria, Mecklenburg and East Prussia are the marching ground of Fascism. Wherein does the victory of Fascism liquidate this tactic? What are the main features of our tactic in the third period which we now enter upon?’ The Victory of Fascism and Our - New Tactics. The Social Democracy has been out of power, even though General Seeckt considers it necessary to retain it in the government as a fig- leaf. The ground of coalition policy of the lower middle class and‘the mid- dle strata of the capitalist class with the Social Democracy has disap- peared. Stresemann and Ebert handed the power over to Seeckt, but they can no longer take it away from him; for, the reason that they handed the power over to Seeckt, was not to accomplish a temporary task, but be- cause they are bankrupt. The capi- talist class has come to the realization that it is no longer in a position to conclude any compromise even with only a part of the working class, that it must load upon the entire working class the cost of the reconstruction of capitalism. As this cannot be done without force, it has created the force of the Reichswehr and the Fascist or- ganizations. That is the meaning of the events of Octobes. » But if the Social Democracy no longer finds itself in power, if there iis no democ on the ground of which it is possible to fight for im- mediate demands even if temporarily, then these immediate demands dis- appear as a basis for the united front of the working class. It is up to us Should the Social Democratic work-|"OW to fight for the overthrow and ers succeed in forcing out the leaders of the right, and replacing them from ‘below with left Social Democratic leaders who though not Communists as yet, nevertheless wish to fight honestly for the transitional demands, | then we will fight in common with them a part of the way. _ The Slogan of the Workers’ Government For this common struggle we fixed the slogan of workers’ government as the controlling idea, that is, as a political guide. In the final instance it meant the readiness of the Com- munist Party to fight together with the left Social Democracy for the ‘con- quest of power for a while even on the road of democracy. The theses of the Fourth Congress of the Commun- ist International state that wherever the united working class has captured majorities in Parliament, we are ready to form workers’ governments for the purpose of instituting contro! of production, seizure of real values, arming of the workers. We know that in this attempt the Democratic framework would burst, that the capi- talist class would not submit through ballot, to control by the work- ing class. And we know at the same time that the slogan of “workers’ gov- ernment” will once more bring to the fore the question of the seizure of power, and that in the second place, wherever the working class will strive for the realization of this slogan it|bruch, Sollmann will be led into the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat, with | th all its consequences. Should it suc- ceed, under favorable circumstances to realize this slogan of workers’ gov- ernment if only for a few weeks, that would facilitate tly the struggle for the Alehatoedie: Tt was very unlikely that this slogan could be realized on a national scale. annihiltion of the Fascist dictator- ship. What can we oppose to it? Democracy? There is no going back to Democracy, because the lower mid- dle class and the middle strata of the capitalist class were already in doubt over the method of democracy. The landowners whom General Seeckt represents can be opposed only by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The working class will attempt to assemble about its banner the suf- fering lower middle class and the poor peasants; its dictatorship will be a genuine workers’ and peasants’ gov- ernment. But history has destroyed the half solutions which were to facilitate the fight for the dictator- ship. If today the unified working class captures the majority in Parlia- ment, it captures no real power; even the municipal police are subordinated to the military powers that be. His- tory says to the working class: Every- thing or nothing. The lesson is: The dictatorship of the proletariat is the object of the fight, the armed upris- ing is the way. And only upon this ground is it worth while to assemble the masses. Against Right and Left Socialists Can this be done by way of negotia- tions with the leaders of the Social Democracy? These negotiations are impossible, even for the purpose of exposing leaders. There is nothing more to expose. After Rad- 7 Schmidt gave their consent to dtiving out of office e Saxon workers’ government through military intervention, after Ebert put his signature to the act giving full power to the dictatorship of Seeckt there is no necessity of de- termining through negotiations that they are opposed to an armed. upris- ing. They heln openly to nremre the armed overthrow of the working The way of their union’ gether on the ground of this demand. ; But even if realized only on the scale class. And the left Social Democrats? To this day they have not summoned up enough courage te break with the \leaders of the right, in face of this enormous betrayal of the i )class, in face of the delivery even of middle class democracy to Fascism. They have been opposed to every de- fensive action of the working class. What they represent is belly-aches, tears and sighs for the lost paradise of the November republic. | Toni Sender, the left Social Demo- cratic virgin from Frankfort on the Main, the Brunhilde of the left wing, publishes now, after the victory of Fascism, two articles which show that there is no left wing of the Social Democracy. The brave Valkyr clings to the corpse of the November republic and tries to breathe new life into it. There are left Social Demo- cratic workers, but there are no left ‘Social Democratic leaders. We must prepare the ground for the new strug- gles only through the most ruthless fight against the phantom of left Social Democratic leaders, only through making clear the fact that Fascism has won, and that it is now time to lead the masses to storm Fascism, and that for this purpose it is necessary to break absolutely with the Social Democracy. The liquidation of the Social Democracy is the prerequisite for the liquidation jof Fascism. Whoever is not openly |for the dictatorship of the. working telass, is for the dictatorship of Fascism. Whoever is not for prepar- ing the armed uprising is for com- pleting the victory of Fascism, for the crushing of the defenseless working class through armed bands of whites. The third period of our tactic, which began with the occupation of Saxony by General Mueller and with the be- trayal of the Social Democracy, calls for the resumption of the entire pro- gram of the Communist Party of Ger- many, calls for the. life and death struggle with the Social Democracy, as a prerequisite to winning the labor- ing masses to the armed uprising. We have stressed so sharply the connection between the new orienta- tion of the Communist Party of Ger- many with the victory of Fascism in order to ward off the attempt of our “lefts” who would ascribe the new tactic to the recognition that the tactic which the Comntunist Interna- tional has pursued in the last thaee years, has failed. We could cheer- fully leave the honor to the left com- rades of having always said the same thing in the years 1918, 1920 and 1923, altho in these five years conditions have undergone a violent development. But this theory would have fatal results for the German as well as for the other Communist Parties, our sister-parties, which con- tinue to carry on the tactic of the Third and Fourth World Congresses in their countries until events in their countries will show this tactic to be obsolete. They must naturally learn from the German experience, but in the first place they cannot substitute for the object lesson of their own country an account of the German experiences; secondly, the occur- rences in Germany must not be re- peated mechanically in the other countries. As for the German Party, by accepting the “theory” of the s it will not only sien a declara- tion of bankruntcy, but it would bar the way to taking hold of the real new tasks. For if we only had to make up today for that which we neglected out of stupidity in the years 1920-23, we would have no new tasks before us, except the task of the propaganda of “pure Communism.” | COMFORT | I used to say Give me a cow, : One room with windows all around, An open fire, plenty of elbow space: I'll be content. But. now inceme translucently con- spires % With innocence to put me here Immured in seventeen ghastly cham- hers,“ Waited on by seven ° Asses in full livery—Cow of my dreams, Accept my most sincere regrets! —BERNARD RAYMUND. or cnereaeeeneeeeeeneieeeeteenemeemeenememeenmmneenmneenmmennememnnmemmenenmemnmmnmnnemmmnnmemmmemennenneen enema