Chicago Daily Tribune Newspaper, April 28, 1878, Page 4

. sive of the Eastern crisia. L o 'fHE CHICAGO TRIBUNE: SUND! Y, APRIL 2§ '1878—-SIXTEEN. PAGES is the only one that would restore the tem- stance, when Baron HuDDLESTON had oceasion e Eribwe, TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. BY MAIL—IN ADVANCE~POSTAGE PREP, S| ‘Saturday Editlon, 1welve pAzcs.. Tri-Weekly, one year... o Tartsof vear, per moi Spectmen coples sent tree. Give Post-Office address {o fall, fncluding State snd County. Remitiances may be made efther by draft. express, Post-Ofice order, or in regisiered letters, at our risk. TERMS TO CITY SUBSCRIBERS. Dafly, delivered. Sunday excented, Ladly. deitvered, Sunday includes Address THE TEIBUNE COMP Corner Madizon and Destbo Orders for the dellvery of Tux T Engleweod, and Hyde Park left In tie counting-room ‘Wwillrecelve nromnt atientio TnE Cinicaco TRIRUXE bas edtablished brancl offices for thie receipt of subscripiivns und advertisements oy follows: NEW YORE—Tioom 29 Tridune Bullding. F. T. Mc- Favors, Manazer. FARIS, France—No, 16 Roe de 1o Grange-Bateliere. . ManLrr, Agent, LONDON. Eng.—American Exchange. 449 Strand. SOCIETY MEETINGS. PROGRESS LODGE, No. 524, 1. 0. 0. F.. will hold Mecting, Monday evenfoz, ADHI 29, at ail, 70 X. CIark-st.. and cordiaily {nvite all mermbers; atter which a Socible will Lo given in hons or of the 39th Anniversary of the Order In the United Stater. The Comuiitiee have spared s to make Ita plessant eventng. 5. SIG. RIESENFELD, Sccretury of Comimtttee LINCOLN PARK LODGE. No. 611, A, F. and A. M. —Members are notified to ineet at the hail, corier of Ciark and Centre-stz, 0 elarp. Uik p. . for the purpose 0f attendiy 1he funeral uf our late broib- er. Frank Wells. Mewber of uther Lodges are frater- naliy tuvited 10 Tueet with us._ Carrfuzes 10 Rosehlll. H. L. HAMILTON, W. M0 Arangemcats, eral of our A full attendance de- N G. A. DOTUGLASS, Sccretary. AF. CHAPTER. XO. 2. 1. A, M.—Hall %6 Mors necial Convocation Monday evens Aoril 2, Tring the Council Dezree, B, NP at 7is o'clock. | Vit 1t A. Masons cordtally 1u¥ed o attend. By order of W. L REID, IL. T E. N. TUCKER. Sec. JOME LODGE, NO. Communiea iy, 0°n. M. Aprl 29, for B sree. and wembers are re- reachit punctually st the hour of b cordfally fited. 2. 7. IERIICK, Secretary. . & A. 30.-Epeclal at o A LODGE OF PERFEC- Manons.~There wiil be a No. 141, A, F. & A. M.— Wil be held ‘Wednesday eveniny, Members of the Lodze are reaucsted tojattend. - Visiting brettiren are fratemally fuvited. By order of JAMES JOHN, W. M BLAIR LODGE, NO. 33, A F. & AV Aprii 39,28 7: it Dere: 0. 1, K. T.—There wil} ndery” on Taesday even- Tmander. i, DUSLOP. Recorder. APOLLO COMMA be no Conciuve of thie Con; g uext. By order of the C SUNDAY, APRIL 23, 1878, In New York on Saturday greenbacks were steady at 992 in gold and silver coin. Not the least interesting columm in to- day’s paper is that devoted to bankrupis. The concise statements of assets and liabili- ties therein will be apt to “mbrve to laughter and to tears.” Seeretary SHERMAN denies tl_m—t the Treas- . uxy Department will use its influence to stop 1Le Custom-House investigation, which does ot yet appear to have unearthed any frauds except in the 15 per cent contracts. It is claimed that these contracts were all abolished when the frisky MuLrerr was de- posed from the post of Government Archi- tect Some complaints baving been made by the Eastern papers that it was the intention of the Government to hoard the new silver doilars and not to put them into general cir- culetion, a leading Treasury official yesterday explained that it has not been possible until now for the Treasury to commence paying out silver in large quantities. The reason has been that not enough silver dollars have been coined to mnke their general use a necessity, the Secretary rightly thinking that it wos not ‘practicable to commence with less than §3,000,000. On and after Monday silver will be paid out for carrency obliga- tions, and we may soon expect io see the new dollar in general circulation. The St. Petersburg correspondent of the London 77mes very clearly states the rela- tive positions of Russin aund England. The latier desires to undo much of Russia’s work, and to give the rest a Earopean, instead of a specifically Russian character, while the for- mer is in favor of the principle of equivalents, or compensation to the Powers for Russias acquisitions. Be- tween these two issues there seems to be no middle ground, and certainly Raussia can never make the concessions indi- cated by the Times. At this late dayitis strange to hear the organ of English opin- jon doclaring that itis the partition of Turkey that Russia desires now; that it was the partition she desired at the time of the Crimean War; that against such policy *we contended then and are contending now."” From the comments of the leading news- papers of Germany it is evident that abont the same view is taken there regarding the Tecent attitudes of England as is taken in this country. The North German Gazette, one of the leading journals of Berlin, de- clores that since tho conclusion of peace England *has been exclusively parading the cothurn of Europesn interests "—which is a metaphorical way of saying that she has been putting on tragic airs sbout other pco- ple's business. The Gaztle adds the very trite remark that the programme of En- gland, when determined upon, will be deci- € The truth of this statement is all the more evident from the fact that at present England seems to be the only Power which is unwilling to aceept _the treaty of San Stefano, or, at least, to diseuss it in & European Congress, o —— 7 'The man SEmme, who has his sto tell n'bon_t frauds committed at the fi.\::!e' :bof the Florida count, is a party with & record, Tho Department of Justice has had occasion f"’ Jmow the man, and its knowledge of him is not the most favorable. It seems that Serxizx, having progressed very little in the general knowledge of the world from that possesséd by his ancestor who pined at Juan Fernsndez, had somewhers heard that time was money, and fo prove the truth of the maxim he went upon one. Primed with - the ““sinews,” he sallied forth Floridaward. On his way thither he found it Decessary to ux:}ploy tonics frequently in order that ho might f.t' ‘himself for the heavy work in hand. The preliminary training for his work, how- ;a\'o:-g, npp;sm to have continued - so as purchasing ability lasted, and the valiant Seams made oft. repeated requests of the to refill his collapsed wallet that he might not intermit in his filling of the flow- ing bowl. The applications for reinforce- ment were Lonored once or twice, but the official head at Washington at last discovered that tho rat-hole was bottomless, and SEr- ximg was by order ticketed and sent home C. 0. D. The modern discoverer became satis- fled, however, of the truth of Fravr’sin- junction, a5 he had demonstrated that the jollier the time the mora money it repre- sented. Mr. Hexorics, of Indiana, stated yester- day, in the course of a conversation with 8 correspondent of the New York World, that the confessions of AcLiN and Dexy1s were in no manner a surprise to him, and that legal proceedings based upon them would be instituted for the purpose of ousting Haves. That le was prepared for the alleged *confessions” cannot be doubted, as cverybody, in ashington and out, has long wunderstood that Democrats were concocting another plot against the President. It is shown by an interview which we publish this morning that for several months past the fact that another scheme was on foot has been thetown talk of Washington. In the same interview, by the way, the man DeNNs is thoroughly shown up and his true character exposed. The most curious feature of this new out- break of partisan spite is that after so long a time for preparation the Democrats have been compelled to rely upon s person so irre- sponsible s Dexyis, and upon evidence so weak as the tale he tells of the proceedings in Fiorida during and’ after the Presidential election. The new City Courcil will, it is under- stood, organize to-morrow evening. The election three weeks ago was a strugglo to preserve a conservative majority in the Council, but the return of McCarrreY and Lawrer hes created some question as to what will be the actual character of the new body. This doubt has been some- what incrensed by the slleged defection of Ald. Dary, who, itis claimed, in considera- tion of being elected President of the Board, has transferred his influence and his vote to theside of the Lummers. Parties in the Council may be said to be divided upon the financial policy,—that is, whether the annual appropriations and taxation shall be kept at the minimum, or expanded to meet the demands of thetax-eaters who claim it to be the duty of Government to expend/ money for expenditure’s sake. There is, of course, a purpose to secure the organization of the Council in order to have control of the machinery of the City Government, and for this purpose to get possession of a majority on each committee which in any way wilt have the recommendation of ex- penditures. The significance—we may say the desperate significance—of this division of parties is exhibited in the fact that the city is penniless; that it has'not a dollar ap- plicable to cirrent expenses; that the paper which it offers to its creditors is of such doubtful validity that it has no market value, and that the policemen, firemen, and other city employes rofuse to acceptit. In the faco of these inexorable facts, thers is a faction in the City Council which proposes to “reform™ the City Government by an in- crease of appropriations and the letting of contracts, to meet which there is not the re- motest menns of obtaining any revenue. Never in the history of the city was there such a unecessity as now exists for the re- @uction of expenditares; and if the Council could repenl one-half the approprintions made for 1878, it would relieve the city of much of the financial peril by which it isnow threatened. THE MUNICIPAL CRISIS AND DILEMMA. The Municipality of Chicago has reached a crisis in its financial affeirs which it is foolish to ignore, or to attempt to put out of sight. The Administration hes tried ex- pedient after expedient to float the Munic- ipal Government from year to year since 1870, and each time sinking worse than be- fore in its complicated embarrassments. The Supreme Court, by decisions following each other in regular succession, has nearly, if not quite, ruled the Government out of existence, and at this very moment there ate other suits pending bhaving .for their purpos¢ the judicial prohibition of any further effort on tho part of the City Gov- ernment to maintain its authority, or even its organization. Its latest Jdevice to carry on the Govern- ment without money, and without the legal power to borrow, is to pay out city serip, not terest, and payable out of taxes of 1878, which taxes will be collected late in 1879. Tho legality of this paper is expressly and directly asspiled by the injunction pro- ceedings that have been instituted, and the payment of the scrip hereafter from the proceeds of taxes will be arrested by an ap- peal to the Courts, on the ground that it was Dot lawful for the city to have incurred the Jiability for which the scrip was issued. TYesterday, when the police and firemen were offered city serip in payment of their January salaries, the men as a body refused to sccept it. The men are also eutitled to salarics for Februnry, March, and April, They pleaded that they could not use the paper as money ; that it had no market value. The 3ayor and Comptroller frankly stated they hed no money, and could not have any until the taxes were collected (in September, 1879), and, if the men refused the scrip, there was nothing else to offer them in the power of the authorities to give. This brings matters to a crisis. In addi- tion to the policemen and firemen, thore are the teachers, the bridge-tenders, the laborers, mcchanics, clerks, the officers of the City Government, of the Police Courts, and of the Bridewell, the persons who furnish coal, the ges companies, the Health: Department, the men who supply food for the horses of the Firo Deglartment, who furmish the lumber, nails, and other materinls,—ecalling for an issue of scrip beyond cash revenue of nearly $8,500,000. - The scrip will not be available, even in payment of taxes, until some time in 1579, and not then unless there be sucha change of opinion by the Supreme Court as will legalizo a practice and a policy which the Court Las hitherto declared to be void. If the scrip have no market value, even when the amount issued is only equal to one month’s pay of a portion of those -entitled to it, what will it be worth when the mmount issued shall reach up into the millions? If the men avé compelled, because of the pres- ent nm? future worthlessness of the scrip, to Tefuse it, then they cannot afford to work and support themsalves for cighteen n:onths without some pay. . The various savings banks have burst up and closed on the seanty hoardings of ‘all these people. Even the eventual payment of the serip is threatened. The city's employes cando noth- ing but resign and seck some other mode of supporting themselves and families. In other words, the city is brought face to face with Department | the necessity of discharging all its employes, the | suspending all its expenditures, and dis- banding its Government. This; it must do, or it must have money ; and it is prohibited by law and the Supreme Court from collect- ingits tax for current expenditures, or bor- rowing money, or even agreeing to pay its menout of the taxss when collected. This crisis has been foreseen. Nothing could have averted it save an appeal to the Su- prema Court for a rehearing and modifica- tion of its previous destructive decisions. The suspension of the City Government and the closing of its offices may be postponed a few weeks or months, but the result is inev- itable and close at hand unless the crushing, annihilating decree of the Supreme Court shall bo recalled, revised, mitigated, and judicial permission given to the City Gov- ernuent to exercise its functions and con- tinue its existence. Assumivg that nothing will be done to obtain relief from the Supreme Court in the way indicated, what then is left for the city todo? If the validity of the scrip were un- questioned, there might be a chance that it would be carried by citizens at some price or shave; but it is useless to expect that snything of that kind will be done so long as, under the decision of the Court, the paper is held to be void, and an injunction can be had to prohibit its payment at any time here- after. Brought fo a peremptory standstill, without power to hire a policeman, or to purchase a ton of coal, or to havea gas- lamp lighted, the Mayor must of necessity notify the Governor of the collapse of the City Government, and call upon that Chief Magistrate to extend to this city such mili- tary or other protection for life and property as the State may have power to afford ; and, if it be deemed possible for the Legislature to afford any relief or remedy, to convenc that body for that purpose, The Supreme Court practically has re- quired the city to incur no expense or lin- bility until it has the money on hand to pay that expense. It is required to doa cash business exclusively ; and yet by law it is prohibited from collecting the revenue until eighteen to twenty-one months after the cur- rent expenses of the city must necessarily be incurred! The City Government cannot per- form impossibilities. It must either sus- pend making expenditures for at least eighteen months, until the collection of rev- enue shall overtuke the necessity of expendi- ture, or the judicial chains must be removed from its limbs. As no effort is made to ac- complish the latter, then the suspeunsion of all government until the city is in possession of & year's revenue is not a matter of choice but one of imperstive necessity. People may as well open their eyes to the naked realities of the situation. WHAT COMMUNISM REALLY MEANS. A man named A. R. Parsoxs, whose name has become familiar in Chicago as a leader among the discontented elements of society, is recognized as a local oxponent of Com- munism. His views may be fairly taken es those which prevail among the people who call themselves Socialists or Communists in thig city. The terms are now interchauge- able, though the principle of the Com- mune in its local significance in France had o different menning. A day or two ago the man Pinsoxs communicated his views to a reporter of TrE TRmUNE, not merely as to the purpose of the local Chicago orgsnization, but as to the general principles and aims of Socialism. He pretended to deny that So- cialism demands an equal distribution of property, but virtnally admitted it in the course of further conversation, since he claimed * equal rights and equul opportuni- ties for all,” und defined what he called the “ industrial partnersiip ” s0 as to reduce it in plain terms to an equal distribution of property. He admitted that the *social revolution” began last July, when the as- saults on property were made. He contended that the present systew is a system of “ wage-slavery,” and that the struggle is to frec men from the present condition of vassals or serfs, and ““make them independ- ent of the dictation of capitalists.” He main- tained that Socialism dempnds the substitu- tion of a system of * laboring capitelists,” Finally, to illustrate the application of his theory, he said: ‘¢ Take the firm of FreLp & LerTes, for instance. All that remains to be done there is for Fierp & LeiTer to draw their weekly stipend with the rest, and there you have industrial partnership.” ‘When Pansoxs denied that Socinlism seeks sn equal distribution of property, he was either deceiving himself or endesvoring to deceive the public, for his subsequent re- marks, definitions, aund illustrations show that such is the aim of Socialism as he con- strues and understands it. The attainment of Parsoxs’ theory of * industrial partner- ship * will be the attainment of an equal dis- tribution of property. Communism- or So- cialism reverts then to the original proposi- tion on which it was founded, viz.: that “ property isrobbery.” Itcan be easily dem- onstrated that the Parsons scheme inevita- bly lends up to the French fanaticism which is responsible for all the iniquities, past and to come, that are identified with the name of Communism or Socialism. Itis not true that the present system of Iabor is one of slavery. Slavery means invol- untary or forced servitudefor mere sust2nance, complete submission to an owner and master, and the absence of ail opportunity or hope for an improvement or betterment in con- dition. There is no such thing in this coun- try now. Every mau works freely as much or as little as he pleases, and is rewarded ac- cording to his cspacity and services. The system of co-operation is alrerdy established so far as experience, judgment, and the in- terests of society warrant it. Tho relation of employer and employe is that of volun- tary co-operation on an sgreed basis of com- pensation. The employer furnishes the cap- ital, pays all expenses, taxes, and repairs, and assumes all the risk of loss; he demands in return the privilege of dictating the manage- ment of that capital, and the enjoyment of the profits that sccrue from its use, over and above expenses and what he agrees to set aside as the wages fand. The employo un- dertakes to furnish a certain amount: and 1 Lind of labor, and demands in return a cer- tain amount and kind of pay; but, as he furnishes nome of the capital, takes nome of the risk, shares nome of the losscs, and has his part of the proceeds absolutely guaranteed to him, he foregoes the priviiege of dictating the management, and releases any claim upon surplus profits that may accrue. The employer earries his tesponsibility with hum, toils and studies night and day to protect his capital, wears out Ins brain and physical strength in thought and anxiety, while the employe eats, drinks, and sleeps soundly, without concern, free to come and go, and always certain of the reward which he expects so long as he gives the services ho has promised. For this immunity from care, and loss, and extra labor, the employe foregoes any share in possible profits. In compensation for hisrisk, thought, and endless labor, the employer ex- ‘acts the right to Manags his own business and to enjoy the gaing therefrom. Ambition, ac- quisitiveness, social distinetion, civil posi- tion, love of power, are the motives that in- duce men to strive and toil as employers. Perfect freedom from responsibility and anxiety, from dissppointment and loss, are the compensation for the employe who con- tents himself with receiving acertain pay for a certain amount of time and lnbor. Socialism, accordingto the man PirsoNs, would break down this established systens, and put all men on anequal basis in the * in- dustrial partnership.” That is to say, Mr. Frerp and Mr. Lerrer would draw a woekly stipend just equal fo that of a porter in their store, and the responsible head of each de- partment no more than a subordinate clerk. Socialism, then, eliminates at the very outset every inducement for superior brains, expe- rience, judgment, and devotion to business. It puts all men on a dull level in tho matter of compensation, and makes all equal in im- portance, regardless of moral, physical, aud intellectunl qualities. This establishes o community that can be governedonly by the majority. Individual dictation then ceases, and cliques and factions are formed as a necessary result. Messrs. FrELp and LETTER would not be likely to remain long at the head of affairs under such a system. They would be quickly deposed from control to make room for a successful intriguer or the favorito associste among the 800 or 1,000 partners. Indeed, Messrs. Frerp and Lerrer would probably not care to undergo the mental strain and apxiety they now endure for a single duy in order to make their business yield rich rewards, when they would only share equally with & man who earries in boxes and has nothing further on kis mind. This would be business Communism. Tt would result in o distribution of property, and it would result in chaos. The business, subjected to interior intrignes and dissen- sions, confused by conflicting judgment and changes of policy,—run by a mob, in fact,— would soon lose its prestige and its profits. The outcome of the experiment would be the dissipation of the entirg concern within a year or 80, which would amount to a dis- tribution of the property. Who would ben- efit by such a revolution ? Frerp and Letrer, it 15 true, would be stripped of the accumu- Intion of long years, gained by energy, brains, and constant application, but the 800 or 1,000 employes would be no richer, except, perhaps, those who had been dishonest enough to take advantage of the gemeral wreck and confusion and get the best of their associates. o . The essential defect in Socialism as ap- plied to business. or an *“industrial partner- ship,” “as the man Parsons terms it, is the unavoidable absence of a central, perma- nent, and dictatorial mansgement. Such management is absolutely necessary to the success of any large manufacturing, produc- ing, or commercial business. Men associate their capital whenever it is to their interest todo so. They form joint-stock companies for conducting railroads, runningsteambonts, telegraph companies, banks, insurance com- pauies, ete., and agree upon & management for a defnite period. Even such nsso- cistions of capital are more or less in- jured by the cliques and cabals that they generate, but men take the risk of -encoun- tering these embarrassments and possible losses when the prospect of gain attracts them. But universal Socialism would have no controlling heed to any business. It would require an'equal partition of gain, an equal share of loss, equal forbearance one toward another, an equal’ voice in manage- ment, an ecqual capacity, and an equal de- votion to mutual interests, in order to result successfully. In other words, it would re- quire a complete revolution in human nature to cnable men to live together in harmony under such conditions. Greed, ambition, intrigue, selfishness, jealousy, laziness, dis- honesty, would all have to be exorcised by some undiscovered power; otherwise there would resnlt chaos, rebellion, bloodshed, and universal failure. There is one characteristic of social organ- ization in this country which will act as a permanent protection against this insane delusion of Communism, viz.: the wide dis- semination of individual property rights and interests. The census shows that there are 8,500,000 farm-owners in the United States, and 2,000,000 men who own their own homes or other property in the cities, towns, and villages. Every man among all these is opposed to thé principle and the inevitable outcome of Communism. Not one among them all ean afford to sacrifice his individual advantage, gained by his own endeavor, to run his chances in the general chaos that would result from any attempt at an equal division of property and mob-rule in business. This force is large enough to crush Communism wherever it may show its head,—for these 0,000 property-oyners, with their relatives and dependents, coustitute an - over- whelming majority and an invincible power in the land. 'They comprise the best brains, energy, muscle, conrage, and morals of the country. They are very equally distributed, as they stand, and can protect single com- munities, as all in a mass can protect the union of communities. No body of men under the banner of Communisin or Social- ism—whether banded together by fanaticism or led by demagogues and adventurers—will ever bo strong enough to seriously threaten the peace and welfare of any American com- munity. There is no enduring danger to be apprehended from Communism in, this coun- try ; but serious disturbancos and losses may be averted by promptly suppressing the fal- lacies that lead up o it. OUR POSITION AS A NEUTRAL. The New York Nation now and then acei- dentally pronounces sound judgment upon matters under discussion. Ono of these ne dents has just happened to it. In au article upon the position which this conutry will occupy in case of war between Eungland and Russia, it decides very rightly that the United States will be a neutral, and that it will be the daty of our Government to ses that that neutrality is strictly observed. it is a curious feature of the sitnation—perhaps it is more truly a twinge of couscience—that the ides is entertained in England, if she de- “clares war agaiost Russia, the Iatter Power will issue letters of marque to American ad- venturers, and that the seas will swarm with Alabamas to prey upen English commerce. Even Sir SawuEL BAKER writes to the Lon- don Times making this dismel prophecy, and the English press very generally moke the same assumption, for no other apparent rea- son than that England berself failed to do her duty by exercising proper care and sur- veillance over privateoring adventurers dur- ing our own Civil War. Certainly there are no precedents that warrant England in her assumptions. During none of the wars of the past fifty years have American privateers interfered with the commerce of belliger- ents. American privateers have not been seen upon the high seassince the War of 1812, when, npon the principle that all's fair | in war, PauL Joxes and other skippers had the right to inflict all the damage they could upon the cotamerce of our enemy. Apart from precedents, there are numerous obstacles in our way, even if we were dis- posed to help Russia wipe out English com- merce. However much we may sympathize with Russia and her policy of enfranchising the Sclaves and releasing them from the hor- rible cruelties of the Moslem power, and however much we may fail to sympathize with England in her efforts to prevent Rus- sia from realizing and enjoying the full fruits of victory, we are at peace with both nations, on good terms with each, and, as a neutral; have no intention of lending as- sistance to cither, unless the intangible sen- timent of sympathy can be called assistance. As the Nation intimates, the Declaration of Paris stands in our way. That Declara- tion abolished privateering. *Our Gov- ermnment refused to agree to the an- nouncement of the Great Powers that privateering is and remams abolished, not because it approved of privateer- ing, but because it desired to go fur- ther and protect even belligerent commerce.” ‘Wo applicd the principle of that Declaration vractically to Great Britain. She did not openly interfere with our commerce, or pub- licly encourago privateering, but she failed to exercise that vigilance which she was; bound to exercise to prevent depredation upon our commerce. We called bher to ac- count for it at Geneva and fined her heavily. If her conduct had been more open she would have been fined still more leavily, aud if she had refused to pay it we should have had to declare war against her and taken satisfaction with the sword. In like manner, if in case of war between England and Russia we allow the latter Power to issue letters of marque in our ports and send out privateers, or if we should fail to exer- cise the requisite vigilance to prevent it, England would have the same right to call us to account, and fine us or make war ogainst us. The ‘Treaty of Washington, moreover, is an insuperable obstacle in our way. That instrument declares explicitly that & neatral Government ‘is bound to use such vigilance as shall prevent privateering ; that it shall not allow belligerents with whom it is at peace to use its ports as n base of naval operations, or to use them for fiiting out and arming vessels, and that it shall use due diligence to prevent the violation of its obligations. Even if we were not hedged in by international law and special treaties, evenif we had not set a precedentof our policy in the Alabama case, there would be no such danger as the English apprehend. No policy is so well settled, and no policy has been more rigidly earried out, than that of non-interference in European wars. We may sympathize very strongly, and express ourselves very emphatically, but we have no interests in Europe that can be endangered, and we have neither the reason nor the dis- position to meddle with their quarrels. If England desires to make war with Russia she need not hesitate on our account, as not & single vessel will ssil from American ports to prey npon English commerce, if *‘due diligence” can prevent it. THE POPE AND THE TEMPORAL POWER. ‘The encyclical of the new Pope reassert- ing the claim to the temporal power will dis- appoint some of the high expectations that were formed on his accession. His inaugn- ral and his pastoral letters to the Romish clergy promised a moro liberal policy. These and other utterances, though they did not deal with the subject directly, contained al- lusions which were interpreted to mean that the new Pope had resolved to submit as a subject to the rule of the Italian Govern- ment. The encyclical shows that these ex- pectations were baseless. It approves and continues the late Pope's policy with refer- ence to the temporalities, justifymg his pro- tests against the occupation of Rome, and his laments over the loss of his inheritance. ‘Whatever moral force the encyclical may have,—and we are not disposed to underrate its effect upon the Church inforeign lands,— it cannot alter the great fact of Italian unity. This is now too firmly established to be moved by the disapprobation of any spiritual power. Free and united Italy exists by vir- tue of a popular demand more imperative than that which put King Wirziax on the throne of an Empire, or sustains Queen Vic- Tonia where she is. The civil power of Prus IX., always wenk and tottering, crumbled in ruins the moment the French troops were withdrawn, There was no need then for Vicror EanraNvEr to lay siegetoRome. The gates of the city flew open at his approach. If the people had had any affection for the civil power of the Pope this was the time for them to show it. They knew that Vicror ExnusvEL, years before, had reduced the Papal territory from 12,000 to 4,500 square miles, reducing the population ithin the Papal jurisdiction from 3,000,000 to 700,000. They could not have misunder- stood his relations to the Holy See when theyinvited him to come and rule over them. Tu spite of these relations, they made their | invitation pressing, and were anxious and impatieut till it had been accopted. Tho enthusinsm which they manifested on this occasion has not diminished since. When Vicror Esnusven died, Rome went into mourning. The people entreated his family to. permit his burinl in Rome, declaring that he belonged to them as the first Italinn King, and that no people would cherish kis memory more fondly, or protect his bones more carefully, than themsolves. The fami- 1y of the King, desiring to respect his wishes and procure his interment at Turin, yielded to the wishes of the Roman people most reluctantly, and only because the claims of the Capital City seemed to possess national importance and significance. A demonstra- tion so overwhelming as that which attended bhis funeral must be accepted as testimony to the excellence of his reign over the Italian States, and the bonefits Rome in particular derived from it. The Romans owed Vicror Esnrasves much for the municipal improve- ments which ke permitted and encouraged. Under his rule Rome was purified of beggars, rogs, and dirt, introduced to the privileges of n free.school system, and sppointed the Capital of a nation. The Papal Government ad done her more harm than good, making her interests subordinate to those of the Chnreh. . The Italian Government redeemed her from s condition of bondage, and re- stored her to name and position as one of the great citics of Enrope. How can the Pope deprive the Roman peo- ple of the Government which they have thus selected and approved? He cannot, it is evident, sppeal to them for sympathy. The Italian Government has more than realized all their expectations. Not only will they refuse to surrender it at his order, but they would, if necessary, defend it against him or any other power in Europe. There is, for- tunately, no power against whom they will be called to defendit. Of all those which owe a nominal allegiance to the Pope, Spain poral power if she could, and Spain is now 50 brpken by age and disease in her own political system that she commands 1o re- spect in the councils of Europe. -Itely, young and vigorous, is more powerfal and respectable than Spain. France, which formerly stood by the Pope's throme, is now a Republic, snd it is not the business of Republics to impose foreign yokes upon nations that have achieved their independence. Belgium, which has zeal enough for the purpose, i8 scarcely an independent nation herself, but depends upon the jeelousy of her neighbors for her own existence. Austria has business to keep her fully engaged at home, having the Seclavic influence on ono sideand the German on the other to disturb her peace and employ her armies: Finally, if all the Catholic Powers in Europe were ever sO much disposed to restore the Pope’s ci.vil dominion by force, there isa Protestant in- fluence still more formidable which could not be bronght to consent to it. Germsny and England would stand by Italy, and the combined power of the remainder of Europe could not prevail against such an alliance. The schemd for the restoration of the temporal power being thus im- practicable, why should the new Pope continue to urge it? There isno strength to be gnined by insisting upon claims which cannot be established. The claims them- selves are not sacred. They are merely thoss of long possession. The temporal power was not derived from St. PeTER. It was the gift of old King Perry, who handed over this dominion and much mora beside to the ruling Pope in token of his gratitude for the &id he had received from the Churel in prosecuting his cmpaigns. Cmazies the Great confirmed the title granted by bis Royal grandfather, and took the iron crowz from Lo IIL in acknowledgment of his There was then much reason to services. be grateful for a temporal power, since it secured the Pope against tyranny ot home and disobedience abroad; but it long since ceased to be valu- able for its own sake to a purely spiritual cause. Leo XIII. has as much reason to thank ‘Vicror Esnraxven and HUMBERT for relieving him from eivil cares as his aucestor hiad to reward CHARLEMAGNE for bestowing them upon him. And if Leo were not dis- posed to rejoice at the loss of this trouble- some Kingdom, he might submit to it with patience and resignation as something which he has not the power nor the right to pre- vent. It isno more the part of wisdom for the Head of the Church than fora private citizen to continue in rebellion and promote dissensions when all chance of success is gone, aud the State needs the services of all its citizens. WHAT DOES ENGLAND WANT?! | A Berlin dispatch of yesterday gives this German view of the English-Russian quarrel : The North German Gazetle ssys: ‘‘The action of diplomacy centres in the answer of Enzland to Ttaly's inquiry as to the” English programumne, At the outbreak of the war England honorably lnid down her interests as the guide and measure of her attitude. Since the conclusion of prace she has been exclusively parading in the character of o= called Euoropean interests. No onc knows how theee interests arc to be deseribed. Iler pro- gramme, the coior of which England must sooner or later make known, and whica has already as- sumed very varions aspects from the lauguage of diferent English Ministers, will ultimately be de- cisive of the Eastern crisis.” The weakness of the Eaglish position from the first has been that her Cabinet would not or could not state what modifications of tle San Stefano treaty England demanded. She has gone on making preparations for calling out reserves, organizing two army corps to fight Kussin's foarteen, building aud buying iron-clads, manufacturing torpedoes, sending for Hindoo troops, and spending the Parlia- mentary grant of $30,000,000 with o free hand; but never telling Russia or the Powers what modifications of the treaty would placate her. Such s position as this is ut- terly indefensible before the high court of public opimion, A reaction has set in against the war furor, and people are now beginning to ask each other what Disrarrt and Savis- BURY are quarreling with Russiasbout. Prince GorrscHAKOFF's reply to the Marquis of Sav1spurY’s circular asking England for her counter-proposition has caused millions of the English to pause and inquire why the Government has not stated what modifica- tions of the treaty between Russia and Tar- key would be satisfactory. ‘So long as England proposes nothing of her own in amendment of the treaty, it is simply insult- ing to ask Russia to submit it for simple spproval or disapproval. GORTSCHAKOFF placed DisraErr in a tight place when he said, in reply to SALISBURY's note, ** If you don’t like the San Stefano treaty we have made with the Turks, state what yon do like, and then we shall both appear on equal terms at the proposed Congress, where each Power will have full liberty of criticism and sction.” The London 7'mes, which has been lean- ing towards the war party, doesn't like Dis- RAELT's pettifogging quibbles agumst accopt- ing Germany’s proposition to hold a Enro- pean Congress of the Powers to settle the points in dispute. It impatiently says: The truth is. there is some growing impatience of the objections which, rightly or wronzly, the Drit,sh Government are supposed to be ruming to the Coneress. The distinctivn between two for- mulas, the one to which England objected suzgest- ing that the Powers should meet to consider t chunges to be introduced into the treaties of 18 and 1871 in consequence of the recent events, and the other, which it is thought will be more accept- able, that the Fowers muet to consider the treaties of 1856 and 1871 in relation to the treaty of San Stefano, sceus too shadowy to be gragped by un- diplomatic minds. The late London papers are filled with the greatdebate in Parlinment on the question what England should do. Lord Denny, who was compelled to resign from the Cabinet on account of DismaEer’s senseless belligerent intentions, made a speech, of which thisisa fair synopsis : Lord Dzroy pointed out that the gravity attributed totbe faitare of tae Conzrexs waxJargely factitious, inasmuch 2s the questions 1t was expected t settle could be settied by newatiation between individual Powers; he showed with the clearncsnof 8 man who knows what he is talking about, that in case of war England could count on no ally but Austria, and that Austria, owing to the pecaliar composi- tionof her population and her army, could not be relied on for u long war, and might at any stage in the strugele be compelled to make separute terms with ltussia. Ile then came to the tremendoms question, \What is to be the object of the war? It cannot be to restore Turkey, for all are agreed that that is impossible. 1f it is to procure a reduction m the amonnt of the indemnity, there is no wood reason for thinkiny that this cannot be zccomplish- ed by peaceful negotiatfon. There fv, he ‘sald, however. behind thesc excuses m stronger mo- tive than uny of them, and that is a desire 10 restore Euglish prestige, which the public haw got info its hend has been diminished. He denied that Enzlish prestize had been aiminished: the existing anxiety about her conrse ail over Europe wus proof of the contrary. Butif it had been duninished, 1t was due to the ous course of the English public in refasing passion- ately clghteen months a0 to Interfere in behalf of Turkey, and in DOW Drobo<ing just as passionately 10 20 to attack Russia for conqnering her, as if body suppused that the war could result in her de- closed with a stroke which had the force of ammer. by ueking what England would ing she nOW went 10 war and took from Ruesiu all Russia had won. She could not_retain European Turkes. or even substitute in it English inluence for Russian influence, because Rpssian infincnce hod roots which peitaer the English nor Austriun sword conld destroy, namely: community of religion, traditionzl and historic sympathies, and 3 common batred of a common enemy. ‘When a Judge in passing sentence takes ocea- sion to moralize, he usualiy puts his foot into the mouth he upens with such gravity. Frin- to sentence Heautiful-for-Ever Racaer for ab. tainiong the jewcls of Mrs. PEARSE, the dunghter of Mar10 and GRIsL, be read bera moral lect. ure, in the course of which he said that pe ““knew not to what purposes. she contemplazeg using her vietims,” and, added his Ludship: *You suggested to this young lady that she might plunder ber husband, and orobably yoq might—had her purity not deterred you from it —have sugzested something else.” To an up. biased observer up a tree, it mizht seem asif it was none of his Ludship’s condemned bugj. ness to lug such matters into his scntence, Iy he didn’t kuow what she intended, and if spe had been deterred from suzgesting it soshoy swhat particular connection biad it with his sey. tence? It would be well if lezal luminares would reflect upon the words of the prisoper who remarked with great dignity to bis Judge: “Your Ludship, I am here to be sentenceq—. ot to be preached to.” ——— The Washington correspondent of the New Orleans Times credits the President with some remarkable utterances. He says Mr. Harps has a comprehensive plan for the improvement of the Mississippi River which, he thinks, ought tobe put in operationat once. “The Repup. fcan members of Lougress from the Westn said the President, “will help carry it throngh, Everybody I know, except the Eastern Demg. crats, is in favor of the improvement of the Mississippi, and I can’t sce why these bills hage not been passed.” ‘lhen the correspondent adds: “Referrinz to the fight papers like the Tribune are making against the hundred million Southern improvewments, the President smileq and said, ‘I believe the people of the countryare for all these things. I think the necessity for them 15 self-evident.”” If this report be true, there can be no further reason to wonder that the South so persistently declares that Haves {3 2 better friend to it than TILDEN would haye been. But don't credit the truth of the report- ed saying of the President. i — The weak part of the purchased * confession # of McLiNis thatitis all hearsay. He admits that he has no personal knmowledge of any frauds committed by Republicans. In no part of the confession does McLix state that on the evidence before the Florida Retarning Board at the time the count was made, or upon the law knownto them at that time, or upon the facts in the case with which they were then famillar, would they bave made any other decision than the one which they did make—that is, a decision io favor of RUTHERFORD B. Haves. TiLpgy, who bonght the *confession,” is too Zood alaw- yer not to perceive that, as legal evidence, it is utterly worthless; but he wanted it for its hoped-for effect on the popular mind. [ a— A surgical operation is needed to get o joke into the average Scotchman’s head, and it must be of the heroic sort when the joke is of the circus variety. The other day the inhabitants of the Village of Auchterarder, Perth, heanl® that six lions had brokenluose frown a menagerio at Stirling, and were advancing in the direction of Auchterarder. Instead of soying, “Wnat are you givine us?* and resolving to o or not to 2o to the menagerie, as the inhabitants of an American village would have done under similar cireumstances, the canny Scots locked up their cattle, sheep, and pigs, and for a whole das and a night business was suspended in tne, aund not a soul ventured out of doors. e — Mr. Riczarp A. PROCTOR has been heard frow again on the subject of the determination of thesun’s distance.- Capt. TGPMAN, he says, has re-examived the British observations, and tinds that the distance formerly annonnced— about 93,375,000 miles—vas about balf a million miles too great, and that the sun’s mean distance is about 92,700,000 miles, these figures represent- ing the mean of the ingress and egress observa- tions properly welghed. Mr. ProcToR himselt thinks that in all probability the sun’s distance does mot lie eo much as 200.000 miles on either side of the value 92,300,000 mile; —— ‘Tur TRIBUNE has already spoken of the snd- den death of M. Louis AsSELINE, the first mem- ber of the Paris Socicte d’Autopsie Matuelle todie. His remains were culy submitted to surgical examination. Death, it was found, had resulted from fatty degeneration of the heart, and the discovery was mude that the fronto- ‘parietal sutures were not ossified, as they shonld have been in a person of his age—i9. The sur- zeous hold that if further examination of the bodies of men who employ the brain constsotly discloses the same coudition of the sutures,an interesting and important discovery will have been made. —— Joux KeLLY is more of asuccess as a Boss than as an editor. An attempt was made last ‘week to sell fifty $50 shares of one of his papers, the Star, for which $20 would have been taken, but the only bid was 315, and the stock bad to be bought in. And yet all the Tammany office- holders have to take the Boss’ paper, and n ail cases of disputed personal taxes and the like s year’s subscription is the- price the taxpayer pays for a favorable hearing! Boss KerLy and Boss GooLD probably cannot understand why itis that some newspapers can’t be made to make money. = e e Mr. BEXDRICKS came down-stairs airily the other morning, and, lookinz at the pavers, sald cheerfully, “So Mr. TiLpEx is at work in Florida? be, he! Fuony, aiw’t it? ha, ha! I don’t think it’1l amount to much, bo, bo!" So good-natured and light-hearted was he that he left his breakfast nntasted, sud the servant- girl, who had gone up-stairs to make the bed, found the pitlows all chiewed up, and the sheets torn to ribbons, a3 if by a stronz man in his agony. A SN McLiN is the chop that seat a dispatchall over the country uot long ago * confessing” that MANTON MARBLE tried to bribe him togive the Electoral vote of Florida to TILDEN. BLE promptly provounced him an unmitigated ligr. Now, McLIX says Gen. Noves tried to bribe him for the other side, and everybody will believe that is a lie, without a word from Geo. Noves. He beats TrLross wife all hollow in the “confession” line of business. —— Many of our exchanges are speaking fluently of the war party in Englatid as *The Jingoes,” and of the Princess MAkT us “the Queen of the Jingoes.” For thelr benelit we will explain what they do not know—that “The Jinzoes” are 5o ealled from the chorus ot a patridiotic song— We don't want to fight, but, by Jingo, it we do, We've vot the ships, we've got the men, we've gob the money to0 —— First they sct alloat a rumor that the wild pigeons had all been poisoned by eating some * noxious berry, and now they Lave discovel trichina in shad; butter Is oleomargarine, 3od there are balrs in strawberry shorteake: the Communists are driling pight and day; rs- TiLToN goeth about like a gizgling womad And yet the seeking what she may confess. Docts talk of * Beautiful Spring.” —— McLix, the Florlda carpet-bagwer, says he s pricked on to make his confesslon by *quick- ened conscicnce.” He says he has played the - kpave and lived a lic for nearly two years, bub | conscience forees him to * confuss” at last to CoNRLiNG and TiLDEN's man Morrox. lo many respects his bears a strong rescmblance to the case of Mue. TiLTON. ) - s LEON SAY, the eminent French cconomist, I8 decply and justly mourned by his irfends. Bub they do not all sorrow as without soap, for the soap-makers of Marseilles are about to send 3 statue of him n Old Brown Windsor to the Paris Exgosition. ——— At Goa, in December next, the body of S7- Fraxcs XAviER wiil be exposed to the venera tion of the Roman Cathoiic faithful. * The Coming Man,” of whom we have heard 50 mach, will, it is believed, come from Ohio- e ———— The Times' deais that all the men and women who read iz cry out with one accord: i Give us Mag- - |