Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.
» - uralization the treasury on the 14th of last June, with its accompanying letter of the secretary of state, recommending an appropriation for a commission to study the industrial and commercial conditions in the Chinese ewpire and to report as to the opportunities for and the obstacles to the enlargement of markets in China for the raw prod- ucts and manufactures of the United States. Action was not taken thereon during the last session. I cordially urge that the recommendation receive at your hands the consideration which its importance and timeliness merit.” In his annual message of 1899 he again called attention to this recom- mendation, quoting it, and stated fur- ther: “I now renew this recommendation, as the importance of the subject has steadily grown since it was first sub- mitted to you, and no time should be lost in studying for ourselves the re- sources of this great fleld for Ameri- can trade and enterprise.” The importance of securing proper information and data with a view to the enlargement of our trade with Asia 1s undiminished. Our consular repre- gentatives in China have strongly urged a place for permanent display of American producets in some promi- nent trade center of that empire under government control and management as an effective means of advancing our export trade therein. I call the atten- tion of the congress to the desirability of carrying out these s tions. Immigration and Naturalization. In dealing with the questions of im- migration and natura tion it is in- dispensable to keep certain facts ever before the minds of those who share in enacting the la First and foremost let us reweinber that the question of being a good American h: nothing whatever to do with a man's birth- place any more than it has to do with his creed. In every generation from the time this government was founded men of forelzn birth have stood in the very foremost rank of good citizenshig, and that not merely in one but in every fleld of American activity, while to ry to draw a distinction Letween the man whose parents came to this country and the man whose ancestors came to it several generations back iIs a mere absurdity. Good Am anlsm is a mat- ter of heart, of conscience, of lofty as- piration, of sound common sense, but not of birthplace or of creed. The med- al of honor, the highest prize to be won by those who serve In the army and the navy of the United States, deco- rates men born here, and it also deco- rates men born in Great Britain and Ireland, in (fermany, in Scandinavia, In France and doubtless in other coun- tries also. In the field of statesman- ship, in the fleld of business, in the fleld of philanthropic endeavor, it is equally true that among the men of whom we are most proud as Amerl- cans no distinetion whatever can be drawn between those who mselves or whose parents came over in sailing ghip or steamer from across the water and those whose ancestors stepped ashore into the wooded wilderness at Plymouth or at the mouth of the Hud- son, the Delaware or the James 1 three centur o. No fellow citizen of ours is eatitled to any peculiar re- gard beeause of the way in which he worships his Maker or because of the birthplace of himself or his parents, nor should he be in any way diserimi- nated agalnst therefor. Bach must stand on his worth as a man, and each 18 entitled to be judged solely thereby. no danger of laving too ma of the right kind, It makes no difference from what coun- try they come. If they s body and in mind a are of good chara rest assured tha grandchildren will be wi fellow citizens of our children and grande dren, then we should welcome them with cordial hospitality, But the citizenship of this country should not be debased. It is vital that we should keep high the standard of well being among our wageworkers, and therefore we should not admit masses of men whose standards of liv- ing and whose personal customs and habits are such that they tend to lower the level of the American wagework- er, and above all we should not admit any man of an unworthy type, any man concerning whom we can say that he will himself be a bad citizen or that his children and grandchildren will detract from instead of adding to the sum of the good citizenship of the country. Similarly we should take the greatest care about naturalization. Fraudulent naturalization, the natural- {zation of improper persons, is a curse to our government, and it is the affair of every honest voter wherever born to see that no fraudulent voting is al- lowed, that no fraud in connection ‘with naturalization is permitted. In the past year the cases of false, fraudulent and Improper naturalization of allens coming to the attention of the executive branches of the government have increased to an alarming de- gree. Extensive sales of forged certifi- cates of naturalization have been dis. covered, as well as many cases of nat- uralization secured by perjury and fraud, and, in addition, instances have accumulated showing that many courts issue certlficates of naturalization care- lessly and upon insufficient evidence. Under the constitution it is in the power of the congress “to establish a uniform rule of naturalization,” and numerous laws have from time to time been enacted for that purpose, which have been supplemented in a few states by state laws having special applica- tlon. The federal statutes permit nat- uralization by any court of record in the United States having common law Jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, ex- cept the police court of the District of Columbia, and nearly all these courls exercise this important function. It results that where so many courts of such varying grades have jurisdiction there is lack of uniformity in the rules applied in ‘conferring naturalization. Some courts are strict and others 4 An alien who may secure naturaliza- tion in one place might be denied it in another, and the intent of the constitu- tlonal provision is, in fact, defeated. Furthermore, the certificates of nat- sued by the courts differ ‘widely in wording and appearance and when they are brought into use in for- eign countries are frequently subject to suspicion. Naturalization Laws Should be Revised. There should be a comprehensive re: vision of fhe naturalizatfon laws. The courts having power to naturalize should be definitely named by national authority; the testimony upon which naturalization may be conferred should be definitely prescribed; publication of impending naturalization applications should be required in advance of their hearing in court; the form and wording of all certificates issued should be uni- form throughout the country, and the courts should be required to make re- turns to the secretary of state at stated periods of all naturalizations conferred. Laws Concerning Citizenship. Not only are the laws relating to naturalization now defective, but those relating to citizenship of the United States ought also to be made the sub- Ject of sclentific inquiry with a view to probable further legislation. By what acts expatriation may be assumed to bave been accomplished, how long an Amerlcan citizen may reside abroad and receive the protection of our pass- port, whether any degree of protection should be extended to one who has made the declaration of intention to be- come a citizen of the United States, but has not secured naturalization, are questions of serious import, Involying personal rights and often producing friction between this government and foreign governments. Yet upon these questions our laws are silent. I recom- mend that an examination be made in- to the subjects of citizenship, expatria- tlon and protection of Americans abroad, with ‘a view to appropriate legislation. Protection of Elections. The power of the government to pro- Rect the integrity of the elections of its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and afirmed by re- peated declarations of the supreme. court. There is no enemy of free gov- ernment more dangerous and none so insidlous as the corruption of the elect- orate. No one defends or excuses cor- ruption, and it would seem to follow that none would oppose vigorous meas- ures to eradicate it. T recommend the enactment of a law directed against: bribery and corruption in federal elec- tions. The cetails of such a law may be safely left to the wise discretion of the ce ss, but it sbould go us far as 1 under the constitution it is possible to go and should include severe penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to influence his nct or opinion as an elector, and provisions for the pubi Iy of the ex- s and elec- . Lut aiso of all hutions contri tures made by political c Delays In Criminal Prosecutions. No subject is better worthy the at- tention of the congress than that por- tion of tlhe report of the attorney gen- eral dealing with the long delays and the great obstruction to justice expe- rienced in the cases of Beavers, Green and ynor and Benson. Were these isolated and special cases I should not call your attention to them, but the difliculties encountered as regards these men who have been indicted for crim- inal practices are cceptional. They are precisely n kind to what oceurs again and again in the case of criminals who have sufficient means to enable them to take advantage of a system of procedure which las grown up in the federal courts and which amounts in effect to making the law easy of enforcement against the man who has no money and ditficult of en- forcement, even to the point of some- times securing immunity, as regards the man who has money. In criminal cases the writ of the United States should run throughout its borders. The wheels of justice should not be clog- ged, as they have been clogged in the cases above mentioned, where it has proved absolutely impossible to bring the accused to the place appointed by the constitution for his trial. Of re- cent years there has been grave-and increasing complaint of the difficulty of bringing to justice those criminals whose criminality instead of being against one person in the republic is against all persons in the republic, be- cause it is against the republic itself. Under any circumstance and from the very nature of the case it is often ex- ceedingly difficult to secure proper pun- ishment of those who have been guilty of wrongdolng against the government. By the time the offender can be brought into court the popular wrath against him has generally subsided, and there is in most instances very slight danger indeed of any prejudice existing in the minds of the jury against him, At present the interests of the innocent man are amply safe- guarded, but the interests of the gov- ernment—that is, the interests of hon- est administration; that is, the interests of the people—are not recognized as they should be. No subject better war- rants the attention of the congress. Indeed no subject better warrants the attention of the bench and the bar throughout the United States. Alaska. Alaska, like all our territorial ac- quisitions, has proved resourceful be- yond the expectations of those who made the purchase, It has become the home of many hardy, industrious and thrifty American citizens. Towns of a permanent character have been built. The extent of its wealth in minerals, timber, fisheries and agriculture, while great, 1s probably not comprehended yet in any just measure by our people. We do-know, however, that from a very small beginning its products have grown until they are a steady and ma- terial contribution to the wealth of the nation. Owing to the immensity of Alaska and its location in the far north It is a difficult matter to pro- vide many things essential to its growth and to the happiness and com- fort of its people by private enterprise alone. It should therefore receive rea- sonable aid from the government. The government has already done excellent work for Alaska in laying cables and building telegraph lines. This work has been done in the most economical and efficient way by the signal corps of the army. In some respects it has outgrown its present laws, while in others those laws have been found to be inadequate. In order to obtain information upon which I could rely I caused an official of the department of justice, in whose Judgment I have confidence, to visit Alaska during the past summer for the purpose of ascertaining how gov- ernment is administered there and ‘what legislation is actually needed at present. A statement of the conditions found to exist, together with some rec- ommendations and the reasons there- for, in which I strongly concur, will be found in the annual report of the attor- ney general. In some instances I feel that the legislation suggested is so im- peratively needed that I am moved briefly to emphasize the attorney gener; al's proposals. " Under the code of Alaska as it now stands many purely administrative powers and duties, including by far the most important, devolye upon the district judges or upon the clerks of the district court acting under the di- rection of the judges, while the gov- ernor, upon whom these powers and duties should logically: fall, has noth- ing specific to do except to make an- hual reports, issue Thanksglving day proclamations and appoint Indian po- licemen and notaries public. I believe it essential to good government in Alaska and therefore recommend that the congress divest the district judges and the clerks of their courts of the' administrative or executive functions that they now exercise and cast them upon the governor. This would not be an innovation. It would simply con- form the government of Alaska to fundamental principles, making the governorship a real instead of a mere- 1y nominal office and leaving the judges free to give thelr entire attention to their judiclal duties and at the same time removing them from a great deal of the strife that now embarrasses the Judicial office in Alaska. I also recommend that the salaries of the district judges and district at- lorneys in Alaska be increased so as to make taem equal to those received by corresponding officers in the United States, after deducting the difference in the cost of living; that the district attorneys should be prohibited from engaging in private practice; that Unit- ed States commissioners be appointed by the governor of the territory instead of by the district judges, and that a fixed salary be provided for them to take the place of the discredited “fee ; Bystem,” which should be abolished in ell offices; that a mounted constabu- lary be created to police the territory outside the Umits of incorporated towns—a vast section now wholly without police protection—and - that some provision be made to at least lessen the oppressive delays and costs that now attend the prosecution of ap- peals from the district court of Alaska. There should be a division of the ex- isting judicial districts and an increase in the number of judges. Alaska should have a delegate in the congress. Where possible the congress | should aid in the construction of need- ed wagon roads. Additional light»‘ houses should be provided. In my | Judgment, it is especially important to { 2id in such manner as seems just and. feasible in the construction of a trunk: line of railway to connect the gulf of Alaska with the Yukon river through. American territory. This would be: | most beneficial to the development of' the resources of the territory and to | the comfort and welfare of its people. Salmon hatcheries should be estal- lished in many different streams, so as to secure the preservation of this valu- able food fish. Salmon fisheries and canneries should be prohibited on cer- tain of the rivers where the mass of those Indians dwell who live almest exclusively on fish. The Alaskan natives are kindly, in- telligent, anxious to learn and willing to work. Those who have come under the influence of civilization, even for & limited period, have proved their capa- bility of becoming self supporting, self respecting citizens and ask only for the just enforcement of law and intel- ligent instruction and supervision. Oth- ers, living in more remote regions, primitivé, simple hunters and fisher folk, who know only the life of the woods and the waters, are daily being confronted with twentieth century civ- ilization with all its complexities. Their country is being overrun by strangers, the game slaughtered and driven away, the streams depleted of | fish and hitherto unknown and fatal diseases brought to them, all of which combine to produce a state of abject poverty and want which must result in thelr extinction. Action in their in- terest is demanded by every considera- tion. of justice and humanity. ‘The needs of these people are: The abolition of the present fee sys- tem, whereby the native is degraded, imposed upon and taught the injustice: of law. The establishment of hospitals ait central points, so that contagious dlel- eases that are brought to them contin- ually by incoming whites may be lo- calized and not allowed to become epit demic, to spread death and destitution: over great areas. The development of the educational: system in the form of practical train- ing in such industries as will assure: the Indians self support under the changed conditions in which they will. have to live. The duties of the office of the gov- ernor should be extended to include the supervision of Indian affairs, witln necessary assistants in different dis- tricts. He should be provided with: the means and the power to protect: and advise the native people, to fur- nish medical treatment in time of epi- demics and to extend material relief i periods of famine and extreme destitu- tion. Hawaii and Porto Rico. The Alaskan natives should be given the right to acquire, hold and dispose of property upon the same conditions as given other inhabitants, and the privilege of citizenship should be given to such as may be able to meet certain definite reguirements. In Hawaii con- gress should give the govesmor power to remove all the officials appointed under him. The harbor ef Honolulu should be dredged. The marine hos- pital service should be empowered to study leprosy in the islands. I ask: special comsideration for the report and. recommendations of the governor of Porto Rico. Foreign Policy. In treating of our foreign policy aud of the attitude that this great natiem should assume in the world at large it 18 absolutely necessary to consider the: army and the navy, and the congress; | through which the thought of the na- tion finds its expression, should keep ever vividly in mind the fundamental fact that it is impossible to treat our foreign policy, whether this policy takes shape in the effort to secure jus- tice for others or justice for ourselves, save as conditioned upon the attitude | we are willing to take toward our ar- my and especially toward ;our navy. It 4in the nation the individual has now {8 not merely unwise, it i3 contempti- ble, for a natlon, as for an ndividual, to use high sounding language to pro- claim its purposes or to take position which are ridiculous, if unsupported by potential force, and then to refuse to provide this force. If there is no in- tention of providing and of keeping the force necessary to back up a strong at- titude, then it is far better not to as- sume such an attitude, The steady alm of this nation, as of all enlightened nations, should be to strive to bring ever nearer the day when there shall prevail throughout. the world the pence of justice. There are kinds of peace which are highly undesirable, which are in the long run a8 destructive as any war. Tyrants and oppressors have many times made | n wilderness and called it peace. Many times peoples who were slothful or Hmid or shortsighted, who had been snervated by ease or by luxury or mis- jed by false teachings, have shrunk in unmanly fashion from doing duty that ‘was stern and that needed self sacri- fice and have sought to hide from their own minds - their shortcomings, thelr ignoble motives, by calling: them love of peace. The peace of tyrannous ter- ror, the peace of craven weakness, the peace of injustice—all these should be shunned as we shun unrighteous war. The goal set before us as a nation, the goal which should be set before all mankind, is the attainment of the peace of justice, of the peace which comes when each nation is not meraly safeguarded in its own rights, but scrupulously recognizes and perf¢rms its duty toward others. Generally peace tells for righteousness, but if there is conflict between the two then our fealty is due first to the cause of righteousness. Unrighteous wars are common, and unrighfeous peace is rare, but both should e shunned. The right of freedom and the responsibility for the exercise of that right cannot be divorced. One of our great poets has ‘well and finely said that freedom is not a gift that tarries long in the hands of cowards. Neither does it tarry long in the hands of those too slothful, too dis- honest or too unintelligent to exercise it. The eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty must be exercised sometimes to guard against outside foes, although, of course, far more often | to guard against our own selfish or {| thoughtless shortcomings. If these self evident truths are kept before us, and only if they are so kept before us, we shall have a clear idea of what our foreign policy in its larger aspects should be. It is our duty to remember that a nation has no more right to do injustice to another nation, strong or weak, than an individual has to do injustice to amnother individual; that the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we must also remember that it is as much the duty of the nation to guard its own rights and its own interests as it is the duty of the individual so to do. With- delegated this right to the state—that 1s, to the representative of all the in- «dividuals—and it is a maxim of thelaw ‘that for every wrong there is a remedy. ‘But in international law we have not :advanced by any means as far as we have advanced in municipal law. There 18 as yet no judicial way of enforcing ‘a right In-luternatlonal luw. ~When -one nation wrongs another or wrongs :many others, there is no tribunal be- fore which the wrongdoer can be ‘brought. Either it is necessary supine- ly to acquiesce in the wrong and thus ‘put a premium upon brutality and ag- gression or else it is necessary for the -aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up for its rights. Until'some method is -devised by which there shall be a de- :gree of internatiomal control over of- fending nations it would be a wicked thing for the most civilized powers, for ‘those with most sense of international | obligations and with keenest and most :generous appreciation of the difference : ‘between right and wrong, to disarm. If the great clvilized nations of the ] present day should completely disarm, | the result would mean an immediate ‘Tecrudescence of barbarism in one form «or another. Under any circumstances :a sufficient armament would have to be ‘kept up to serve the purposes of inter- mnatlonal police, and until international ‘cohesion and the sense of international yduties and rights are far more ad- vanced than at present a nation desir- @us bhoth of securing respect for itself and of doing’good to others must have 2 force adequate for the work which it Peels 18 allotted to it as its part of the general world duty. Therefore it fol- lows that a self respecting, just and farseelng nation should on the one hand endeavor by every means to ald in the development of the various movements which tend to provide sub- stitutes for war, which tend to render Tnations in their actions toward one an- other, and indeed toward their' own Peoples, more responsive to the gener- al gentiment of humane and civilized mankind, and on the other hand it should keep prepared, while scrupu- lously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any wrong and in exceptional cases to ‘take action which in a more advanced ‘stage of international rela- tlons vrould-come under the head of the exercise of the international police. A great free peorle owes it to itself and to dll ‘mankind not to sink into help- lessness’ héfore the powers of evil. "Arbitration Treaties. ‘We are in every way endeavoring to thelp on, with cordial good will, every smovement which will tend to bring us 4dnto more friendly relations with. the rest of mankind. In pursuance of this policy I shall shortly lay before the senate treaties of arbitration with all ‘powers which are willimg to enter into these treaties with us. It is not pos- sible at this period of the worll's de- velopment to agree to arbitrate all mat- ters, but there are many matters of possible difference between us and oth- er nations which can be thus arbitrat- ed. Furthermore, at the request of the interparliamentary union, an eminent body composed of practical statesmen from all countries, I have asked the powers to join with this government in a second Hague conference, at which it is hoped that the work already 8o happily begun at The Hague may be carried some steps further toward com- pletion. This carries out the desire ex- pressed by the first Hague conference Atself. | Policy Toward Other Nations of West- ern, Hemisphere. /It is not true that the United States feels any land hunger or entertains any. projects as regards the other tions of the western hergispher s | Prosperous. | some civilized nation, and in the west- suen as are for tnelr welfare, AIll that this country desires is to see the neigh- boring countries stable, orderly and Any country whose peo- ple conduct themselyes well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a na- tion sUows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if 1t keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the TUnited States. Chronic wrongdoing or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized so- clety may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by ern hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe doctrine may force the United Btates, however reluctantly, In flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence to the ex- ercise of an International police pow- er. If every country washed by the Caribbean sea would show the progress in stable and just clvilization which with the aid of the Platt amendment! Cuba has shown since our troops left the island, and which so many of the republics in both Americas are con- stantly and brilliantly ‘showing, all question of interference by this nation with their affairs would be at an end. Our interests and those of our south- ern neighbors are in reality identical. They have great natural riches, and if within their borders the reign of law and justice obtains prosperity is sure to come to them. While they thus obey the primary laws of civilized so- clety they may rest assured that they will be treated by us in a spirit of cordial and helpful sympathy. We would interfere with them only in the last resort, and then only if it became evident that their inability or unwill- ingness to do justice at home and abroad had violated the rights of the United States or had invited foreigin aggression to the detriment of the en- tire body of American nations. It is'a mere truism to say that every nation, whether in America or anywhere else, which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence, must ultimately re- alize that the right of such independ- ence cannot be separated from the re: sponsibility of making good use of it. In asserting the Monroe doctrine, in taking such steps as we have taken in regard to Cuba, Venezuela and Pana- ma and in endeavoring to circumseribe the theater of war in the far east and to secure the open door in China we have acted in our own interest as well a8 in the interest of humanity at large. There are, however, cases in which, while our own interests are not great- Iy involved, strong appeal is made to our sympathies. Ordinarily it is very much wiser and more useful for us'to concern ourselves ' with striving ‘for our own moral and material better- ment here at home than to concern ourselves with trying to better ~the condition of things in other nations. ‘We have plenty of sins of our’own to war against, and under ordinary cir- cumstances we can do more for the general uplifting of humanity by striv- ing with heart and soul to put a stop to clvic corruption, to brutal lawless- less and violent race prejudices: here at home than by passing resolutions about wrongdoing elsewhere. Never- theless there are occasiongl crimes committed on 'so vast a scale and of fuch peculiar horror as to make us doubt whether it is not our manifest duty to endeavor at least to show our disapproval of the deed and our sym- pathy with those who have suffered by. it. The cases must be extreme: in which such a course s justifiable. There must be no effort made to remove the mote from our brother's eye if we re- fuse to remove the beam from our own. But in extreme cases action may. be justifiable and proper. What form the action shall take must depend up- on the circumstances of the case—that 1s, upon the degree of the atrocity and upon our power to remedy it. The cases in which we could interfere by force of arms as we interfered to put a stop to intolerable conditions in Cuba are necessarily very few. Yet it is not to be .expected that a people like ours, which, dn spite of certain very obvious shortcomings, nevertheless as a whole shows by .its consistent prac- tice its belief in the principles of civil and religious lberty .and of orderly freedom, a people among whom even| the worst crime, like the crime of’ Iynching, is never more .than sporadie, 8o that individuals and not classes are molested in their fundamental rights. It is inevitable that sdch a nation slon to its horror on an occasion like that of the massacre of the Jews in Kishineff or when it witnesses such .gystematic and long extended cruelty .and oppression as the cruelty and op: pression of which the Armenians have been the victims and which have won for them the indignant pity of the «ctvilized world. Rights of American Citizens Abroad. Bven where it is not possible to se- .cure in other nations the observance of the principles which we accept as axlomatic it is necessary for us firm- 1y to insist upon the rights of our own .citizens without regard to their creed or race, without regard to whether they were born here or born abroad. ‘It ‘has proved very difficult to secure from Russia the right for our Jewish fellow «cltizens to receive passports and travei through Russian territory. Such con- duet is not only unjust and irritating toward us, but it is difficult to see its should desire eagerly to give expres-|: PeOPle, Of, To BpEaR Tiore ATCurataly, The many tribes and even races, % from one another more or less sharply, ‘who go to make up the people of the { Philippine Islands, contain many eles N ments of good and some elements which we have a right to hope stand for prog-. Tess. At present they are utterly incapa- ble of existing in independence at all or of bullding up a clvilization of their own:i I firmly believe that we can help them to rise higher and higher in the scale of civ- flization and of capacity for self governs: ment, 2nd I most earnestly hope that in. the end they will be able to stand, if not. - — entirely alone, yet In some such relation 3 to the United States as Cuba now stands. | This end Is not yet In sight, and it may be: indefinitely postponed if our people Are foolish enough to turn the attention of the Filipinos away from the problems of achieving moral and material prosperitys of working for a stable, orderly and just. government and toward foolish and dan- gerous intrigues for a complete independ- ence for which they are as yet totally uns: us as a jeonle i to keep the navy adequate to tie needs of this country’s position, e have undertaken to bufld the isthmian canal. We have under- taken to secure for ourselves our just share in the fade of the orient. We have undevtaken to protect our citi- zens from hwproper treatwent in for- elgn lands. We continue steadily to insist on the application of the Monroe doctrine to the western hemisphere. Unless our attitude in these und all similar matters is to Le s mere bonst- ful sham we cannot afford to abs our naval ogramme. Our voice Is now potent far peace and I3 =9 patent because we are not afraid of war. But our protestations upon belalf of peace would neither receive nor deserve the slightest attention if we were impotent to make them good. The war which now unfortunately rages in the far east tas ed In striking fashion the new possibili- tles of naval warfave. The lessons taught are both strategic and tactical and are political as well as military. The experiences of the war have shown in conclusive fashion that. while sea- going and sea keeping torpedo destro; ers are indispensable and fast, lightly armed and armored cruisers very use ful, yet that the main reliance, the main standby in any navy worthy the name must be the great battleships, heavily armored and heavily gunned. Not a Russian or Japanese battleship has been sunk by a torpedo boat or by gun fire, while among the Jess protectel ships cruiser after cruiser has been de- stroyed whenever the lostile squac- rons have got within range of one an: other’s weapons. - There will alws a large field of usefulness foi cruisers: especially of the more formidable type. ‘We need to increase the number of tor- pedo boat destroyers, paving less Leed to their having a knot or two extra speed than to thefr capacity to' keep the seas for weeks and if necessmy for months at a time. It is wise to build submarine torpedo bonts, as un- der certain circumstances they might be very useful. But most of all we need to continue buiiding our ‘flect of battleships or ships so‘powerfully arm- ed that they can inflict the maximum of damage upon our opponents, and so well protected that' tliey can suffer a On the other hand, our people must keep steadily before their minds the fact that the justification for our stay in the Philippines must ultimately rest: chiefly. upon the good we are able to do in the islands. I do not overlook the fact that i in the development of our interests in’the: Pacific ocean and along its coasts; the Philippines have played and will play. an important part and that our Interests ve been served in more than one way by the possession of the islands.. But our chief reason for continuing to-hold.them. must be that we ought in good faith to try to do our share of the world’s work, ! ! and this particular piece of work -has: been imposed upon us by the results of. the war with Spain. The problem pre- 3 | sented to us in the Philippine Islands:is' et akin to but not exactly like the-problems: | presented to the other great civilized pawe; ers which have possessions in the orlent.. There are points of resemblance fm our: work to the work which is being done S by the British in India and Egypt, by: the. i 1 French in Algiers, by the Dutch in Java, by the Russians in Turkestan, by the s e | Japanese {n Formosa, but more distinctly than any of these powers we are endeave, oring to develop the natives themselves, — %0 that they shall take an ever increasing- share in their own government, and:as) far as is prudent we are already ad. H mitting their representatives to a gov: 3 | ernmental equality with our own. There H are commissioners, judges and governorsi in the islands who are Filipinos and-who | have exactly the same share in the gov- ernment of the islands as have their col- leagues who are Americans, while in the —t lower ranks of course the great majority: of the_public servants are Filipinos, . Within two vears we shall be trying the experiment of an elective lower house i the Philippine legislature. It may be that: the Filipinos will misuse this legislature,.. and they certainly will misuse it if they are misled by foolish persons here at- 5 home into starting an agitation for. thelr: severe hammering in: return without | own independence or into any.factious or fatal impairment of their abi to :lngv:‘gg;!; ;3;1:1;0 !g';o?i“f;. ;a;?“fl;gl;;‘;gl fight and maneuver. - Of course m}fle the time being all further effort to ad- means must be provided for enabling vance them and give them greater. the personnel of the navy to bebrought | share in thelr own government. - But i, to the highest point of efficiency. Our they act with wisdom and self restraimt, - how that th \ble:-of- great fighting ships and torpedo boats je ey Riow sUsUh v e r must be ceaselessly trained and maneu- electing a legislature which in its turn iss capable of taking a sane and efficient part, vered in squadrons. The officers and men can only learn their trade thor- in the actual work of government, they . can rest assured that a full and increas-- oughly Dby ceaseless practice on the high seas. In the -event of war it ing measure of recognition will be given= them. - Above all, they- should remembes: would be far better to have no ships at all than to have ships of a poor and that their prime needs are moral and in-. dustrial, not political. It is a good thing* to try the experiment of giving ithem’ legislature, but it is a far better thing to ineffective type or ships which, how- | give them schools, good roads, railroads, ever good, were yet manned by un- | Which will enable them to get thelr prod- ; ucts ket, honest courts, an horest trained and unskillful crews. The best | R0 (o R ar e O . and. il tha officers and men in a poor ship could do | tends to produce order, peace, fair, deal: nothing against fairly good opponents, { ing as between man and man and hablts - o Df, mge other hnzd,gn modern. war. | Of intelligent industry and thrift. If-they | ship is useless unless the officers and men aboard her have become adepts in their duties.. The marksmanship in our navy has improved in an extraor- dinary degree during the last three are safeguarded against oppresslon: amdu 1f thelr real wants, material and spiritual, are studied intelligently and in a spirit . of friendly sympathy much more good- will be done them than by any’ effort -toc: glve them political power, though thia: effort may in its own proper time and. years, and on the whole the types of | place be proper enough: - our battleships are improving, but much. remains to be done. . Sooner or later we shall have to provide for some method by which there will be promo- tions for merit as well as for seniority, or else retirement of all those wha after a certain age have not advanced Meanwhile our own people showld re-' member that there is need for the highest . beyond a certain grade, while no ef- fort must be spared to make the serv- standard of conduct among. the-Americans:: ice attractive to the enlisted men in sent to the Philippine Islands, not only. among the public servants, but among the- order that they may be kept as long as possible in it. Reservation public private individuals who go:to -themuc It it because I feel this so deeply . thatiin schools should be provided wherever there are navy yards. the administration of these islands I have positively refused to permit any discrim-=- The Army. | Within the last three ' years the fnation whatsoever for political :Teasonsit and_have insisted that in choosing- thes public_servants consideration should be paid solely to the worth of the “men’ chosen and to the needs of the-islands.= - There s no higher body: of men-in ount public service than we have in the Philip ¢ pine Islands under Governor Wright and his associates. So far as. possible these men should be given-a free hand; :and their suggestions should receive, .the . hearty backing both of the executive'and - of the congress. ‘There is need of a vigl United: States:has:get-an e“mxt’le In | Fint and. disinterested - supportsof rouri disarmament where digarmament ‘Was | pyplic servants in the Philippines by g00d proper. By law our army is fixed-at'a | eitizens here in the United States. Un-, & minimum | fortunately hitherto those of ‘our’ people| maxina of 10&'300 :::r s insur. | here at home who have specially dlatmed 9£160/000; mer W R eURENEES, Wi £0 be the champlons of the Filipinos havi rection in the Philippines:we kept the | in reality been thelr worst enemies. army at the maximum.’ Peace came in [ will continue to be the case’as long as|" % il they strive to make the Filipinos -inde the Philippines, and now- our army has-{ po% 1 on s "etop all industrial” develop-f: been reduced to the' minimum at{ment of the islands by crying out 1 which it is' possible to keep it with-due | the laws which would bring it on the regard to its efficiency. The guns now mounted require - 28,000 men" if the coast fortifications are to be adequate- 1y manned. Relatively to the nation itis not now so large as the potice force of | New York or Chicago relatively to the \\population of either ‘city. We' need more officers. There are not enough to perform the regular army work. It is very important that the officers of the .army should be accustomed to handle their ‘men’in ‘masses, as it Is also im- portant that the national guard of the several states should be accustomed to .actual field manéeuvering, especially in ground that capitallsts’ must mot - “ex=ii ploft” the islands, Such proceedings:areic connection with'the regulars. ‘ For this reason we are to be congratulated upon. the; not only unwise, but are most harmful, .success’ of the field mancuvers-at Ma- to the Filipinos, who do not need in ‘nagsas ‘last fall, maneuversin which a dependence at all, but who do need good 1aws, good public servants and the indusd Jarger mumber of regulars and ‘national guard took part than was ever befére a trial development that can only..come it} sembled together in time' of peace. No: the investment of American and for capital in the islands is favored In anj’ other clvilized nation has relatively to its population such a diminutive army as Tvery measure taken concerning the is- lands should be taken primarily. with.. View to thefr advantage. We should cer- tainly give them lower tariff rates om’ thelr exports to the United BStates: ‘If this is not done it will be a wrong to ex- tend our shipping laws to them. I ear- nestly hope for the immediate enactment- into law of the legislation now pending < are not to be excused It we tail to keep; Id Connection with the* " * 1t at a very high grade of proficlency. It s SR ATl must be fncessantly practiced. The stand, “Northern Pac‘fifi ard for the enlisted men shoul e kept T i < R i wvery high, while at the same time the RAILWAY COMPANY." service should be mado fs attractive as | proyides the best train passenger possible, and the standard for the officers!| sorvi oo hotiween Northome, Hovey Jurics: should be kept even higher, which as re= | jon ~ Blackduck, - Bemidji,- - Walker: gards the upper ranks can best be done | gnq jntermediate points and. Minne~s apolig, Paul, Fargo and Duluth.. ‘| and all points east, west and south. - wisdom from Russia’s standpoint. No conceivable good is accomplished by it. 1f an American Jew or an American Christian misbebaves himself in Rus- sla he can at once be driven out, but the ordinary American Jew, like the ordinary American ‘Christlan, would behave just about as he behaves here— that is, behave as ‘any good ' citizen ought to behavé-—and where this is the cage it 18 a wrong against which we are entitled to' protest to refuse him his. passport without regard to his conduct and character merely on racial and re- liglous grounds. In Turkey our dif- ficutles arise less from the way in which our citizens are sometimes treat- o4 than from the indignatlon inevitably excited In seeing such fearful misrule as has been witnessed both in' Armenia and Macedenia. The Navy. The strong arm of the government in enforcing respect for its just rights in | international” matters’ s the navy: of the United States. 1 most. earnestly | to encourage American capital to seek 1ns - vestment in the islands in ralroads, in factorles, In plantations and in lumbering and mining. g THEODORE ROOSEVELT. by introducing some system of selection® and_ rejection fnto_ tho: promotions. ¥V should be able in the event of some sud- Ll po L L. - en emergency €0 put into the fleld one: ’g;,‘?‘&%h ,;g?fihegit}f:;tweflnngfl?&g‘ lass army corps which should be as . G A Dt by . {of cars. Ample time at Brainerd for dinner. a e Dall The White House, Dec. 5, 1904. & whole at least the equal of ‘any body Winnesota € Internationak legitimate ways. i3 ours, and while the army 1s so small we RAILWAY COMPANY' ~*'* other natlon. Great progress has been made in pro- | 38X fecting our coasts by adequate fortifica- | €3 tions with sufficlent ‘guns. We ‘should, however, pay much" more heed than ‘at {727 present to the development of an ex- tenslve system of floating mines for use in all our more jmportant harbors. These mines have been proved to be a most for- midable safeguard against hostile fleets.- Medals of Honor In the Navy.: 1 earnestly call the attention of the con- - gress to the need of amending the exist- z:: law relating to the award of congres- slonal ‘medals ‘of honor In the navy so as |\ to. provide that they may be awarded to | commissioned. officers and warrant offl- ters as well as to enlisted men. These Justly prized medals are given in the army | tlfke to the officers and the enlisted men, and {t is most unjust that the commis- sloned officers and warrant officers of the navy should not in this' respect have the #ame rights as their brethren in the army and as the enlisted men of the navy. 5 ! ' The Philippines: . - | In the Philippine Islands there has been.