The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, November 13, 1904, Page 4

ONS AND POLITICS"‘“-” Walter !fiin@tfflhgr for the public will readily support & given icy which in the nature of things eva of tu-day. AR sHipArad with past propositi on when submitted on eco- would tend to unite the public against conditions of labnst ths s, while it will even more it. the labov=in-palities pigy y oppose the same proposi- The foregoing brief summary of the obvioua Whersver that pins | when submitted under any sort basic errors in the argument for po- adopted ths sffeet b Ht 1 al auspices. The explanation jitical action outlines the @b destroy organianting L ude is that the publfc, llke ground upon which the trade unions powerless for all piaetical phés : ade union itself, is united on of the United States stand in opposi- The exception® 15 this rile hitve & ¥ 1 questions and divided on tion to that plan. That the bases of complished sudh Fesilis aé they y 6 o men ones. The average citizen, that ground—i. e. the be able to show, not By politieal acting, fhei Praiih th . - rou e avorage worker, be he unionist concilability of politics but @ spite thersof, Like (He Asef 1 oppe 4r 1) hat i or non-unionist, holds political views in one body or movement, the lack of the fabie, who dedpised hie loas h he cherishes with his utmost political cohesiveness among the admired his antlers, thess uniohe, auently degenerate Into orga for procuring oMes, or for the trouble to think for th Discarning reader find little difficulty in o own applieation of thut ' Unlike the trade unionist reorist in not ¢ sical . or Intellectual need concern himmelf capacity of the human ima The theorist may plan ar feal which defles all the difficultie mechanics—on paper; but t} jues tion ari th th ilarly, the house which & —on canvas. T that kind of house is I u live in it ¥ t political theor s g tion beautiful to table masterpiece art; but— ! loubts—the ques- minently he only trou N such On the first upon the upon the mann ernmer re the precisely because of tkh between political action ism, the opponent of D in the American labor movemen consistent Wit practices of K American g expressed by the maxim ernment is best wh Doubtless there which the methods of might ,be corrected and extended with advan people. The records struggles nt moral recognized on physical powers of the prin sage, the tained by some between the po these are questio cal organizatk ing with. To empt these questions in t would be to the econo! compensating gain This point wou state of comple zation as it is partial organization, to be insep are ¢ fle any form of giance at the state politics in any p immediately attest. It is true to-da waye will be tru workers to pr welfare resides primar; 1y in economic organizati T power the workers of the world S all that they now pos material comfo but also elevation and spiritual hope in the immediate terms of but also in innumerable measures. It is begging the question to say t the trade union depends en 3 the strike and boycott to at ends. Again, it is begging the to say that the strike and the are failures to-day, or slow growth be A g ST ndamental as- of com- ot & e measgures of protest when reas justice fail. Regarded as su strike and boycott never fai always to be deplored. The real tories of trade unionism a the force—the moral force—of 77 (ot AN d agreement The un- embers of a he conditions r agreement as to \ S 2 P ok et 4. g these constitute tion, with its corollaries of 4 A t gth in the conciliation and arbitration. ~ Y 55 as the trade union AN dit- knowledge of his own affai AN e creases his ability to manage A &\ s he increases his capacity and g A A n which at- ¢rted by the trade % affecting to con- the treatment of public affa f ts 1 mbine politics and eco- unionists, not for | ‘Walter Macarthur, Editor Coast Seamen’s Journal. temn the ‘“‘pure Trade unionism has N /,‘ s their own good “F— and simple” meth- course, but these are v 7 \ . ence of the trade union to 2lone, but for that of the whole capacity for devotion, consequently, in workers themselves, either inside or ods of trade “unionism, find in these faults of numbers, not of p { econor lines of action con- Working class; but even that fig- the one case as in the other, he re- outside of the trade unions, and the methods the only means of escape from methods. We are not numerous ug ts efficiency in a twofold wa ure can be made to appear con- sents the attempt, real or imaginary, public prejudice against any attempt the ills that afflict them. - that’s the trouble. How to ates the thought and action siderably smaller by reflecting upon to play upon his syinpathies for labor to carry a political point in the guise Apart from the ground of common our numbers, that's the ever-presen > & ready in the union, and it the length of time needed to organ- as a means of weaning him from of an appeal for labor—that these agreement among the great majority of problem. It isa problem that can o ng ) n 1 of organiza- I2ze, say seven-eighths of the workers, his chosen political faith. bases are approved by sound reason- trade unionists upon the main issue, be solved by adherence to first pri “\ ( bers. should subscription to the articles of a When confronted by such a situa- ing cannot be gainsaid. That they namely, the adoption by the trade ples, L e., religious organization for re- f 3 one that the political faith be made a condition of tion the average citizen may be de- are also appraved by practice may be unions of a partisan political creed of ligious purposes, political organization ! \ 1 in the union membership in a trade union. pended upon to sacrifice his sympa- seen by comparing the results achlev- any kind, there exists a variety of for political purposes, economic organi- | [AY) sh zance of, that Another material objection to the thies for the “rights of labor” in or- ed by the so-called “pure and simple” personal opinion regarding the merits zation for economic purposes. i/ the average plan of political action arises from der to defend his own rights in the trade union, with the experier®e of of the respective party programmes, Upon trade unionism the wor \ s the suspicio politice in any the attitude of the public toward labor matter of political belief. Public sym- ‘new unionism.” methods of political organization out- must depend for their hopes of fut Y t with which he may be and politics respectively. Broadly pathy is a valuable and, indeed, a The results in the former case are side of the trade unions, and as to the progress. Anything that tends ed or w which he may be speaking it may be assumed that necessary element in the work of appafent on the face of industrial proper limitations of the Government weaken that institution must in the to identify himself. The only the public favors the trade unions as trade unionism. Because of that fact conditions, in the increase of wages, in respect to the relations between em- final analysis be regarded as inimical n to this rule lies in the case labor organizations and opposes them the trade union refuses to prejudice the reduction of hours and the mani- ployer and employe. to the true interests of the workin, organizations which are as political clubs. In other words, its case by committing itself to a pol- fold advantages enjoyed by the work- As to the first of these questions, the class. s 4 27> SO0 s - “ g = Sl 7, oy’ 2 4 < L0 ] a