The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, July 11, 1901, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL THUBSflAY JULY 1 Che ok - Call. senessavsrssd LY F1, 2901 THEURSDAY... 4 JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. Address All Communlestions to W. B, LEAKE, Managsr. MANAGER'S OFFICE.......Telep ne Preas 204 PUBLICATION OFFICE...Market and Third, S. F. Telephone Press 201. 217 to 221 Stevenson St. Press 202. EDITORIAL ROOMS. Teleph. Delivered by Carriers, 15 Cents Per Week, Single Copies, 5 Cents. Terms by Mail, Incl ng Postage: DAILY CALL (including Sunday), one year... DAILY CALL (inclbding Sunday), € months DAILY CALL (includieg. Surnday), 3 months. DAILY CALL—By Single Month FUNDAY CALL. One Year WEEKLY CALL, One Year. All postmasters nre authorized to receive subscriptions. Sample coptes will be forwarded when requested. Mafl subscribers in ordering change of address should be particular to give both NEW AND OLD ADDRESS in order o insure a prompt and correct compliance with their request. OAKLAND OFFICE..-s+........1118 Broadway C. GEORGE KROGNESS. Masager Fereign Advertising, Marguetts Building, Chisage (Long Distance Televhan:‘ ““Central 2618.”") NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT: C. C. CARLTON.. .Herald Square NEW YORK REPRESENTATIVE: STEPHEN B. SMITH... .30 Tribun NEW YORK NEWS STANDS: ‘Waldorf-Astoria Hotel; A. Brentano, 31 Union Square; Morray Hill Hotel CHICAGO NEWS STANDS: Sherman House; P. O. News Co.; Great Northern Hotel; Fremont House: Auditorfum Hotel. WASHINGTON (D. C.) OFFICE...1408 G St., N. W. MORTON E. CRANE, Correspondent. Building BRANCH OFFICES—:27 Montgomery, corner of Clay, open untfl 9:30 o'clock. 300 Hayes. open until 9:3 c'clock. 633 McATister, open unti] 3:30 o'clock. 615 Larkin, open until 9:30 o'clock. 141 Mission, open until 10 o'clock. 2261 Market, corner Sixteenth, open until § o'clock. 103 Valencia, open until § o'clock. 106 Eleventh, open until § o'clock. NW. corner Twenty-second and Kentucky, open mntll 9 o'clock. 2200 Fillmore. open until $ p. m. AMUSEMENTS. Orpheum—Vandeville. Columbla—*TUnder Two Flags.” Alcazar—*The School for Scandal.’ Grand Opera-house—*'Secret Service.” Central—*Held by the Enemy." Tivoli—*"Babes In the Wood.’ Olympta, corner Mason and Fddy streets—Specialties. Chutes, Zoo and Theater—Vaudeville every afternoon and evening. Fischer’s—Vandeville. Recreation Park—Baseball. Sutro Baths—Swimming. AUCTION SALES. By Wm. G. Layng—This day, Horses, at 721 Howard street. 10 SUBSCRIBERS LEAVING TOWR FOR THE SUMMER. | Cnll subscribers contemplating a change of vesidence during the summer months can have their paper forwarded by mail to their new sddresses by notifying The Call Busiz®ss Ofiice. This paper will also be on sale at all summer resorts and is represented by a local agent in all towns on the coast. NOT SELF-GOVERNMENT. HE Oakland Enquirer, 2 paper edited with I quite unusual care and discrimination, makes an odd blunder in its characterization of the new Philippine government. The five American members of the commission, with three natives, constitute the legislative department of the government. They are all appointed from Washington. The Enquirer says: | “It is a pretty long step in the direction of giving the Filipinos self-government to make three island- | ers members of the legislative body which frames government for the provinces and municipalities, mazkes appropriations, establishes schools and enacts 2ll other impcrtant laws.” But that is neither self-government nor a step in that direction, long or short. No one cares to dis- cuss the islands. The country seems tired of that. But let us not confuse our own ideas of self-govern- ment. If the eight men who are to legislate for twelve millions of people had been elected by those people, then their power and the laws they pass would be derived from the people affected by them. If the laws were oppressive the oppressed could re- peal them by electing other legislators for that pur- pose. But the Philippine legislature is not elected by the people, nor are they consulted in its appointment, nor are natives given a2 majority in its membership, nor can the people displace it and elect others. The plan is just as far away from self-government as was the Spanish rule. It is, in form, exactly !‘ae same despotism, the difference in our favor being its greater benevolence. The financial report from the islands shows that we have taken out of them the same taxes as Spain did, $10,000,000 2 year. So in denial of self-govern- ment and burden -of taxation they are just where they were when Dr. Rizal and Aguin- aldo made their first stand for freedom in 1806. They cannot effectively reach the source of the Jaws that govern them any more now than they could when Weyler was the Captain General. Those laws could be just 2s well passed in San Francisco and ex- ported to them. It is necessary to say these things in order that our cwn people may not deceive themselves as to the problem in the islands. It is not solved by the pres- | :sovcreigmy, the orator went on to point out that | ent scheme of government, nor by the cessation of armed resistance in many of the provinges. It will not be solved by making Territories of the islands, for that makes them potential States, and our people ! not have them as States, and will grind to pow- der any party that proposes it. Let the truth be told 4 appreciated. Our government in the Philippines purely autocratic, with no popular feature in it. A similar community of Americans would destroy it 1 an hour rather thar submit to it 2 minute. This i« not denying that it is good government, superior to any the Filipinos have known, but it is a despot- ism imposed from without. That three of its eight members are natives does not change it, for they were not clected by the people. That part of the system is copied from England’s scheme in India, where there is a minority of natives in the Council, not enough to make things go right, but enough to be accused of res if they go wrong. All talk 2bout a probable commercial war between this country and Russia might as weil be stopped— the Czar has recently invited our Embassador to lunch. Tt is announced from Washington that the Chinese Minister likes to have his name spelled Wu Ting-fang. His family name is W, and he is prond of it. PARTY UPRIGHTNESS. N October, 1839, the Democratic Review, long the exponent of that party, announced the death of the Whig party. The Review said: “Well, the summer and autumn elections are now for the most part over, and what bave the Whigs left to say for themselves and their exhausted and exploded cause? Will they, can they, pretend to maintain’ any longer ceven a show of regular opposition? Will they, can they, attempt seriously to contest the coming Presi- dential election? We find it difficult to imagine that they will or can.” Yet the Whig party swept the country the next year by a popular majority of 146,315, and by 234 electoral votes to Democracy’s 60! This history is of interest in view of the courageous stand taken by the Postmaster General against the Republican machine in Philadelphia. We lay it down as an axiom in American politics that the party out of power needs only to profess virtue, while the party in power must practice it. The Whigs were out of power in 1839 and the Dem- ocrats were in. The defalcations of Federal officers in New York and the charges against Van Buren’s administration were used to convince the reason of the people that the party in power was not livi.ng up to its obligation to practice virtue, and that failure, contrasted with the Whig professions, revived a party- declared to be dead, znd after its official epitaph had been written by its enemy. Not only that, but in 1848 it performed a feat that stands singular in Amer- jcan politics.. It expelled from power the Democ- racy whose administration had just successfully car- ried on a popular foreign war. These incidents are admonitory, and the Republican party everywhere must be admonished by them. Hard times produce political changes, and so do good times. All men do not consider themselves the equal beneficiaries of good times, and as the profits of enterprise increase iso do the grudges which they arouse. Add to this outgrowth of human envy a reckless course of con- | present the elements of a political revolution. Al- | ready it is apparent that the profound minds in Re- | publican leadership appreciate this situation, and ihence such a bold stroke against the 1eckless ma- ! chine as that made by Postmaster General Smith. ! Had the Democracy not thought the Whig party dead in 1838-39 the Whigs would not have carried I the election of 1840. When a large element in a tri- { umphant party feels that the opposition is dissolved, |only the sternest measures can restrain it from prodigal tse of its power. All men know that no matter upon what pretext | or upon what profession of virtue the Democracy | achieve power, they will use it to again disorder the revenue and financial system of the country, with the | same old result which has always followed such | erratic change in policy and unsettling of the foun- | dations of prosperity. If Republican rings and bosses | repeat frequently the misdeeds which zre a stench in | Pennsylvania, they will be responsible for a party | disaster which will be also a misfortune to the coun- try. The Call makes no excuse for its constant effort to secure Republican practice of the virtue professed by the Democracy, for in that, and that alone, lies the future safety of the part. e i o Ex-Senator Edmunds says that for the redemption | of Philadelphia there is needed “the most complete | and united organization possible of all voters with- Eout regard to party, society, sect or any other thing, | who wish to overcome the existing evil condition of the government of the city. Philadelphia is evi- | dently in a much worse condition than San Francisco, | for to.redeem this city there is needed no other uniqn | than that of the better elements of the Republican | party. | MINISTER WU'S ORATION. ULL reports of the Fourth of July address de- F livered by Minister Wu Ting-fang at Philadel- phia’have now been received in our Eastern ex- | changes, and judging by thc -omments of several of the leading papers of that, scction of the country it | was a distinguished success. A careful reading -of it | shows that from first to last it was a subtle and clever plea against any further extension of the Chinese ex- clusion act. | to the act, but none the less the logic of his argument, |if accepted, would carry with it a coademnation of | any measure of the kind. The argument opens with comparison of the Gov- | ernment of China with that of the United States, and 1thc claim is made that in China as in the United | States there is a complete recognition of popular | sovercignty. Minister Wu went on to say: “The | difference between the two countries lies in the man- | ner in which the principle is carried out. You be- | lieve in the choice of officers through the ballot-box; ‘E we believe in the choicc of public officers through the | examination hall. In this country all men are equal !at the polls. * * * The man who has grown gray | in the service of his country, as well as the man who { has just taken out his naturalization papers, has no ”more than one vote. Every vote counts as much as | any other, and those who get the most votes are en- i titled to represent the people. * * * In China we | endeavor to attain the same end by a different road. ! The competitive examinations are open to all. All | candidates stand on the same ground and have an equal chance of success.' * * * In that way a cer- | tain proportion of the ruling class of the land is { drawn directly from the people.” | Having thus laid down the proposition that Ameri- cans and Chinese are alike in their belief in popular | commerce is drawing them nearer together and that |it is to the interest of both to extend and multiply | their commercial relations. Then he hastened to his | conclusion: “Your invitation to me shows that your ipa!riotism is not of that kind which cannot see any- thing good in the people of other lands, and the | motto of which is, ‘Our country, right or wrong.’ | That is only national selfishness which goes by the !name of patriotism. It is a relic of bygone days, ;\\'hen there was comparatively little intercourse be- | tween the people of omfe country and those of an- jother, and when a man could be free to enjoy liie | and liberty only in the land of his birth. All of that !is now completely changed. Happily we live in a | more humane and enlightened age. National inter- | ests have gradually given way to world interests, and the day is not far distant when love of country will be secondary to humanity as a virtue. This natiop !h:s not sprung into existence without a manifest des- | tiny. It was established * | ple alike with fairness and justice: to do away with all selfish and clannish feelings; to make American | patriotism synonymous with fair play, with love of mankind, with full freedom and liberty in accord with law and jusrigc." | With such high-sounding words and lofty senti- . ments did the astute Minister make his plea against duct on the part of the party in power, and there are | The Minister, of course, did not refer | * * to treat all peo- | the exclusion act. The Baltimore American, in com- menting upon it, said: “Minister Wu, without craft, has succeeded in revolutionizing public opinion in the United States with regard to his country.” The Phil- adelphia Record” said: While 'Wu_ Ting-fang, LL.D., was gracefully and forcibly portraying in In- dependence square the high ethical principles that cluster around Independence day, the inveterate ene- mies of his race, even the California Congressmen, were vaunting their design and ability to prolong for another twenty years after May next the peculiarly despotic snd un-American edict of exclusion now in force in this country against the brilliant Dr. Wu's countrymen.” It will be perceived that Wu's speech was highly successful from his point of view. It is not strictly true that he has revoiutionized public sentiment, as the Baltimore American says, but he has evidently accomplished a good deal in that direction. Upon the exclusion act, therefore, it behooves Californians to prepare themselves for a hard fight. Minister Wu is not an opponent to be despised. e s ———— Kansas City purposes to have a grand celebration cn August 10 in commemoration of the eightieth an- | niversary of the admission of Missouri to the Union. The oceasion will of course recall the mighty struggle which resulted in the so-called “Missouri compro- mise,” but there will be no wrangle over it now. There may be people who make fun of Missouri, but all the same they would rather have her ifi the Union than out of it. THOSE BOER OUTRAGES. T is inconceivable that if the unsigned story of I killing the wounded by the Boers were true it would be censored by the British authorities. It happens that the British commander in South Africa is Lord Kitchener, whose wholesale slaughter of the wounded at the battle of Omdurman appalled the world, and was freely published by the British press. Under the circumstances it is hardly possible that his Lordship would rigidly censor the news of like condugt by the Boers, as his misery in that con- nection is of the kind that loves company. At the | same time it must be admitted that his military policy is calculated to provcke desperate reprisals. The wholesale destruction of Boer homes and farmsteads, and the driving of women and children and aged non- corfibatants like cattle into stockades, where the little | ones perish by hundreds, is not calculated to pro- mote a gentle frame of mind in the fathers and broth"s of these helpless victims of a ruthless policy. The banishment of Cronje and the exiling of military prisoners to the various hells which Great Britain owns in the tropics is another measure that prolongs the war and increases its horrors. In a late delivery Lord Salisbury admitted that England was hated, and to be safe in her empire must also be feared. Her South African policy will cer- tainly not mitigate any hatred that others may feel for her, though it may inspire that fear which seems necessary to her welfare. The public opinion of the world will receive the i story of Boer outrage of the wounded with much caution. The Dutch are a race accustémed to face peril and go into hard undertakings. Their battles have always been against a, superior force. When Spain was as strong as Great Britain is now the Dutch withstood her, under circumstances as forlorn as those in South Africa, and finally won by sheer persistence and courage. Yet in all that dreary and bloody struggle for the independence of The Nether- lands there is no record of their slaughter of the wounded or other violations of fair war. That was more than two centuries ago, when the war code was not as scrupulous as it is now and combatants were | permitted a greater latitude. If they refrained then, | when fighting the savage Alva, it is not likely that they yield to temptation now. It is possible that British politicians feel the need of something to rouse the flagging jingo spirit at home and to divert the rising sympathy in the world for the forlorn Boers. Nothing could do‘this*more ‘cf’[cctually than such a story. But suppose it is true, ‘\still there is Kitchener and the record of Omdurman. Political economists and other philosophers have been of the opinion that the drift of population from the rural districts of England to the towns is due to | the decline of agriculture and the higher rate of i\vagcs in the cities; but one laborer, when asked by | a commission the other day why he had left the coun- | try, replied: “I could not stand it, sir. There wasn't an alehouse within a mile of the farm.” B published from its Paris correspondent a de- tailed statement of the taxes imposed by the French Government upon posters and billboard ad- vertising. Under the French law a “poster” is any written, printed or painted placard exhibited on a { wall, boarding or other public place in order to spread | information of any kind. AlF governmental posters, whether set up by the courts or by executive or leg- islative authority, are on white paper, while all private posters must be on colored paper and carry the gov- crnmental stamp. | The stamp tax varies with the size of the poster and the population of the community. The revenue produced by it in 1898 was 3,515,000 francs, and in 1899 it was 3,553,000 francs. The figures for Igoo'werc not given by the writer, because the income for that year, by reason of the exposition, was so much in- creased as not to afford a fair test of the value of the | tax as a revenue producer. The example of France is of importance to all American cities that are struggling with the bill- | board nuisanice. It seems clear that the most effective way to deal with the evil would be to impose a tax somewhat similar to that in France. The tax would not be onerous, nor would it prevent any legitimate | advertiser from making use of that method of attract- ing the attention of the public to his wares if he chose, | but it would have the effect of putting a stop to the display of many of those hideously ugly and enormous placards flpt disgrace our cities. There is no reason why those who 'make use of walls and fences along the public streets to get a profit from them should not be made to pay a fair amount of tax. The tax, too, might be made to scttle the ques of the height of permissible billboards. If |a properly graded tax were imposed they would not | go too high. This is one of the things in which we can learn something from Paris. B i e — The Alabama constitutional convention is said to be confronted by an unexpected snag; it has ex- cluded the negro from the franchise very neatly, but now the female suffragists are demanding a hearing. FRENCH POSTER TAXES. Y the New York Tribune there was recently Eastern folks are praying that the late hot spell may be known as the hottest of the twenticth century. Thev have no desire to see the record broken 1901 OBSERVATIONS ON TH PUT THEIR TRUST IN (The Czll does not hold lteelf responsible the dangers of trusts and others on the advantages of combinations of capital. Notably in the May North American Review are a number, all, with the exception of one by Russell Sage, rad- ically favorable to the system of combin- ing capital and industrial enterprises. A consideration of these articles leads to the conclusion that our thinkers who are out of the trusts see little but pros- pects of evil from such unprecedented and gigantic combinations, while the other class, principaily those in the trusts, see no real dangers and only prosperity and progress, and anticipate that the world is through the trusts entering upon its first real and endless vrosperity. Faith is always beautiful, be it faith in God, faith in man or faith In money. I have observed, however, that one who can put unlimited faith in money usually has next to no faith in God and little in man. To read one side only of this controversy a person would naturally be led to sup- pose that trusts could do no good In any way to any one. By the other it Is made to appear that they will go on benefiting mankind and blessing the world forever. Obvicusly the questions raised and now being discussed came up naturally; they are the result of inventions, modern im- provements and methods of doing busi- ness. To say this, however, is not to say that they are right or wrong. Weeds grow more naturally than grain, and be- cause a course is the one being pursued does not prove it right nor prove it wrong, and it may be and it usually is true that any course partly the result of circum- stances and partly the result of design is partly-right and partly wrong. Faith of Trust Makers. It s not surprising that those who cre- ated the trusts and whose wealth thus far it least has been almost immeasurably in- creased thereby should admure them and have only good reports thus far to make and faverable anticipations of the future. Such has been the habit of creators and owners from the beginning. It 1s written that when God created the heavens and the earth and all was fin- ished he looked wupon his work and said, “It is good”; but even am all-wise mind was either observing as to immedi- ate appearances or did not comprehend the capacity of his creatures to turn good into evil. The creators of the trust assume that they Lave been tried and found perfect. As a matter of fact they have not been tried at all. All the great modern indus- trial combinations, except the Standard Oil and a few others, have been formed | Quring the present era of good times. No dark clouds have as yet lowered over the houseof the trusts, no stress of any finan- cial depression or great strike or indus- trial disaster has occurred to test their alleged stormproof character. Thus far they have journeyed over favorable seas, wafted by prosperous winds, comforted with plenty to do and many to buy, large salaries and larger dividends. Is it any wonder that the trusts and their bene- ficiaries are as happy and as hopeful as lovers on their honeymoon and apparently have as little thought of squalls and troubles to come? That hard times will come no man can doubt, and when they do come, with their attendant train of troubles and disaster and bitter discon- tent, then and not until then will the trusts be tested and their perpetuity de- cided. The organizers of trusts are not only optimistic to a degres, but exceed- ingly self-sufficient and intolerant of crit- icism or interference. Trust Organizers Resent Criticism., ‘Those from the outside who study them, question them, criticize them or threaten in any manner to control them are at once ostracised and execrated and classed as ‘‘meddlesome newspapers,” ‘“agitat- ors,” “politicians” (a particularly low | order of creation in the minds of these | ECENT reviews and magazines have contained many articles on modern solons with Croesus attach- ments), ‘“demagogues,” ‘“charlatans,” “mountebanks” and the like. It is not wise by offensive language to be driven to resentments or to assume be- | cause an advocate is intolerant and of- | fensive that he is necessarily wrong in all claims or conclusions. These gentlemen | who write so learnedly, even interestingly, are all advocates of the doctrine that work can only be well done by specialists and, not being themselves specialists in magazine work or in literary discussion, have doubtless proven the correctness of their own views by not making as good or courteous presentation as might have been made with the material at hand. A tyro in discussion is always contemptuous of his adversary and intolerant of oppo- sition. One is constrained to the belief, however, that in some instances these very wise and wealthy gentlemen are au- ‘thors in name only and have been dis- creet enough to employ specialists to do their literary work. Borrowing wisdom from intolerance it may very truthfully be conceded that combinations of cap.tal are in a position to do much of the good claimed and may do some part of it, and also that they are likely to do much less good than they | prophesy and not all the harm anticipat- ed by some radical thinkers. It is true that steam engines, steamships and steam railroads, telegraphs, telephones, electric | transportation and their thousand kin- dred appliances afford opportunities for beneficial industrial co-operation and combination such as never before existed. That thereby much good can and ought to be done. That the greater the system the more perfect shouid be its operation. The more direct the course from the raw material to the hungry consumer the bet- | ter the results ought to be and the lower the price should be. As cited where the steel trust owns its own mines of coal and iron, its own ships, its own factories and railroads it ought tq be able to produce | the best article possible for the least pos- sible price. That it does produce a good article in a skilled and economical way is undoubtedly true. That it sells as cheap as possible to the consumer is not true. High Salarics and Big Dividends. That it seils at even a‘reasonable profit can hardly be true, as it seems to be ad- mitted that it sells certain of its products in foreign markets much cheaper than in its own. Its salaries are ridiculously high and its dividends on actual investments are exorbitantly large. Mr. Schwab, for instance, is paid $1,000,000 a year for su- pervising, and is delighted with combina- tions of capital because it reduces “the item" of suvervision, but since his salary would pay that of 100 men at $10,000 each petr year, the steel trust seems to have been niore efficient in reducing numbers than cash. Mr. Schwab. obviously not a foolish man, would hardly get a million a year as a logician. Mr. Schwab being a supervisor magnifies the importance of supervision. Being a combine, he mag- nifies the advantages and beauties of combinations. Being in a great trust, he magnifies the benefits of trusts and min- imizes the importance of the functions of government; in. fact, unconsciously, no doubt, he infers that government is a mere side issue that will do no harm if it keeps ‘“hands off” of trusts. He (Mr. Schwab) thinks the whole question will be allowed to work itself out “in the fac- tory” and in the ‘“‘counting room.” “The iron and steel industry of America is not apprehensive of antagonistic political ac- tion toward it, either by the people or by Congress.” Antagonistic interference is evidently referred to as anything pre- venting the full control of all questions involved “in the factory and counting room.” Mr. Schwab’s Million. +Mr. Schwab is, be It always remem- for the opinions publ! may have as communications of that respect that always attaches itself to great wealth, a milllon a year, not to mention dividends and profits nor such little things as an unusual amount of energy and much practical sense, all of which he possesses. But an fllustration may be drawn from his posi- tlon end his argument. God and nature filled the earth with coal and iron. The rivers, lakes and seas are highways sup- posed to be useful and beneficial to all mankind. Railroads exercise the right of eminent domain because they are sup- posed to serve the eral Steel Trust owns its bered, entitled to own mines of coal and iron and they happen to be all| of the best and most available acquired | at nominal costs, and if they own thexr} own ships and railroads and factories and ] fix the price of labor, the cost of produc-; tion, the expemse of transportation and | the price paid by consumers, and all of these questicns are to be settled “in the | counting room and in the factory,” and without antagonistic action either upon the part of the people or Congress,” It| will become true that government created | for the protection of all of the people must | abandon its supposed sovereignty over all | of its subjects to a few of its subjects, or | is it the idca of our-friends‘of the trusts | that governments are organized for police purposes only to protect property and peo- ple that own property? | It is assumed that the President of the United States earns in his hitherto con- sidered great and responsible office fifty thousand dollars per year cnly and that| the Federal Steel Trust is dealing fairly with consumers when it pays from their contributions to its president one million dollars per year, when all the people can afford to pay their President such a com- paratively small salary. The whole situ- ation is preposterous, unnatural and im- possible to be perpetuated and could only be thought expedient or just by a judge sitting in nis own case to decide for him- | self and all others. It is true, we hope, that broader, saner, fairer counsels thami these will prevail. It should not be as- sumed because we have great and power- | ful combinations of capital we need less | government and next to no government, | but upon the contrary we all need more | government, more intelligent government, stronger government, more honest and better government than ever before. Control of Combinations. Money alone never did make men just | or wise. It is not written or observable | in history that great accumulators of | wealth wers wise beyond their fellows or qualified to judge better than othérs upon | questions pertaining to the science of gov- | ernment or.what was likely to bring hap- piness or irue greatness to a generation or a race of men. The counting house have their uses and their places not in-| conspicuous or secondary. Those in con- | trol of them are, many of them, possessed | of brains, energy and good sense not to | be despised in counsel. But they show | neither wisdom nor good sense when they | assume to possess the right or power to | ignore the just and necessary control of government over all persons and corpora- | tions. Pernaps they do not intend to as- sume such a position or to be understood | as doing so, but that they actually do so | assume and pretend is written in terms in the articles referred to. Such an assumption of unrestrained | power in combinations of capital amounts to monopolistic soclalism confined to its operators and stockholders. The assump- tion: of such a position and the execution of the programme now under way can re- | suit only in the tendering of an issue that | can ultimately be decided in one way only. | Rich men are ambitious. They want more | power, more wealth and more control. | But others are also ambitious and want | some wealth, some power and some con- | trol. ! If combinations of capital are beyond | control of governments as now conducted, | | and they appear to be at least tending | that way, the inevitable tendency of the | opposition will be toward like combina- | tion tarough public ownership and publi operation, amounting ere long to state | socialism, in which many broad and hon- | est men see many dangers to our form | of govermment, our civilization and our | race. But government must and will be sovernment and ultimately must control. The question is, shall it control in its present form or in a form and manne much less satisfactory to capital and | vested interests? | Those who love our institutions as they have been and are (at least in a degree they are still the same) see little to hope | for in such exhibitions of superlative con- ceit as the organizers and those in con trol of the trusts are now furnishing. Should Not Seek Industrial Tontrol. | The assumption that all government | control is meddling; that all officials who | do not defer without question to the lord of the “‘counting house and the factory are mischievous meddlers. That all news. papers discussing thess questions or mold- I ing public sentiment are Sensalipnal. That ished in the following article. general interest.) public. But if the Fed- | and the 1’:u:toryI e | L | next atte | and the rates are the lowest. OSE WHO TRUSTS but presents them for whatever value they all politicians are demagogues and that all statesmen are dead, Is not likely to settle wisely or well these or any other problems. Our only hope l_s that a saner time and a soberer view will come befors the inevitable other extreme is upon us and our institutions are irrevocably and injuriously changed. Equality, character and good government, not monopoly or socialism, have accumulated the wealth we enjoy and achleved the position we now occupy as & nation and a people. Suppose we succeed as ?usgefled in be- ing by the trusts “put in‘ indus trial control of the world," whi lis about as sane an Iidea Monte Cristo’s exclamation, “the w is mine.” What would we do with the industrial control of the world If wo had it? We could remain in control on! by competition with the toil and povert and comparatively helplessness of the world’s labor. We may begin such com | petition in pride and conceit but it can only end in disaster. It can be continued for a time and for a time only by use of our superior machinery and our more in- telligent labor, but to assume that other countries cannot even imitate us or use the same machinery or copy the ways of our labor (some of which has been but recently imported) is too much conceit for practical business vses. Trust Ged and the Constitution. What we need is to be “put in con- trol” of ourselves and our own govern- ment, protect our own markets, develop our own resources and protect our own people from outsiders and from each other- and preserve all that is best in our form of government, laws and civilization and institutions. Suppose other countries organize trusts of their own, we cannot claim to have copyrighted these peculiarly wise and beneficent organizations that supply the place of government, remove competition and all other ills and woes at will. So if we cease to have a monopely in trusts our commercial supremacy might be called seriously in question. Possibly. therefore, it might be well to continue to be so old fashioned as to put some of our trust in Almighty God, some in our constitution and laws and some in our worth and in- tegrity. and not all of it in mere mone- tary wealth in the hands of milllonaires combined under corporations called trusts. The matter I should like to impress is one dear to every thinking American: and that is that the arrogance and exactions of combined capital are not likely to do nearly so much harm in the temporary exactions it mag extort and obtain as the inevitable tendency it generates to drive the masses of the people to the other ex- treme, which other extreme, will be dis- astrous to capital, which would amount to a temporary calamity only. The far graver injury, however, is that it will also work a radical change in our form of gov- ernment and methods of life altogether injurious and wholly unnecessary unless the arrosance of organized wealth shall render it possible and acceptable to the people as their last choice between two evils. FRANK H. SHORT. July 9, 1%1 a “Our band played like one man last nigat,” said proud trcmbone player. “Is that so?" replied his friend. “Well, now I know what Eill meant when he said the band played like Oléd Harry."—Yon- kers Statesman. Church—I see Andrew Carregie began business as a telegraph messenger boy. Gotham—Well, it's comforting to hear of one messenger boy who “got there.”— Yonkers Statesman. —_——e—— Chelce candies. Townsend’s, Palace Hotel* —_— e——————— Cal. glace fruit 50c per Ib at Townsend's.* —_————— information supplied daily to Special | business houses and public men the Press Clipping Bureau (Allen’s), 510 E gomery street. 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