The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, October 24, 1898, Page 4

4 THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, MONDAY, OCTOBER 24, 189S. Che MONDAY.. _OCTOBER 24, 1808 JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. b wpbu e B O O e e e Address All Communications to W. S. LEAKE, Manager. PUBLICATION OFFICE......Market and Third Sts., S. F. Telephone Main 1888, EDITORIAL ROOMS..........2I7 to 22| Stevenson Street Telephone Main 1874 THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL (DAILY AND SUNDAY) Is served by carrlers In this city and surrounding towns for 15 cents a week. By mall $6 per year; per montb 66 cents. THE WEEKLY CALL.............One year, by mall, $1.50 OAKLAND OFFICE +ee...908 Broadway NEW YORK OFFICE Room 188, World Building DAVID ALLEN, Advertising Representative. WASHINGTON (D. C.) OFFICE.. weeee...Rigge House C. €. CARLTON, Correspondent. CHICAGO OFFICE.... ..Marquette Building C.GEORGE KROGNESS, Advertising Represcntative. BRANCH OFFICES—527 Montgomery street, corner Clay, open untll 9:30 o'clock. 387 Hayes street, open untll 930 o'clock. 621 McAllister street. open untll 9:30 o'clock. 615 Larkin street, open untll 9:30 o'clack. 1941 Misslon street, open untll 10 o'clock. 2291 Market street, corner Sixteenth, open untll 9 o'clock. 25I8 Misslon street, open until 9 o'clock. 106 Eleventh street, open untll 9 o'clock. 1505 Polk street, open untll 9:30 o'clock. NW. corner Twenty-second ana Kentucky streets, open untll 9 o'clock. AMUSEMENTS. Baldwin—*'Prisoner of Zenda." Columbia—*‘By the Sad Sea Waves.” California Theater—'The Span of Life."” fay 3 Alcazar- Blossom.’ ew York.' Ttvoll—*“Girofle-Girofla. Orpheum—Vaudeville. NeWw Comed Theater—'‘The Little Hussar." The Chutes—Lillian F. Smith, Vaudeville and the Zoo. Olympia, corner Mason and Eddy streets—Speciaities. Sutro's Baths—Swimn Sherman - CI Hall— Sherm Hall—Entertainment Thursday Evening. ple—Benefit Thursday Evening, October 27. @ BETTER WEEK IN TRADE. AST week showed considerable improvement in L trade over its predecessor. Some lines, hitherto dull and unsatisfactory, exhibited more life, and the tendency in prices seemed to be upward again. The leading featute of the week was the rise in wheat under an enormous export demand for Europe, though the shipments were less than those during the same week last year by almost 500,000 bushels. The | demand last year, however, was unprecedented. Another gratifying feature last week was the scramble among European financiers to provide gold for America, to pay for our heavy shipments of grain and merchandise to Great Britain and the Continent. This tended to still further ease the money market and restore confidence, which, however, needed very little restoration, never having been shaken to any[ marked degree. In international commerce the United States has had the whip hand for a year or more, and is such a creditor of Europe that it bids fair to hold it for some time to come. Still another good feature was the improvement in several _staples have recently been distin- guished by abnormal depression. Thus wool, which has been in the slough of despond for months, showed indications of doing better, the transactions being larger than for some time, though prices showed no gain. In fact the Boston sales, which were free, were made at slight concessions. The woolen trade also reported more liberal sales, with an extensive inquiry. The manufacturers hope that this improvement is the beginning of the long-deferred demand, though the call at present is for low-priced goods. Cotton, too, | seems to be on the point of a revival. The spinners have agreed upon a selling agency, which has hung fire for some time, and also upon a curtailed produc- tion, and in consequence there is a better demand for goods, with fair prospects for an increase in the fu- which ture. But it is in cereals that the improvement in trade is most pronounced. The advance in wheat was purely legitimate, being based upon actual European de- mand, and was wholly free from manipulation. Corn, too, participated in the improved inquiry, and ad- vanced slightly, the shipments from Atlantic ports being 2,634,400 bushels, against 652,400 for the same week last year. Indications of a Franco-British war, though vague, have served to increase this legitimate demand for cereals, and it was a fine week in grain all around. Against these gratifying conditions, however, were a halt in the iron trade and a relapse in Wall street, where a profound depression settled down. The pub- lic again deserted the street, leaving the market wholly in the hands of the professionals, and on at least two days the sales on the Exchange fell to less than 150,000 shares. The causes of this depression were the uncertainty regarding the election and ap- prehensions regarding the Fashoda affair, which at the moment hangs like a cloud over international finance and tends to financial caution all over Europe. London got pessimistic over it and did some realizing in Wall street. In spite of these unfavorable condi- tioris, however, the public hung on to their securities and prices did not decline except in a very few in- stances. The undercurrent of the market was strong, holders basing their confidence on the ease of the money market, the large earnings of railroads and the heavy exports of cereals already mentioned. A strong {eature to the situation was the utter indifference of the street to the recent rise in discounts and bank rates in England and on the Continent. Here in California conditions were steady and some changes were apparent. First, there was the rise in wheat, which led to lively chartering of ships for ex- port, advanced tonnage rates materially, and gave a brighter aspect to the whole grain trade. The dried fruit market, too, which has been very dull for sev- eral weeks, showed signs of emerging from its apathy, and the Eastern markets came through | stronger, owing to the cooler weather there, and several de- scriptions advanced. The rise has not yet reached this market, however, though it probably will before long at the present rate of progression. The course of this market this fall has puzzled the oldest heads in the business. With remarkably short fruit crops all over the world, we should have had a lively mar- ket, whereas we have had a dull and weak one. No- body in the trade has yet explained why this is, for the very good reason that the trade are all at sea. It was a good week, too, for the vineyardists. The price of grapes increased 50 per cent, and the de- mand increased in proportion. - The crop is turning out shorter than expected, and the wine-makers find that if they want to make wine this year they will have to pay up for the grapes. Stock-raisers also found a good market for their cattle and sheep, and the price of hogs advanced at the close. Altogether it was the best week in general trade - that the country has enjoyed for some little time. e s , what they call “the gang of the plug-hat boss.” PHELAN'S FORLORN HOPE. AYOR PHELAN’S campaign for re-election M is now reduced to a forlorn hope. His only chance for success is to win over to himself a strong following. of Republicans. Large numbers of his own party will repudiate him. The independent voters who trusted him two years ago can no longer be deluded. Unless by some means he can carry a considerable portion of the Republican vote, he will be overwhelmingly defeated. He has only himself and his flatterers to blame for the heavy odds now against him. The disaffection of the Democrats is due to the high-handed manner in which he usurped all authority in the party and set aside the tried leaders and the rank and file for the purpose of making himself supreme. Never before in this or in any American city did a political boss ever so completely override the principles of popular gov- ernment and so contemptuously ignore the people as Phelan did when he joined with the Committee of One Hundred to put up a so-called Democratic ticket without giving the members of the party any voice or representation in the selection of candidates. Deprived of their right to participate in the nomi- nation of candidates, there is but one way by which Democrats can rid their party of the incubus that has fastened upon it, and that is to refuse to recognize the Phelan nominees as a Democratic ticket and to vote against it at the polls. That is what will be done. The leaders of the party are outspoken in their oppo- sition to the usurping committee, and the great mass of the rank and file who believe in true Democracy and in self-government are determined to overthrow Phelan now perceives the mistake he made in tricking the Democratic leaders and refusing to allow the Democratic masses to have a voice in the nomi- nation of the Democratic ticket. He sees he has lost the support of his own party, and is now trying by z thousand devices to win Republican votes. He poses as a man of ultra respectability, virtue and honesty. It is known that he obtained his nomi- nation by a high-handed fraud upon his party, and by methods showing he is utterly unscrupulous in politics, but he asks Republicans to believe he did that only because Democrats cannot be trusted to nomi- nate honest men, and that if elected he will be most scrupulous and most honest in performing the duties of Mayor. It is hardly likely any intelligent voter in the Re- publican party will be deceived by this presumptuous pretender to the honors of a political reformer. A Republican convention which fairly represented the masses of the party has nominated for Mayor a gen- tleman who does not have to pose-or to seek the pur- chased praises of fawners or flatterers. His nomina- tion came without his solicitation; he is making a canvass on the highest plane of citizenship, and can be relied upon to fulfill the duties of the Mayoralty with the economy and efficiency of a man of business, the progressiveness of a true civic patriot, and without arrogance of any kind. Phelan’s search for Republican votes is a forlorn hope. It is as desperate a hazard as ever a political adventurer made in an effort to redeem follies and frauds and blunders. Republicans will stand by their ticket, independent voters will stand with them, and hundreds of self-respecting Democrats will unite to crush the would-be boss and give San Francisco a good government under the administration of Charles L. Patton. THE REPUBLICAN JUDICIAL TICKET. NE of the strong features of the Republican O local ticket is the excellence of the nomina- tions made for judicial offices. The vital ne- cessity to the community of having on the bench men learned in the law and of the highest probity was recognized by the Republican convention and great | care was taken in selecting candidates for the judge- | ships. As a result the party presents to the people | a judicial ticket worthy of the unanimous support of the community. Such men as James M. Troutt, Davis Louderback, John Carson and Henry N. Clement hardly need a recommendation to the voters of San Francisco. None of them has lived his life in a corner. Each has a high repute for legal ability and for integrity among the members of their profession and in the | community generally. Judge Troutt has already shown on the Superior bench his fitness for the office. Judge Louderback’s record as Police Judge attests his qualifications for the place to which he now aspires, while Mr. Carson and Mr. Clement hold a high rank at the bar and can be counted on to main- tain when elected the best traditions of the bench. An | equal merit is to be found in the nominces for Police Judgeships and for Justices of the Peace. The people can afford to take no chances in the + .. Harold Frederic's death is ascribed to Christian science, but even those who bring the charge will ad- mit that heart disease has been known to be fatal " even in'the absence of disciples of this science. election of Judges. An honest, able, independent and rights and property of citizens.” Even those persons who never have suits in court are benefitted by the corruption. Any weakness, inefficiency or moral or | intellectual dishonesty on the part of our Judges is It is, therefore, one of the most important political duties of the citizen to elect good Judges. It was on its nominations, and all voters, without respect to party, can serve their own interests and those of the on the Republican judicial ticket. A PREPOSTEROUS CL@AIM. D “the critical point” in the negotiations - be- tween the United States and Spain-has been ities are reported to be uneasy about the result. The so-called critical point is that raised by Spain in the all colonies of whose sovereignty Spain' is deprived as a result of the war. 4 subject shows an evident desire to work up sympathy for Spain and to induce the United States to assume source of this desire lies in the fact that the bonds representing the debt are held by European bankers, pleasing to the bondholders to have our Government guarantee their payment. diplomacy of Spain nor the persuasive eloquence of its Parisian sympathizers can change its nature or Spain of her colonies the United States inflicts upon her a loss of upward of $600,000,000, and that it would deal generously with the conquered and relieve her to some extent of that loss. : States has incurred an expense estimated at about $360,000,000 to carry on the war. That it was a con- courageous judiciary is the only safeguard to the | virtue of the judiciary and would be injured by its at once felt by intelligent men to be a menace to all. that understanding the Republican convention made community as a whole by voting for every candidate ISPATCHES from Paris are to the effect that reached by the Commissioners, and European author- demand that the United States assume the debts of The whole tenor of the European discussion on the the debts that Spain has contracted. Of course the particularly by those of Paris, and it would be very The claim is a preposterous one, and neither the make it appear just. It is asserted that by depriving be becoming to our greatness and magnanimity to In this claim the fact is overlooked that the United test not of our seeking. That we demand-no money indemnity from Spain. That we are not going to exact heavy revenues from the liberated colonies to repay us for our expenditures. That, in short, we are going to bear our share of the cost of the conflict, and therefore are not dealing harshly when we insist that Spain bear whatever burdens she has brought upon herself. Had Spain been at war with any European power she would not now be talking of inducing her con- queror to assume any part of her debt. She would be pleading to escape from some such heavy in- demnity as that which Germany exacted from France. We have been generous enough. ‘We can- not in common justice impose the Spanish debts on the Cubans or the Philippine islanders, neither would our Government be justified in imposing them upon ourselves. Spain contracted the debts and she must pay them. The bondholders who loaned her the money to maintain her power over the people of Cuba and the Philippines must look to her for repayment. PREBLE AGAIN TO THE RESCUE. l land and make of the owners of all other property a privileged class, enjoying the protection of gov- ernment and paying none of its cost, to object to the obvious conclusions and deductions from their theory and its statement. In his first letter, defending Maguire's defense of anarchy, Mr. Preble quoted the Judge's speech and said: “Every syllable of that speech must be in- dorsed by enlightened citizens who believe in the great democratic principle of political equality and freedom, whose minds are not biased by race or class prejudice.” This is a plain declaration that Maguire's indorse- ment of anarchists and nihilists was a declaration of principles. After defending the anarchists in several ensuing sentences, Mr. Preble returned to a restate- ment of Maguire’s principles, saying: “What Judge Maguire stands for is broad-minded liberalism, free- dom of thought and action, the reward of service and abolition of privilege, the highest ideals of the most exalted human prerogatives—all that Paine and Jef- ferson and Franklin and Lincoln and Henry George stood for in the onward march of human progress.” Mr. Preble now denies that he is in sympathy with anarchists. If this be true, he has changed since his last letter and is not one of - the “enlightened citi- zens who must indorse every syllable” of Maguire’s anarchist speech. He also denies that he intended to say that Paine, Franklin, Jeffefson and Lincoln stood for what Maguire advocated in that speech which all “enlightened men” must indorse. Therefore in his letter published to-day he pulls Maguite out of the exalted company of those sages, or pulls them out of Maguire’s exalted company, he does not state which. He draws also a distinction between “hunger-crazed” and “poverty-crazed,” and says in using the latter he meant mental poverty. Well, we will admit that many are born that ‘way, under all institutional forms. Mr. Preble says it is caused “by the denial by a class of the right of the mass to the use of the earth on terms of equality and justice.” This class are the pri- vate land-owners, to confiscate whose property Mr. Preble declares to be his religion, “just and holy, in consonance with the laws of God.” We invite the attention of land-owners to this sec- ond letter of Mr. Preble, that they may find out what style of abandoned wretches they are. A man works on the streets at unskilled labor or in the shops asia mechanic; he is prudent, temperate, keeps his character upright, and saves money. When his savings have accumulated they represent his stored up labor; his tastes lead him to rural life and instead of investing his money, the proceeds of his labor, in personal property and business, he buys a piece of land and makes upon it his home. Imme- diately, according to ‘Mr. Preble and Judge Maguire, he becomes “a monopolist,” a “denier of the right of the mass to the use of the earth on terms of equality and justice,” with a land title “of indefensible origin,” and “may at any moment be justly expelled by the lawful owner, society.” He is told by Maguire and Preble that he is the cause of anarchy, of that “poverty craze” which makes men commit murder to recover the rights he has robbed them of by investing his earnings in land. Now Mr. Preble declares that in these characteri- zations of the land-owner he is hurling at this class the thunder of “God's law.” No fanaticism is as dan- gerous as that which piously asserts itself as an agency of the divine purpose. Not many score of years ago, in this country and Europe, old women with moles on their chins or surplus hairs on their chops, were being hanged, burned, put between boards and sawn asunder or crushed between planks for the crime of witchcraft. When their judges and executioners were reasoned with, they replied, with the ‘shibboleth of Maguire and Preble and the land confiscators, that belief in witchcraft was their re- ligion. Mr. Preble says that millions of the brightest intellects believe with him and Maguire that the land- owner is a criminal against God's law. The witch- burner made the same answer, and truthfully, and could point to that enlightened Judge, Sir Matthew Hale, and the brightest props of church and state in Eurcpe and America. It does not occur to these self-chosen adminis- trators of God’s law. that inequality of right to oc- cupy land as property was destroyed in this country when Mr. Jefferson destroyed entail and primogeni- ture; that now men may earn money and invest in land and buy and sell because there is no entail by which land may be monopolized. The transfer of land ownership is the same in law and morals as the transfer of the ownership of personal property. The laborer who saves money and buys land, and there are thore of that class in this country than elsewhere in the world, owns that which his labor has bought, and is not a criminal against God’s law, nor the cause of mental poverty, nor a monopolist and robber and oppressor, though he is accused of all these by Judge Maguire and Mr. Preble. [ is an attribute of the people who want to confiscate South Omaha has an enterprising Chief of Police who believes in prize-fighting when the purse can be so split up as to give him a share. It is for this rea- son he has been arrested as accessory to murder, a pugilist having suffered the discomfort of being killed in the ring after he had paid the Chief for the privi- lege. The questions naturally arising involve not only the moral status of the official, but revive a debate as to whether to kill a pugilist can be regarded as a crime. * ;s : . Pullman profits were never so great as for the cur- rent year. This corporation has the peculiar advan- tage of not paying its employes, but permitting them to floutish on the charity of patrons. It is a great dividend producing scheme, but it would not be per- mitted in any hotel not on wheels. Frenchmen seem to think the Peace Commission in session for the sole purpose of acquiring their ad- vice. Now is the time for the Czar to give his olive branch a flirt or two and restore confidence. MR. PHELAN AS THE NEW LIGHT. A “Plain Citizen” Resumes His Discussion of the Plug- Hat Boss and His Unfitness for Office. NUMBER TWO. Our American system of Government was devised by men who knew the value of popular rights. They formulated the principle that the people were the depositories of political power. They knew it was necessary for the conduct of government to delegate that power to individuals. But they made the delegation reluctantly and’ex- Pl‘esSlly declared that nower not delegated in set terms remained with the people. The fathers of the republic gave power grudgingly to officlals because they lLiew that power given by the people might be used against the people. They did not take into account the honor, dignity, convenience or ease of the political officlal; they consulted only for the security of the com- mon people. They made no provision for giving a free rein to great and good reformers. They legislated for the ordinary politician. Wise, wealthy and benevolent statesmen they knew might arise in the fnture to lift the masses to their own level and to benefit the populace in spite of itself. But for these benefactors of humanity our forefathers made no provisions. They thought it better that the people should slowly and painfully climb the heights through their own efforts rather than that they should through the agency of some angelic politician be suddenly lifted by the hair of the head into the clear and serene atmosphere wherein dwell the professional non-partisan and the googoos. HENCE OUR CONSTITUTION Shows an elaborate hatred of the concentration of newer and betrays in a hundred places the anxiety of the founders to divide and subdivide politi- cal authority. By a device up to that time unknown they split the supreme authority into three parts and lodged it in three co-ordinate and independ- ent bodies. The power of making laws thew gave to a legislature; the power of enforcing laws they conferred on a chief exc utive; the power of interpretating the laws they placed in a supreme court. These three pow- ers they made independent the one of the other. and so hedged them round about that their attributes could not be confounded. Nelther the President nor any of his appointees could sit in Congress. No legislator who took office could retain his seat in the Legislature. The Supreme Judges were ap- pointed for-life so that no President could in the ordinary course of hu- man events control a majority of them and so that they would not be con- taminated by the party passion or swayed by the ropular fury that might dominate a legislative assemblw A1l this diviei~=~ of authority has only one end, namely, to prevent the power of the neople from being used against the people. As long as the supreme authority is so split up the plain citizen is safe. No officlal can be- come 80 great as to override the law, and as long as law reigns. the plain citizen, that is, you and I, has nothing to fear. BUT IN OPPOSITION To this elaborate system of checks and balances there s another system which apreals to certain minds. When a general is sent out with an army he must '~ -+ those about him. Therefore it may be well for him to choose his own staff. But whether he chooses them or not, they must obey him and carry out his orders implicitly. The army is one great organization. The general is the head. The officers are the nerves that carry his mes- sages, the muscles that move the members. Such a system is wondrously effective. The army does its work. A gov- ernment organized on such a plan would perform its duties at a minimum of expense and at a maximum of efficiency. But it would not be a free govern- ment. It would be an unmitigated despotism. Under our system we have deliberately chosen to prefer liberty to effl- clency. A certain lack of effect, of cheapness, is the price we pay for our freedom. Every method has been devised to prevent any one man from ob- taining a monopoly of political power. This Is true of the State Governments as well as of the Federal Government. The system is carried down to the counties and municipalities on which the State rests. Freedom canmnot spring from despotism as a pure stream cannot flow from a polluted source. If the towns and countles are not free the State cannot be free. Liberty does not come from above downward; it mounts from below up- ward. Therefore in the government of this municipality of San Francisco the general principles of the American system appear well developed. Politi- cal power is diyided between a Mayor with several executive officers, a judiciary and a Board of Supervisors. The 1limits of their authority are sharply defined. One must not trespass on the bounds of the other. The power given by the people may be used to hurt the people. Division of power means the protection of the plain citizen, such as you and I Since this system has been elaborated for the benefit of the plain citizen, that is, for your benefit and mine. it is our duty to stand by it, to preserve it, to perpetuate it. Any tampering with it demands a jealous eye. It iIs our protection and we must guard it well. NOW THE FIRST OBJECT WHICH A BOSS Has in view is to gather to himself the powers thus divided for the good of the plain people. He schemes to control the executive officers, the Super- visors, the Judges. A boss mdy hold office or.not. Whether he does or not makes little difference. His power consists in the faet that other officers are’ controlled by him. If he runs for office the people may defeat him. But such defeat cannot destroy his power as long as he retains influence over others. Some are now saying that if we are to have a boss let us have one elected by the people. But election by the people does not make or unmake the boss. The boss has power because he controls men that hold office, not because he holds office himself. Where we have many bosses the control of officials is in many hands. One boss holds the Supervisors, another influences the judiciary, a third the Sheriff’s office, a fourth the County Clerk’s. The incumbents of these offices may be each his own boss. As they are always looking for more power and are usually antagonistic the purpose of our government is fulfilled. Power is divided and no official becomes so great as to contemn the reason- able demands of the private citizen, that is, of you and of me. In such a condition of affalrs we can always play one boss against the other, and where all are looking for popularity popular interests may recelve some at- tention. But if one man can control the whole city government where are our guarantees? If one man can name the executive officials, the Board of Su- pervisors, the Judges; if one man can not only name them, but control them, where is the protection for the plain citizen? You and I then become mere pawns on the chessboard. We are moved without our consent or against our will wherever, whenever and however the master mind dictates. NO -BOSS PRETENDS That he Is striving for political control. He uses many means to compass his ends, and his means, as they are made known to the public, are de- scribed as being for the benefit of the public. Mr. James Phelan is by no means a dull man. He has shown an aptitude for politics very creditable to his.talents. He gauges public sentiment and he knows the cry that will stir the people’s hearts. He knows when to appear on the platform so as to receive the applause. He has calculated to a nicety the psychological mo- ment when a veto or a message will catch the public attention. Even such little details as paving a street do not escape him, and he knows how to defer gently the fulfillment of a contract months old until its performance is calculated to render the heart of the onlooking voter as soft and as warm as the asphaltum plaster that covers the patent blocks. Therefore Mr. James Phelan does not come before the people with any crude or undigested arguments as to his fitness to boss this town. He comes to the people and proclaims himself one of them. He says: “Tt is for your benefit that I am sacrificing myself. Day after day I am working overtime. Consider my sad case—so hard have I labored in your behalf that in a whole year T have been able to take only a two months’ vacation. T am in this fight for your benefit. You want good government, and I am going to see that you get it and from me. * “But,” he continues, “if I am to glve you good government you must trust me. You must give me men who will support my policy. I admit that I have done nothing during the last two years. The Board of Supervis- ors blocked me here; the Auditor thwarted me there; the Assessor would not do what I wanted him and half a dozen other officials had the impudence to think for themselves. I wanted to do good and I knew nothing could be done well as long as it was not done in my way. When I'could not have my way I did nothing. Therefore now give me men who will support my policy and let me have my own way.” " THE PLAIN CITIZEN Marks, swallows and Inwardly digests these words. The plain citizen, that is, you and I, thinks within himself “to support my policy” means to “let me have my own way,” and both are a new method of saying “to do my bid- ding.” The campaign, therefore, made by Mr. Phelan is an appeal to the people to upturn their own institutions. The people are committed to a plan of the dlvision of power. This argument is a demand for the concentration of power. Fill all the offices with the nominees of James Phelan and James Phelan will see that the government is run as James Phelan thinks best. The test of fitness for office, therefore,. iIn the new dispensation is not honesty or independence, but agreement with Mr, Phelan. This is the one political virtue vn which hang all others. The man who agrees with Mr. Phelan’s policy is the true and pure patriot. The man who ventures to dis- agree with Mr. Phelan’s policy is a thief and robber. Neither Mr. Phelan nor his foilowers deny that this is the i stone of honor. He makes the plea himself, his followers make lf‘ .f‘:r ‘hol‘x‘:.h : HIS ONE CRY I8, “Give me men who will work with me—Supervisors who will officials who will bow at my nod.” In the City Hall to-day t:gr;n nfi-ebggtl:.lgx’; men of the same party as Mr. Phelan whose honesty has never been ques- tioried. They are few, it is true, but their charactsrs are above reproach. Mr. Phelan’s campaign Is ostensibly made to put such men into o!flce' But the Committee of One Hundred has coldly passed them by. They had the misfortune to differ from Mr. Phelan. This is the unpardonable sin, In every other walk of life men may differ honestly. Plain people have a way of holding on to their own opinions. You think one thing; I think an- other; but we do not on that account. call one another rascal or thief. But it is different with Mr. Phelan. Every man who is not willing to work with him, to support his policy, to let him have his own way—in other words, to do his bidding, must be rejected and. must be rejected In the name of good government. When the other bosses refuse to give & man the nomi- nau?n attl least "ihtey letnv? M‘R tllh char;cter.t The new boss refuses a man the nomination and in refusing leaves the unfortunat. of reputation to cover his shame. b g enlet nithont £ xa8 For the plain citizen—for you and for me—the issue is joi campaign. The political wisdom and the political experience njf tl:'eg é;‘ux::lr‘; s embodlied in our constitution. That constitution holds that the welfare of the plain citizen—your welfare and mine—demands that power be divided and that no one man shall control it all. Here is Mr. Phelan, a politician, who comes to us and sets himself against the kystem under which he has been born and reared, and says: “It is all wrong. .There is a better way. Con- centrate all the power in my hands. Forget the wisdom of the past. T .am the new light.” The plain citizen is suspicious of new lights. You and I have heard of the wandering fire that draws the benighted traveler from the safe and ancient road across marsh and moor and fen. Gayly it dances before him, deceiving his eyes and filling his mind with thoughts of comfort by the warm fireside and good cheer,. These dreams lend fresh courage to his soul. He struggles on, forgetting all behind. And, lo! when he thinks the gleam is in his reach he stumbles into an open grave. . 5 { . - . A PLAIN CITIZEN.,. Editor San Francisco Call: MAGUIRE AND ANARCHY. Editor Call: In your issue of the 12th inst., in an editorial headed “Maguire and Anarchy,” you do me the honor of characterizing me as Maguire's “de- fender and . supporter,” “friend and spokesman.” I am proud to be regarded as his friend and supporter, but as to being his defender and spokesman I must disclaim any right to such dis- tinction until his course needs defend- ers and his matchless ability to act as his own spokesman has waned. I wish, however, that you would grant me space to make one or two ob- servations which your editorials fol- lowing my letter of October 5 have called forth and to correct some mis- statements you have made concerning things I sald, misstatements made, I am charitable enough to believe, not deliberately or maliciously, but care- lessly and due perhaps to a faulty memory and a failure to read beyond the type and accurately interpret my meaning, though I tried to be plain. First, in' speaking of such revolu- tionary anarchists as the slayers of Carnot and the Empress of Austria, I said “poverty-crazed,” not ‘hunger- crazed.” There is a difference. There are a good many in this land of plenty who are well nigh poverty-crazed, yet who have never known the loss of a meal or felt the pangs of hunger. The knowledge of monopolized nat- ural sources of wealth held out of use, or used to enrich the captains of privi- lege at the expense of the masses, is a far greater menace to the stability of this or any other Government at the hands of the masses before they have got to the hunger-crazed stage than it can be after the lifeand epirit have been starved out of them. I used the term “poverty-crazed” advisedly and in its fullest sense. The poverty of intellect which permits a human being to be- lieve that any wrong can be righted by murder is the child of a material pov- erty caused by the denial by a class of the right of the mass to the use of the earth on terms of equality and justice. You are doubtless correct in your as- sertion that Herr Most is not a hunger- crazed wretch. He was one of the strongest supporters of Mr. McKinley of Canton in the campaign of 1896, if I am not mistaken. I do not imply by this, however, that Mr. McKinley is the assoclate, apologist or defender of an- archists. In my letter I took special pains to say that I was not defending anar- chism or pleading its cause, nor am I now attempting an apology for any- thing I wrote. You wrong me in saying that I avow myself in sympathy with anarchy. I am in sympathy with noth- ing but absolute justice and freedom of thought and speech. Your suggsstion that my letters be used as a campaign document by the Republican State Cen- tral Committee is a good one. I hope it will be done. I am egotist enough to believe that it would, in conjunction with the small pamphlet issued by them, entitled ‘“Maguire, the Farmer, the Single Tax,” do much to advauce the cause of truth. You said in your article of the 12th inst., in speaking of anarchists and their doctrines, “These are the princi- ples which Mr. Preble says were thes same as Paine and Jefferson, Lincoln and Henry George stood for in the on- ward march of human progress.” Now, Mr. Editor, if in your wisdom you see fit to leave out any or all of the preceding portion of this letter I hope you will at least set me right before your readers in this regard. What I said was: “Judge Maguire stands for broad-minded liberalism, freedom of thought and action, the reward of ser- vice and abolition of privilege—the highest ideals of the most exalted hu- man prerogatives—all that Paine, Jef- ferson, Franklin, Lincoin and Henry George stood for,” etc.—some difference between that and ‘Do as you wish,” “Everything is everybody's,” “Down with government in all its authority and all its forms.” I do not object to criticism or even ridicule for my opinions, but it is not fair to misquote and misrepresent. Of the single tax, I have but to say that who attacks it attacks my religion—not only mine, but that of some millions of others numbering among them many of the brightest intellects and natural- law-and-order-loving people in the An- glo-Saxon race throughout the elvilized world, who regard it in principle and theory as being right, just and holy—in consonance with the laws of God and in llne with the evolutionary spirit ard progress of modern fiscal policy. Re- spectfully submitted, P. B. PREBLE. Oakland, Cal., Oct, 14, 1898. NOT IN WILLOWS. SAN FRANCISCO, October 28, 1898. Editor Call: Anent the various state- ments by the papers in regard to the late political meeting in Willows, please allow me to state in your paper that in all my life T have never yet had the pleasure of being in the town of Willows, though I expect to be there within a few days. Yours truly, EDWARD L. HUTCHISON. FILIPINOS IN UNITED STATES. Editor San Francisco Call: T notice in The Call a statement that there are but two or three native Filipinos in the United States. It is a mistake, for there are over a hundred of them in New Orleans, and have been for'a number of years. My . father, Pedro de los Santos, was a native of Manila, and lived in New Orleans for thirty years. Those living in New Orleans are mou%gshemen. . L. BERRY. Cal. glace fruit 50c per Ib at Townsend’s.® Spectal information supplied dally to business housc3 and public men the Press Cllyplng Bureau (Allen’s), 510 it~ gomery street. Telephone 1042 ¢ Free to All Troubled with dandruff, eczema, {tching scalp and falling hair. Sample of Smith's Dandruff Pomade. Address Smith Bros., Fresno, Cal. - Stationery and Printing. 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