Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, February 14, 1893, Page 2

T e PR WY Yy et 74 A e RS 1852 down could only present a small minority in Par lament in favor of res y her some thing in_the nature of her constitutional rights, Since 1555 the secret ballot had im proved Ireland's position. In 1886 there were pighty-five nationalists, or more than five eighths, They had been reduced to eighty under somewhat pecullar circumstances, but Treland still demanded self-government by a majority of four-fifths, There had never been such a majority in England in favor of any measure. | Continuing, Gladstone pointed out the | persistency and constitutionality of the methods with which Ireland had continued to demand autonomy. Since that time. it was true, Ireland had not been wholly united. 1f she were the opposition would vanish. There was one portion of Ircland opposed to hom rule, not merely on the demand of cert classes, but it was the demand of the pec in general in that portion . Why frel Is Divi 8 The speaker continued by saying that he would not attempt to measure the numerical strength of this minority. Whatever it wa it was the tof o essful plot to divide freland at this time. When, at_the close of the last century, it was united Protestant and Catholic ‘were in favor Irish autonom This division w about maimdy thr medium ¢ socioties and the period of indepe Protostants were 7 tionality It was fault they are not now their own blood and pec srious unity The speaker then took tude toward home rule been a rapid conversion to it. In 1866 the | majority ag 15 211 now it wus onl seventy-one one then proceeded to 1 Apitulate the the bill which the government proposcd home rule in Ire land to 1580 Treland s brought ugh the Oranee ligious anix v. During lent Trish Parliament lous supporters of Irisk through ready to » 1o form a their own inite with noble up England's att saying there had | inst it v Glads! ints in for | Points in the Home Rule Bill. | In the first place we have made it a desive | to get what we thought no unreasonable de. mand for the express mention of the suprem acy of the imperial parlinmen There were two methods in which that might be done ght be done by clause: it might be done preamble. We have sn the pre 18 the worthier and better: if it it would be too much in the character of o mere cnactment. 1t is not nocessury to say many words for such & purpose. Our words ure Whe ing the supreme rlinment nd then the prear « 1 the ereation of the Irist With ref erence to the char made against us, that v are de 0 f union 1 wish to this | fundamental point | 1 What s t nee of the act of union? [*Hear, hear! I'hat essence is to be apy ciated by comparing the constitution things found in the country before with'the constitution of things now subsist fog . England. Before 1500 wo had two overcigntics in the country;one of those was collectively lodged in ‘the king and Houses of Lords and Commons of Ireland There was no more right in a true historical and legal sense in the sovereignty residing in Great Britain to interfere with the sov- | ereignty of Ircland than there was in the | scyereignty of Ireland to interfere with the sovereignty of England. This bill respects | nd maintaing these rights of sovercignty | equally throughout the entire_range of the three kingdoms. Then the bill constitutes | the krish legisiature Pow of 1500 8 of the Irish Leglslature, Power is granted to the Irvish legislature, which consists, first of all, of a legislativ council, and secondly, of a legislative assem upowered to make laws for the peace, v and good government of Ireland, and spect to matters exclusively relating to nd, or to a part thereof. That pov subject to a double limitation. First of ibject to necessary and obvious limits in_incapacitics on the | wliament, meluding all that relates rown, vor_the vice roya The subjects of pence and w fense treaties and forcign relations, digni- ties, titles and treason do not beiong to the Irish legislature. The law of alienage does not belong 1o it; mor eyerything that bo- longs to external frade—the coinage and other subsidiary subjects. Other incanaci- ties are imposed ilar to the contained in the bill of 1886, T provide for the security of religious freede the safeguard of education and _for the curity o pe freedom. Then woming to exclusive powers, we retain the | viceroyalty of Iveland, but we divest it of | the party character 'heretofore borne by | making the appointment run six_years, sub. Ject to the revoking power of the crown “Then also the post is freed from all religious disability. [Cheers. ] | ‘Then comes a clause which may be con- | sidered formal, although it is of “great im. | portance, providing for the full devolution of cutive power from the sover gn upon the | > royalty; then comes an important pro- | vision * for 'the uppointment of a legis- | Iative committee of the privy council of Ireland. We propose ton this a logis Tative council for the ordin irs of the abinet of the viceroy. The question arises shall there be any legislative council? docided that there ought to he such a coun- | cil. It has appeared to us to be highly in- | conyenient to_alier the numbers of the logis- lative assembly. If we were to increase the number, wo do not know what the increase ©OURRL to be. If we were to reduce it, we run serigus risks of causing practical incon- veniences in Dublin, especially at the time when the functions 'of internal government come 1o be newly exercised, and when, probubly, there will be a great deal to do, We therefore leave the number_at 103, and wo fix the term at five years. We leave the constituency as it is now. Eleetive Legislative Counctl, Next, as to the legislative council, Mr. Gladstone said he did not. think they would | have been warranted, without sonie great necessity, in establishing the system of a single chamber, but in | i, he added, far from finding uny such necessity, we look to | the legislative council as enabling us to meet | the expectation that we shall give to the | minority some means of freer and fuller con- | sideration of its views. The next thing is, shall the legislative council be nominated or elected? We came to the conclusion that a nominated council would be a weak council, [Cheers]. Ifitshould be made weul the | council would probubly enjoy a very short | term of existence, — We, tnerefore, propose an elective council, boiieving it to be the only form wherein'we can_give any great force to the vitality of the institution Well, then, how do we differentiate this | council from that of popular assembly? We propose to fix the number at forty-eight, | with an eight year's term of oftice, the term of the poy ar assembly being We then coustitute o new constituency. The council constitucncy must, n the first place be dated with o ratable value of £20. | whereby to secure an aggregate coustituency approaching 170.000 persons, including own. ors, as well s occupiers, but subject to a | vision that no owner or occupier has i | bte in more than one constituency. Then there is 1o provision in the bill making the logislative council alterable by Trish acts Regarding the slative assembly, the 103 members must be elected for Trish legisla- tive business by coustituencies in Ireland Weo make these provisions in regard to the assembly alterable in respect to electors and constitucncies after six years, but in alter ing constituencies, the powerof the assembly will bo limited by the declaratory act to the effect that due regard must be had to the distribution of population To M tions, Irish to th lesser. be et # Possible Deadlock, The bill must include a provision for meet ing what is called a deadlock. Ina ease where a bill has been adopted by the assem bly more than once, and where there 1s an interval of two years between the twn adop. tions, or a dissolution of Parliament, then upon its second adoption, the two assemblics may be required 1o meet, and the fate of the bill1s to be decided in general assembly {Cheers. | | Next, all appeals shall lie to the privy | council alone, not to the council and lords, | The privy council may try the question of | the invalidity of any " Irish act-—that is, try it judicially and with reasonable judgment under the luitiative of the viceroy or secre tary of state. In composing this judicial ammiittee (now recognized by us as the ouly approach we can make to the supreme court of the United States), due regard must be had to the different elements of natiouality Cheers). We have not apprehended any dificulty there. Other clauses provide for the security of the emoluments of existing Judges and of ofticers generally Then there is a clause intended to corre spoud with the colonial validity law, the ef fect of which is, if the Irish legislature sbould pass any act in any way contrary to &cts of the iwperial Parliament, such law | | disy | postulate is that Ireland | ually | should the | leagues, finding | to Great Britain; se | the rotention of Trish members in th | ought not insofar as it is con- al enactment dges shall be appointed ity of the crown, mainly for Besides the ex udges it {s provided that for six years all judges shall be appointed ‘as now. We do not reserve for the imperial Parlisment the power to fix emoluments. These will be fixed in TIreland, and the effect will be to establish a joint control of these appoint ments The month of Se most conyenient Two exche under the au financial busin tember is probably the month_for the nssembly to meet. Therefore there is a clause providing that it shall meet on the first Tuesday in September, (Prolonged irish cheers.] Cer. un clauses secure the initiative in regard to money bills to the assembly Trish Constabulary, We are now coming to the important ques- tion of the constabulary. We propose gradual reduction and the ultimate dissolt tion_or disappearance of that force with th discharge or every oblization towards th nsuch o way as will oot adversely affect the interests of that honorable force: the period ansition they are to be control of the 1t that they will be replaced by a lleginnce to the Trish authorities unde lated Swits in local On (he important subject of the retention of the Irish members in the imperial Parlia ment, [donot regard and never have re garded it as touching what are s called the fine principles of the bill. 1 ot included in any one of them, but whethe it be a principle, or whether it be not, there is no question that it s a very organic de tail which rvather deep, in some respects, — into the composition th bill There are strong ar guments which may be alleged in defense of the retention of Irish members in Parliament,but there is one argument I must put aside as a most dangerous urgument, and in itself quite untenable, the argument of those who say unless you retain the Irish members there is no parlimentary suprem acy over Ireland, I entirely decline toadmit that argument. I say that if you do not admitit, at a stroke you shatter parlimen tary supremacy in this country. Although [ do not_at all “admit that parlimentary su- premacy depends upon the retention of 1rish members 1 am yet quite ready to admit that the retention of members has a preat prac tical importance because it views and ex hibits the supremacy in a manner intel- ligible to the people. Besides it gives Ireland o f voice in all parli ment matters. [“Hear, Hear! has_ this wdvantage —we can't v finan cial arrangements t rid of all financial connection between the two countries, unless you are prepared to face a very inexpedient and inconvenient system of different sets of treaties and trade laws. That being so, it must be that British bud will more or less influence Irish pecuniary balance. It is therefore desirable for the purpose of mitigating any_inconveni ence which might thence arise that Ireland should have othing to say about t} British budzets. 1 know no argument of an abstract, theoretical or constitutional character against the retention of Irish members at Westminster. To revert to an old expression which has become rather familiar: I do not think it is in the wit of man to devise a4 plan for their retention which would not be open to some serious practical difiiculties.” [Cheers] tation in Parliament. ves two points—first, as to ily, as to voting power. Now as to the first question—that of nu bers—is Ireland to be fully represented in the house? [*‘Hear, hear!”] Well, probably the feeiing will be in favor of the tive. Then arises another difficulty—what is full representation for Ireland! Tn 1834 the house treated Ireland in a wise and lib- eral spirit by assigning 103 members to that country. That number was then beyond what, according to the caleulations of popu- lation in this country Ireland was entitled to, and it is claimed that, unhappily, the rity has since been aggravated by a double ‘process. The population of Great Britain has increased, while that of Treland has diminished, and has now reached a voint that, whereas, formerly entitled to 103 members, it would, ‘according to this same ratio, now have eighty. There ought to be a general determination to interpret full rep- resentation as meaning representation ac- cording to existing population.. Spesking of full representation, then, I imply that the representation in the house from ireland would be composed of eighty Irish gentle- men. Of course it follows that there would have to be an election. When it had been determined that eighty was the proper num- ber, wo ondeayored 10 arrange the schedule of the bill in such a manner that this im- perial representation would practically not clash with representation in the legislature at Dublin, Votlug Power of Irish Representatives. Now comes the greatest difficulty—what voting power are these eighty members to have? Irelund is to be represented here fully, that is my first postulate. My second is to be invested with separate power, subject, no doubt. to important authority, yet still, as we must from experience practically separate a cer- tain indopendent power, as has been done in other legislatures of the empire, Ireland is to be endowed with separate power over Irish affaivs. Then the question before us is: Is she, or is she not,to vote so strongly upon matters purely British? I propose this question in the true parhamen- tary form—aye or nay. There are reasons both ways. “We cannot cut them off ina manner perfectly clean and clear from these questions. We “cannot find an absolutely accurate line of cleavage between questions that are imperial questions and those that are Irish questions. [Cheers.] Unless the Irish members are allowed to vote on all British questions, they must have too little or too much, because” there is in ol Repre Retention i numbers and seco) accuracy and de the line as eithe not see the p one of the hig tions of the house mining the compe sion on the proper side of English or Irish. We do sibility of excluding them from and most important func- namely, that of deter- ion of the legislative power. A vote of confidence is a simple dec. laration, but it may be otherwise. Ido not see that'it is possible to exclude Irish mem- bers from voting on that great subject, Noxt, unless the Irish members vote on all questions you break the parliamentar dition. The presence of eighty with only limited powers of voting is a seri- | ous breach of that tradition, which. face re choose to Subject of most ¢ you it, ought to be made ul consideration. Drawing the Limit, Now comes the reasons versal voting powers, 1t is dificult to say Everything on that side Irish; everything on this side imperial, That, 1 think, you can not do. 1f you ask me for a proportion, T say nine-teuths, nineteen-twentieths, perhaps ninety-nine one-hundredths of the busin of Parlisment can, without difficulty classed as Ivish, or imperiul ever, be a greak Irish members sho be 1t would, how amomaly if these eighty come here contin- o intery in questions purely and” absolutely British. If some urge question or controversy in British affairs come up, causing a deep and vital severing of the two great parties in this house, and the members of those parties knew thut they could bring over eighty members from’ Ireland to support their views, Lam afraid a case like that would open a possible door to wholesale, dangerou political intrigue. [*Hear, hear!”] My col mselves not able to fuce } conting that kind, inserted in the bill limitations of the voting power of the Irish members, to exclude them, first, from voung on a bill or motion expressly confined ond, from voting on a tax not levied upon Ireland; third, from voting on a vote or appropriation of mone otherwise than for the imperial se fourth, from voting on any motion or r lution exclusively affecting Gireat Britain The whole subject is full of thorns and brawbles, but our object 1s the autonomy and self-government of Ireland in all mat- ters purely Irish, Ouly Oue System of Legislation, The Irish people certainly did not raise the difficulty to which I have just alluded House. ‘This is a secondary matter in their eves and to_iuterfere with the principal n. In the face of the feeling that a shude | of uncertainty still hangs over the question of the retention of the have this un finar Irish members we aftixed to the paragraph concerning questian. the words: *Kxcepting and | Parliament shall determine the coming lal legislation.” I wish to supply the keynote to the financlal part of the legislation. That keynote is to be found in the provision fucluded in our plans from the first, wiscly and generously as. sented $o by Iréland through her representa- Lives, Lhyt there is but one system of legisla- During | of | affirma- | are questions | which defy our efforts to arrange them with members | gainst the uni- | THE OMAHA n for all the kingdoms. As far as external things are concerned, that will be found to entuil very important consequences It has guided us4o the conclusion at which we arrived of unity of commercial legislation for the three kingdoms, This includes cus toms and excise duties, postofice and tele- graphs. By adopting this keynote we | can attain the most valuable results and will be likely to avoid the clashing of agents cf the imperial and agents of the Irish govern ment We can make, under cover of this proposal, a larger and more liberal transfer id in the management of her own 1 we could make if we proceeded on any other principles. We hope to escape in this way all collection in the interior of Ireland of any revenue whatever by imperial authorit, The principle to which we are bound to give effect in Ireland is: Treland has to bear | & fair share of impe expenditures Hoar, hear!"] The word “imperial” is defi- nite in the schedule which gives the list of imperial burdens. Tk are three modes in which Ireland’s share may be Ireland’s Share of the nditu The first method is the lump sum pay Xy DAILY BEE | ment adopted iu 1836, This method should disappear naturaily from the new bill, for through the retention of Irish representa tion Leve, Irish membere will vote the im pe@al expenditures, Consequently it would | seem strange under’ th umstances to revert to the method of a lump sum Another method is what may simply described as the mode of quota—that is to say that Ireland shall pay 6 per cent, or 5 | per cent, or 4 per cent or what you please, | of the imperial expenditures. She will be debited to that extent and will have to pay it over from her account to ours, If you fix the quota, and the quota is absolutely lastic, the imperial expenditure would still determine the relative share to be con- tributed by Ireland But there is a third be adopted, that of dedu revenue the amount due I one of these revenues to which the greatest difficulty adheres. When explaining the subject in 1886 I pointed out that this was a lar nue, locally received in but which really belonged to Gireat The principal of that revenue was within the excise department. With the advan- tage of the consideration which the inland revenue department has had since the former plan was produced, we ot vid of the aifficulty altogether, so far as the inland revenue is ' con cerned. ~We provide that revenue levied in Trelund shall be revenue really be longing to Ireland—that_is, from goods consumed in Treland, Tt is not so with the customs. With the customs there large debt from Ireland to this country. It is not so large as is involved in the of excise, but still it comes up to several hundreds of thousands of pounds. If we adopt the method of quota we should expose Irish finance to large and inconvenient shocks from changes mtroduced. in nglish budgets. Tmperative reasons would perhaps make it necessary for us to do what we are, I think, very uawilling to do, viz: to give imperial oftice a meddling and_intervening power in relation to Irish affairs. [**Hear, Hear!" The third plan is ticular fund. Say this fund shall be t by usand shall stand in acquittal of obligations of [reland for imperial sery This fund will sweepaway all the difticulties of ealculation and intervention which might | | belong to the quota method. Then we have the fund practically in our handsin the | management of the customs revenue of Ireland, which must be British, Conse. quently we shall be deprived of a fund which | will never go near the Irish exchequer. If 1 a fair and convenient arrange. ment, there can be no question of handing it | buckwards and forwards, We shoula keep | it or give Ireland a_receipt in full, instead of coming upon her for heavy payments from | year to year, | © Then, next, the be method which may g from the Trish igland here is revenue is a to appropriate a par- all | it be deem: customs fund would be very nearly the right amount. I don't know what the house might, consider the right | amount. Judgments might fluctuate. Some | might say 4 per cent, some 5 per cent, some a little ‘more than 5 per ceut. But the | | amount is this. £2,430,000 yearly; £60,000 al- lowed for colléction, leaves £2,870,000 ne With the imperial expenditures at £59,000,- 2,870,000 15 a sum that drops between a rge of 4 and 5 per cent, The Irish men s will observe that by that means eve tking of a practical nature we will hand o to them. “Though the rates of excise and the post and telegraph rates will be a fixed amount, the authority and the whole control over them will be absolutely in the hands of Irish officers, ‘The fund plan falls short of the exactitude of the quota plan. The latter method meets every exigeney of peace and war, but th plan’is not quite so exact. Wi assured, howey that we shall obtain from Ireland a fair share of assistance in a great imperia emergency. 1 myself am bound to say that T think there is very little to fear from trust- ing the patriotism and liberahty of the Irish legislature. [Opposition cries of “Oh! Oh " | and cheers from members of the government benches, ] Stinginess Never Ireland’s Fault, Stinginess .was never a vice of the Trish people, and if we look forward very much, T am afraid her suffrage will be due to gené: ous extr ances, rather than to meaunc When we come to a state of war we have to look to the resources, customs, excise and income tax. With regard to customs, we propose to leave them in our hands so that there can be no difficulty in adapting con- tributions so far as customs are concerned, With regard to excise, we huve in view a proposition to retajn considerable control in our own hands, which considerable power will enable Great Britain to make sure of having aid from Ireland if she thinks such a provision necessary. The Irish balanc sheet stands thus: Upon the credit side wo | apvear excise, 220,000; stamps, income tax, exc license, £1,4 M0 ; postal revenue, £740,000; crown lands, £65,000; miscellaneous, £140,000—nmking a total of £5,660,000, On the other side, Ireland takes over the whole civil cf s with the exception of the con- stabulury charges of £3,110,000; inland revenues, £160,000, and postul = seryice, £190,000." We vropose that Ireland shall take part of the constabulary charges, amounting to £1,000,000. This would bring the Trish chavges to £5,160,000. “We propos that she shall receive against that the item I have put to her credit, amounting to £5,660,000. Thus she will have a clear sur plus of £5300,000 with which to start on her mission. ' Coaditions Past 1 will now release the house fr paivful consideration of details, wh: pursued with unexampled paticnce. I have tried to convey the fundamental coneeption and spirit of the scheme. 1 submit that the plan may be imperfect, but I hope it will re- vive impartial consideration, Although there may be friendly and unfriendly criti cisms, [ hope I shall not give offense when I express my conviction that a plan eloscly re- | sembling this, if not the present proposal of an identical legislative chamher for Ireland, may shortly become alaw. There is one risk, | that is, if the controversy is unduly and unwarrantedly prolonged the for self-government in Irish affaiv may become a demand for the repeal of the union and the re-establishment of dual supremacy in these islands. 1 hope that the ship of state will be steered from | that rock. [ would ask youto contrast the present condition of the Irish people with al it was at the time of Swift, when the Irish ascendancy in Parliament begged to bo | admitted to the British Parliament and was refused, ov with what it was in the beginning | of the century, immediately after the union, when Irish voters were trooped to the polls | for the simple purpose of recording their votes in order to return landlords to Parlis ment We have concluded that we have befor now a different state of things. on her side, the memory of vast victories. carned by’ the sweat of labor, but really carned and recorded on her behalf. Ireland nhas mighty sympathies. She requires this larger and stronger Ireland. She has ob- tained the suffrage of Scotlund and the suf- frage of Wales,and, in the short space of seven years, she has changed a majority of more than 200 against her in England to one-third that yumber. . She was stinted in franchise and means of representation. Now she pos. sesses a most extended franchise with most perfect protection. Her remaining objects she has not yet attained, but she looks for- ward to the attainment of them with more means in her hands. Ouoe other resource of strength that she has is moderation of her demands. [*Hear She has, ever since 1888, if not before, but unequivo. cally und nationally since, abandoned the” whole whole argument’ that, per. haps, she was entitled to make on the subject of the act of union. She has asked you to save for yourselves every important power. She has consented to accept the nd Present. m the h it has us Ireland has, | case proposed abounds with ing ouse of Commons and the inversal supren- of the empire. Iu return sho asked you only that she Rive the management of her own affairs, whigh reason in justic combined with thd Yhice of her people, | hope, will soon move-this nation to say soon | | shall be awarded her. If this end of the matter Ethihk dispas would say the sooner ended, the better; the sooner we stamp the Seal which wiil efface all former animosities ,and open the era of peace and good will—the sooner done the better, gt is to be the nate men Gladswéne's Closing. But these aresmatters which human vision is hardly abie to penetrate. I must say, however, for niy own part, that I never will and never can bo a party to bequeathing to my country the continuance of this heritage of discord which has been handed down from geueration to generation, with hardly ~ momentary interruption, through seven centuries—this heritage of discord with all the evils that tollow in its train, T wish no part in that process, It would be misery for me if I had foregone or omitted in these closing years of my life any measure which it is possible for me to take toward upholding and promoting the cause which 1 believe to be the cause not of one party or one nation—but of L par ties and all nations. o these nations, view ing them as 1 do, with their vast opportuni ties, undera living union for power and happi ness, to these nations I say, lot me entreat you-—if it were my last breath I would en treat you—let the dead bury the dead—and cast behind you former recolle ms of by gone evils; cherish, love and sustain o an other through all the vicissitudes of human A T s in es that are to [Pro- longed liberal cheers, | When the cheering had died { Clark, who was attorney general in the Salisbury administration, congratulated Mr. Gladstone on the magnificent physical effort which he had just made, and then proceeded to enlarge on the proposals of the bill He dwelt with particular severity upon the absence of any provisions which would remove the objections of the people to home rule, and went on to declare that the bill so outlined would not even satisfy the national ists who had declared they would accept the l\.-Itlu, which had been retained in the new bill. out Sir Ed Mr. Sexton Ch Thomas Sexton, anti-Parnellite for North Kerry, was cheered on rising. He paid_a glowing tribute to Mr. Gladstone. [ referred to the case of Canada and said Canada would have been lost to England lovg ago if she had been rofused home tule He declared that its provisions were on th whole better than those of the bill He agreed with the proposal to establish new police force, after which the Irish tabulary was to be withdrawn. Mr. Sexton said he did not object to the upper chamber, confided asa saf the minority. The financial proposals v loss just to Treland than those of the bill 1886, His party was not disposed to ma any trouble concerning the retention of Iri members at Westminster, but it was prob able that when home rule had been estab- lished their voices would be silent in the house, unless the other members troubled them. [Laughter.] If the imperial Parlia ment should display any tendency to a | capricious and vexatious use of the veto or to interfere in the sphere defined by its Par liament he thought it would be found that Treland’s unique position would stand the Irish members in good stead. [Conservative cheers, | Mr. Gladstone in answer to Sir Fdward Clarke said the land question was reserved to the imperial Parliament for three Colonel Sanderson, “conservati Armagh, spoke vehpmently against any and | every plan of home'rule; The Ulster loyal- ists he said, would offer to the last the bit- terest opposition toany home rule scheme. On the motion of Colonel Sunderson the de- bate was then adjétirned ered. | | | years for ‘north | How the Speech Was Roceived. Members trooped oub into the where the speech was informally discussed with greatanimation. ' The Gladstonian lib- erals were disposed'to régard it as oncilia- tory well balanced and - peace-making mes- senger, and seemed to be hopeful as to the ding lobbies arnellite . members, while guarded in their utterances favored the bill as a whole, and were us{:\-. ally well pleased with the financial airatifeme nts, concerning which there had béen s much apprehension. The Parnellites would not say more than that they would keep an open mind in regard 10 the bill. All that the tories would bill was that 1t was more ter drawn chan that of 1886 The liberal unionists would not malke even this favorable admission and declared that the bill must inevitably meet the fate of its | predecessor, that it would never reach the | committee of the House of Commons, The advanced radicals, led by Henry Labouchere and Sir Charles Dilke, will op- pose the creation of a second chamber, ‘The moderate liberals also have some mis- givings in regard to complications likely to arise from three-fold elections wm Ireland. WHAT THE PRESS SAYS. ay for the new gacious and bet- Con ents of English and Irish Journals % 'he Daily News say “Mr. Gladstone displayed most splendid powers of eloquence and argument. It is utterly childish to call the bill a separatist measure” The bill is so cautious and moderate that it will probably convert many moderates.” The Times: ‘“Those whom Mr. Gladstone failed to convince in 1888 will not be con- od now by a less powerful and less per- ve appeal. The speech, indeed, was llous for 4 man of 84 years. Bug if ho has shown that ho can stiil bend the bow of Ulysses, his most uncritical admirers will hardly refuse to confess that he no longer sends' the arrow straight to the mark. The nuity and plausibility, yet it produced an impression of perfect disappointment. The most in- dulgent will fail to discern the faintest sign of fluality in the scheme and his omission of any reference to the land question until questioned on the subject indicates plainly how he artiticially restricted his views.” In anotl ticle he ‘limes denounces the retention of the Irfsh members av West minster and ridicales the notion that th u sit in two Parlinments simultancously. *“This beautiful provision enables the Irish to have absolute control over both English | and Irish legislation, unfettered by the veto that is proposed.” “The Daily Chronicle says achieved a fe Loxpox, Feb. 14.— “Mr. Gladstone t unique in the life of any leg- islator of ancient or modern times. ~Alto gether the present bill is a great improve- | ment on the bill of 1556, and those opposing ought to admit it “The Daily Telegraph speaks of the sight of Mr. Gladstone delivering his speech as a spectacle to which the world cannov supply 4 parallel “Marvelous as a physical and intellectual tour de force,” says Yhe Telegraph, “it is not statesmanship, nor does it bear ‘the re- motest resemblance- to’ anything deserving the name. 1 The Standard says; $The measure is im- practicable and impassihle. The details are open to stronger objection than those of the bill of 1886, Mr. Gludstone has merely sub- stituted one fatality; for another, and has avoided difficulties. by leaving them un- touched The Morning Post! ‘The measure is more futile and fantastic ¥hittany before submit- ted to a civilized assembly.” A dispateh from Dublin’ quotes the Free- THE NEXT MORNI NEW AND MY COMPLEXION I8 BETTER., My doctor say# it acta gently on the stomach, 1ver and kidneys, and i & pleasant laxative, This drink Is made from herbs, and is prepared for use s easily as tes. 1t I3 called LANESMEDICINE Dot g6r it acnd_ YOUT hddress f0F & fres satnpie anotast it aeo 1(‘||'«i o uoves the howels Pt be DeIERY (hla 18 per ommnry EBRUARY 11 | of the facts of history | department next Tue | The plat | test, said | could ha = WARD, Le Rov, N.¥. 1893, man's Journal as follows improvement, the bill is altogether a good, watertight measure, " The Irish Times says ars have falled to teach Mr. Gladstone respect cither of the rights of the Irish minority or Ulster says that it “Whilo open to will not have it.’ . ARMOR PLATE TEST. Several Trials Which a Nickel-Stoel Harvey- ized Plate Withstood. WASHINGTON, D. €., Feb, 13. highiy successful test of the new nickel- steel Harveyized armor plate took place at the Iron Head proving ground Satur- day. The tests were witnessed by a number of ordnance experts, naval officers and steel manufacturers, under the divection of Captain Sampson of the ordnance bureau of the Navv ment, The object of the trial determine what tests should be estab lished for the 7,000 tons of armor for which bids are to be opened at the Navy depart- was to day Amo the features which contributed to the interest in this test was the fact that this was the thickest piece of of this character ever in the world. The first at a velocity at impact second. It netrated five inches and broke in fragments, but closest serutiny faile rhtest crack in the p ate. The second shot was fired at a velocity at impact of 1,660 feet pe It penctrated the plate between six and seven inches, cracki it clear through the upper part of its length, but without, however, reducing the pro- tection which it would have afforded to a ship. The third shot was fired at a velc city of 1,960 feet and produced a result simi- lar to that of the second The fourth shot, which was fired at the very unusual velocity of 2,060 feet per second, penetrated about ten inches, was cracked and the backing which supported it was much broken, Captain - Sampson, in s ne of the that no obtainable velocity * driven the shell through the plate. The plate, he said, was more than the proposed require ments, tests were, in every highly sati mor anywher shell w fired the plate about tostod second INERRANCY OF THE BIBLE, Rev. Tennis Hamlin ¥ Sermon on the Subject. WASHINGTON, D. ( Feh, Rev. Tennis Hamlin, pastor of the Church of the Covenant, whe ached a Significant President Harrison attends, preached a very significant ser- mon vesterday on the inerrancy of the bible. He declared the deliverance of the general assembly of 1802, that “the church holds” to such a doctrine as a standard of the church without ground, and further said: *'If the iner: rancy of the delivery stood upon the sume footing, it would be a simplo and harmless matter. But the reason care- fully exalts that opinion to the level of a doctrine. [t that ‘our church holds’ it. It assumes that every minis- ter assented to it at his ordination, It calls upon him, if he does not believe, to leave the church. 1t embraces in its sum- mons all ordained officors and deacons, as well as ministers. And, if they do not withdraw it ‘enjoins’ the oflicers of the church to ‘censure and speedily eject them.” The interpretation of ‘the ndard sets up a totally new doctrine, which makes it a test of ministerial and ofticial standing. Now, I deliberately and solemnly pronounce this an act of the greatest usurpation. The general assembly is as much bound by the con- stitution as is the humblest minister or member of the church. It has no more authority to impose the opinion of a majority of its members upon us s doctrine than it has to declare that views about lynching shall have all the force and weight of a fedoral statute.” Best Cure For All disorders of the Throat and Lungs is Ayer’s Cherry Pectoral. It has no equal as a cough-cure. Bronchitis “When I was a boy, I had a bronchial trouble of such a persistent and stub- born character, that the doctor pro- nounced it incurable with ordinary remedies, but recommended wio to try Ayer's Cherry Pectoral. I did so, and one bottle cured me. For the last fifteen years, I have used this proparation with good effect whenever I take a bad cold, and I know of numbers of people who keep it in tho house all the time, not considering it safe to be without it."— J.C. Woodson, P. M., Forest Hill,W.Va. Cough “For more than twenty-five years, B was a sufferer from lung trouble, at tended with coughing so severe at times s to cause hemorrhage, the paroxysms frequently lasting three or four hours, 1 was induced to try Ayer's Cherry Pece toral, and after taking four bottles, was thoroughly cured.” - Franz Hoffman, Clay Centre, Kans. La Grippe “Last spring T was taken down with la grippe. At times I was completely prostrated, and so difficult was my Dreathing that my breast scemed as if confined in an iron cage. I procured a bottle of Ayer's Cherry Pectoral, and no sooner had T began taking it than ralief followed. T could not believe that the effect would be so rapid and the cure 8o complete.”—W. H. Williams, Jook City, 8. Dak. AYER’S Cherry Pectoral Prepared by Dr. J. C. Ayer & Co., Lowell, Ma Bold by all Druggists. Price $1; six bottics, $5. Prompttoact,suretocure Delay is Dangerous D0 YOU VALUE YOUR EYESIGHT ? It so. call and consult PROF. HIRSCHBERG, Who will be at the store of MAX MEYER & BRO. CO., in OMAHA, NEB., FEBRUARY 20 1025 and have them fitted with & puir of his Nonchangeable Spectacles. is serts 1 to detérmine | Max Meyer & Bro. Co., Sole Agents for Omaha, Neb. EYES TESTED FRI A. H.DYER, W o Spennin Elevators, wi sy batie and all work h pruciical know strengti arms to drag him to the float on which he was to bo exhibited before he was finally burned alive, “I followed the procession and wopt aloud as I saw little children of my own race Rev. J. P. King Desoribes the Lynching at [ follow the unfortunate man and taunt him ¢ with jeers. Even at the stake, children of Paris, Tex., of the Negro Smith, both sexes and colors gathered in groups % and when the father of the murdered chila, Rt 1o aressed the hissing fron with which he was HE WAS ALMOST LYNCHED HIMSELF bout to torture the helpless victim, the SCENES OF AGONY RECALLED children became as frantic as the grown peo- ple and struggled forward to obtain places of advantage. Children View the Awful Scene, ‘It was terrible. One little tot, scarcely older than little Myrtle Vance, clapped hop buby hands as her father held her on his shoulders above the heads of the people. For God's sake,’ I shouted, ‘sond | ehildren home,’ No, no! shouted a hundved let them learn a lesson! As the hot iron sank deep into Henry's flesh a hideous yell rent the air, and with i sound as terrible as the cry of lost ient day, 2,000 maddened peoply vietim's ery of agony and a wl of maddened glee rent th one was_himself now. Tho p cay of any new atrocity, and as in togar Smith's became more and more fro s d fult to hold the crowd 10 AnXI0US Wero the savages Lo parti in the sickening torture, o half an hour 1tricd to pray, as tho my rolled down my forehead and face. Suddenly, Smith forgetful called out with all his might God fo them and me. careful, For an ant o hush me bold, I could stand no when I saw the poor wretch trombling iperhuman effort pact mass of humanity of the burning scaffold, “In the name of God, you to cease this torture Ridden Out of Town On & Rail for Ralsing His Voloe In Protest Against the Awful Cruelty of the Mob. . > the NEW Yorg, Feb., 13.-Rev. J Te whose report of the lynching of Negro Smith at Paris, Tex.. brought out the formation of the anti-lynchinz league yester day at the ( Methodist chur in West Thirty-second t, barely caped death himself in his efforts to s prisoner. He has o to crus; ngainst nchin W porter Rev, Dr. King lynching of Smith P. King of s maddened poor m Colored the stre longed b pro: i, quent it w [ was ridden out of P apnb: I was the only man i i raise my voice agamns hing of Smith ral i th ner and I was warned I might meet his fate if 1 but the sense of Lopposed the i1l before ar- | bathed n rival of the pri that | 9LRhis agony was not spread tho wnd, with a through the o and stood at the foot over ustice made wnd with fear, and got so near I could hear his plead ings, T dete; to tho last, dushe nd by mined to st him I cried, *T command Hated Him for His Crime. “I hated him for his crime, but, from the conversation Thad with him, Iwas firmly convinced that he was irresponsible. T had known Smith for and there were times when Smith of his head for fort to whitd Knocked Senseloss. “The heavy butt of a Winchester descended on my head and T fell to the und. Rough hands seized me and angry men bore me away and I was thankful, At the outskirts of the crowd 1 w tacked aggain, and then several men escorted me to my I was allowed to > o 8 ut of clothing, crowd gathered without and ared at the door, ready hands ¢ and T was placed on a awith nd oaths taken to the nilway sta 1on a train, As the train the bills in my God 1, but it was riflo years, was out Two years ago I made an have him n, but tt people were L the n im and \s at weoks. 1t in trying oung colored to fast lerof o rivl upon would not “For d Vance girl, Smith was out of dangerous, He had lerg tack of delivium tremens, and wa dition to b d at large. He his condition, and when 1 spokc him & week before his crime he promised to form. 'The next time I saw him was.on t day of his execution Drink did it then bowing his f Is it true, did [ k ys before the murder of t} just ur in no f turn to King said il never go | - ; g Wil Succead Dr, Groon. e sobbed; | ‘Maw Yous, Feb, 18.I¢ is st the in his hands, he aske 1 her? Oh, my | authority of a prominent dircctor of hg Western Union ‘Telegraph company that “Some one seized me by the shoulder and | General Thomas T, Eckert, first viee prosi led me back and Smith fell writhing to | dent and general manager, will succeed Dr, ground iu Lerror as four men seized his | Green as president . drink wed on The Morse Dry Goods Co.’s Spring Kid Glove Sale. One lot of 8 inch suede mousquetaire kid gloves in tans, browns and gray, a regular ¢1.25 glove. Commencing tomorrow the 23, 62c sale price will be 62c. A gl $1.35 and colors; our price now will be $1.35. In this sale will also be found our dressed and undressed, 4-l:utton‘ and 8 inch mousquetaires, value 2. 25, in black The Morse Dry Goods Co. We're Selling Oug too ! Yes, we are, we're selling out, 18, That is, we're selling out our winter goods, including all our winter overcoats and winter suits at prices far be- low the regular winter price, We're selling out these winter goods at these prices because the sea- son is now late and we'd rather sacrifice a bit on them than to carry any over. We quote no prices here, but rest assured you won't find as good bargains in Omaha as at the Columbia Clothing Company, 18th and Farnam Stireets.