The New-York Tribune Newspaper, October 6, 1866, Page 2

NEW-YORK DAILY TRI'BUNE. SATURDAY, OCTOBER &, 1868.—TRIPLE SHEET.. y———-——-——»--——«———————r— the firet of American statesmen making the only | how tenderly we epeak his name. Clay was our Vir- apmpromise of dis strenuous life with Slavery. He was far abead of every American of that generation. Ho recognived the simple diguity of manhood—valor, tesy, genius. But he did not see in Labor the ighest dignity of all. Perbaps we ask too much. It Poquired & more thorough development of the French _ Intelleot to know the truth that Labor is divine, that her altars should burn incense to the scavenger as jndge Jeflorson @ test that the sternest type of Labor. 100 eritically when we apply to his polic 1o statesman nor philusopler of thet ~not oven Burke, nor Hume, nor Adam Smith, The death of Hamilton, England’s irritatiug folly fu constantly teasing and snnoying the commerce of the young Republio, the opposition of Mr. Adams toa liberal domestio policy, the known preference of the Foderal party for the English system, and, above all, the influonce exercised by Irance in the partial tewmphyof the revolution, conspired to overthrow the party of the elder Adame. Jofferson was our most powerful statesman. Behind bim was Virginia. He wanagod Napoleon with consummate dexterity, and ave Slavery an empire in Louisiana. The people loved g.m with the confidence given by their children to Andrew Jackson aud their grandehildren to Abraham Linooln. After he went to Monticello becontinued to rule. His counsel produced the war with England. Hle founded the school known in our politics as the “Virginia Domination.” After bim we had what is eally “the era of good feeling.” The legislation of the oountry was dovoted to the development of Slavery and the interests of te Soutb. In the cold States tho slave interesi was never more than nom- Loal. The census of 1790 showed about 3,856 slaves in all New-England. Delaware had twice the number, Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas and Georgia, held 648,067, nearly one-hall being in Virginia alone. The Virginia Domination was therefore the strength of Sla- vory. When Jefforson proposed to probibit Slavery in the tarritory ceded by Vi after the Revolution- ary war, thus emancipating Alabama and Missis- sippl after 1800, Virginia objected. Bat for phat objection, the Mi pi Valley would have roverted to Freedom, aud Slavery would have been veduced to the Atlantic coast, to expire in time, by inauition. The celebrated ordinance of 17187 was a compromise filled with all the vices of com- promise. The very natvre of Slavery was aggres- sion. It could live only by preying. It never grew with such rapidity as durivg the ‘‘era of good feel- fug.” That **good feeling”’ really meaut the quiot of satioty, that Slavery would be pleasant and neigh- borly, 80 long as it won!d be permitted to occupy new Htates, elsct Presidents, massacre the Indiaus, fight the English, and buy dowinions from the Spanish and the French. I+ was the good fecling of the conqueror reveling in conquest. Slayery owned the Government —=a most obedient, tractable, subservient Government —why not be amiable ! It ehowed the extent of this good foeling when, efter baving devoured all that ad been given it by the ordinance of 1757, it cast eyes upon Missouri and yeaned for more. If anything were wanted to strenathen the power of Slavery it was the inveution of Eli Whitney, whose oareer Mr. Greeloy pictures with fond, admiring elo- Quence. *‘Truly, says, ‘“ the world knows littld of its greatest me ‘There is a sad romance in the gtory of thie man's life-—his stroggles, his disappoint- fments his Sual recognition, and the power which his genius has exerted upou the Lappiness and pros- ‘u’i y of the world. A poor, quick-witted, ingenious fankoe boy, given to the making of Yankee notions, walking canes and pive, energetie, intelligent, en- tering Yalo at 23 by dint of bard work, showing st mechavical power, be found bimself drifting to m South as a school —all our Yankee gradu- ates wore schoodmasters in those duys—where, sceing the necessity of the cotton crop and its impendin Failare, be invented the cotton-gin. Success developed raslignant opposition. He was harassed by slavehold- ors, by lawyers, by demagogues, whe decried bis inven- tion as a monopoly,—and by all who wereinterested in the commerce of flax, sillk, wool and fars. His patent expired leaving bim a poor man, although bo had given to Amerioa ab invention by means of which the pataral production of cotion i e Southern States a8 been augmented from some five or ten thousand halas in 1993 to over five millious of bales, or one mil- fion of tuns in 1850; this amount being at least three- fourths in weight, and seven-cighths in value, of all the ootton produced on the gfin\-«‘ “To say,” eays Mr. Greeley, ** that this invention was worth $1,000,- 000,000 to the slave States of this country is to place ® very moderate estimate upon its value.” The cot- pon-gin which made the South rich left Whitney poor, the competenoy be afierward amassed being ob- tained in New-England by an improvement in the rifle musket. Reénforced by the cotton.gin, slavery continued to grow. Beyond an vccasional protest from the Society of ¥Friends in Penvsylvania, and dulg offcred prayers by good men in New-England, it a*nced to empire unopposed. The Purffan intellect L long protested mst man-gelling, but the protest was merely a mental exercise, the expression of a sentiment or an smotion, such an emotion as Chnstian men feel when they coutemplate the vast extent of the missionary work and read of the horrors of the Cannibal islauds. It became a moral, patient sympathy, and found con- polation in.eloquent addresses, in praycrs, and hymns of hope and freedom. So long as the Cannibals re- mained at home this consolation would have satisfied their conscience ae devont men content to leave tho matter in God’s hands to be remedied in the great day of justics and recoucilintion. But when Missouri was devoured they became wroth with evil, espe- pially an evil which was no longer a sentiment, but # tyranny—coming to their doors claiming their heritage and demauding unresisting allegiance. An intellectoal antagonism between the men f the South and the men of the North faintly ta the early years of our history. New- Eogiand intelleot” refied by two centuries of Amerios, represented logical intrepidity, Virginia in- Relloct, enthusiasio. The Jefferson party was esson- kislly French. Jefferson himself underrated Plato. [Evan his genius could not soar to the sublime mystery of the Logos. The Virginian intellect was noble, im- nigive, imitative, fantastic, reckless. Thelmodel of the irginian philosopher was He lived in the hope of being one day like Lycurgns or Solon. To the Puritan these men were as other men, no better, porbaps no werse; not beyond criticism or improve- ment; certainly very beatlenish. One was retrogres- divo, the other progressive. ** Letus,” raid the Jeffer- ponians, ““become as the ancient Spartans.” The ar replied, *“We hope to be better.” The one lieved in Hercules's pillars, the other pre orred to take a boat and sce. So while one ninde ppeoches, and_wrote poems, the otber discovered » continent. Tn the warm Southern countries nature was kind. Bhe invited indolence. The earth and its waters gave the Southerner more than his body wanted. There were no rocks, no sterility, no tem- nous days, no short Summers and long, bleak Win- ers, only sunshine aud barvests, plantation dan- and rude music. It was hard to live in the Nor: t was hard to die in the South. 8o life and its duties ambitions became cheap. That contempt for umsn existence which France so herribly illustrated into our Southern countries. The poople killed otherin duels, and shot Indians, and sent hounds yflche negro. Bince life was a lazy dream, why th to fall sleep ! In its political sense this intellect, its elements of the Cavalier and Jacobin, ponstantly warred upon the Puritans. “‘We seek pige,” it said in 1504, “‘and wemust have Lou. * We prefer entarfiriu. ships on the sea, arn on thespinning jennye; let us keep what we have improve it,” suid the Puritan, “If we take iana, New-England is overmastered, the star of pire Tiscs over tne Missiseippi Valley.” Jefferson right in his theory that ne foreign Power should well upon our borders, menasiug our territory. itau was wrong in distrueting his power.” What- m{n Virginia might build, Maseachusetts would ron' y rule. The cotton-gin, the interior slave rade, the aunexation of Louislana, the Virginia tion, the final seizure of Missouri by Blavery, triumphs, but the n the North and South. stimulated the antagonism lond arose in Massachusetts, no larger than a 's haud, but comely with the lightning of a recious wrath. The younger Adams, not the coun- failed to win the country. A tall, gaunt, man, with deep blue eyes, and grizsly, thick, ish hair, the heay. \nndhnehuk-m Boaich ram Mot ibe s o o Cavrskierghs t, whoso neme was notorious by reason of In- massacres and bl ‘wars, and who had gained qg"lqu‘f an army of real English- ! “'fi" carrying banners had D Wrested from fium‘lrmiu of great Napoleon, Was now the darling of the and to a power Mthnwm s SEterson. 4. follower of ve force , and Cal K Clay! bow msny songe we we uvm in > uqm A ! wl voice Was m tho candor, the énsouciance of whoke nature g Rt S T tl firet- ohildren, Even now, when the I:mln‘ war Biw Wlmoet as mvthical as Amadis or Bayard, ! g givian rbetorician—fall of eowmpromises—the states- man of to-morrow. His battles wore armistices, his forts always covered with flags of truce. The crafty Jackson was too strong a rival, and Clay was swept away. The financial questions, so much agitated during Jackson's administration, were minor phases of the contests betwoen Slavery and Freedom. Upon the abstract question of Frotection and Free Trade, the wiscst resoning teaches us that Free Trade is the altimate growth of all eivilization, and that just tar- iffs Jead to it as their fruition. As we nurture the child into manhood by & careful aystem of rostraints and privileges, s0 do ‘we cultivate our trade system, that iu the end perfeot freedom of barter sud sale niay exist between nations. Tbis has been the policy of England. Her tariffs were rigidly, and at tincs cro- elly protective, until ske commanded the commerce of the world. The ownor of one em’fim and twenty colonics, under whose soepter all the fruits of the fiold and every form of man's handicraft existed, coald afford to ask the nations to come to its markets and buy. A great thinker has aptly indioated the English policy to be that all world should bring lemons and wine to London. Free Trade in Engfand is the effort of the rich manufacturers to control the markets of the world. Free Trade in America was the second step of Slavery. Blavery— capital in the sense of man-owning—had o degraded wabor that every Carolinian who traded a bale of cot- ton represented in the barter, the vice, the oppression, the misery of a race, Tho Massachusetts factor who traded his bale of cotton goods represented intelligent communities, clean-faced children going to school, churches, homes of love and thrift, the ballot-box. So Massachusetts declared that, to do justice to her laboring man—to ’xve bim bhomes, ‘churches, schools, and opportunity for advancement— sho could not compete with th labor of England, oppressed and cheapened bfl capital, by corn laws, aud heavy taxation, nor with the labor of the South which was simply that of horses aud mules and maclivery, needing only food, clothing and a pallet of straw. Carolina rose in the dignity of the cotton-bale and de- manded that * protection "--or in other words, the at- tempt to elevate labor beyond the plantation standard should be abandoned. nless that was amended ehe would nullify the tarifl. On one side stood Massa- chusetts pleading for the dignity of labor; on the other, South Carolina demanding the absolute mas- tery of capital. Thus began the struggle kuown as Nullification, creating & great uproar in its day, and at one time believed to threaten war. In this Nullification business the South won. Jack- son threatened, wrote proclamations, and comprom- ised. Mr. Calboun pursued a policy which Mr. Davis followed in 1361, By taking the extreme ground of nullification he frightened the North, united the South, and destroyed the budding Emancipation movement in Virginis, just as Davis in 1861 fri htened Buchanan and rushed Virginia into treason. Those who applaud Jackson for his courage in that crisis should remember that the imperious Tennessecan was almost as much to blame as James Buchanan 30 years later. To please the Calhoun influence, Jackson recom- mended a suspension of Post-Office priv- ileges of the Abolitionists, and was willinf that free 1abor in the North should become as slave labor in the South. He organized a great political party to be- come a mere instrument in the bands of Calhoun. He was in favor of the anpexation of Texas and the Ter- ritorial eulargement ol Slavery. son Democrac) became Callioun Democracy—for, while one was sel- fish, personal, vindictive, the other, bold, compact, commanded by the most subtle American of his time, advanced steadily to the empire of Slavery. Jackson bad no friend who knew him and his purposes better than Roger B. Taney. . Taney was his parasite, hie magnificently rewarded friend; and to Roger B ey ~—Jackson Democrat—belongs the infamy of decid that Slavery was the snpreme destiny of America, the wminn{ condition of the negro in the territories. Jackson had no follower who traded more largely upon his favor than James Buchanan—avd yet, in the light of all the sublimely-terrible lessons of the past five years, James Buchanan, Jackson Democrat, sits down and writes that the crimiual cause of the late war was the act of the American people disobeying and resisting the Taney dietum which songht to es- tablish the everlasting power of Slavery. Far be it from us to take one lesf from the crown that America has placed upon the brow of Andrew Jackson, A generation honored him as the most il- Justrious of men—another generation has been dis- yosed to honor him as a demi-god. He was neither. l"uilhl'ul in what be conceived to be dsvotion to couns try, we yet trace to Jackson, to his followers, to his policy, many of the euperinducing canses of the Se- cession war. He was the impersonation of force—by pature combative. You must either be hie enemy or his friend. Yoo could not be his friend without be. coming his creature, nor his enemy without constant danger of a challenge to personal combat, or an assault with cane and pistol on the bighway. He created the policy that the nation should bave none in in ofice but the President's friends, and that his personal_prefevences should control every appoint- ment. Experience, honesty, fidelity, service in war, wounds in battle were nothing in the eyes of thig resolute, narrow-minded man. Every office-holder must auswer a Jackson test, and when these tests in- volved parlor-etiquette, and women's tea-table gossip, we can imagine the ignominy they entailed. You must believe with Jackson in everything, from his war upon the Bank down to his notions about the virtue of Mre, Timberlake. The lesson bas been faithfully followed, and we see its effects in the debauckery which bas crept into official life, in that absence of independence, which can mever exist when & man's livelihood de- fendz upon bis subserviency to a politician. Not the east among tho causes of the Secession war must be placed the demoralization occasioned by this pol- icy. The Republic hes mnever escaped from his centralization of executive power. It was a weapon which made the Democracy invincible as an organization, cspacinllf when headed by a soldier whose character appealed so strongly to our national Yove of vigor that we followed him with & tumultuous, inconsiderate joy and whose memory even now is one of the most peculiar influenecs in American politics, As we have said the cloud arose in Massachusetts, On Januury 30, 1532, a company of earnest, enthiusi- astic, and what it was the fashion to call, fanatical men, assembled in the city of Boston and organized the New-England Anti-Slavery Society, On the 12th day of the December following, John C. Calhoun, Laving resigned the Vice-Presidency on the Nuilifica- tion question, took his seat in the Senate as the Repre- sentative of Bouth-Carolina. He came to conquer. Calboun defiant and triumphant—Garrison defiant and struggling—mark the sntagonisms of the sys- tems they represented. If Mr Calboun bad beon defeated in 1832, the alliance between Ergland aud the South would not have been consummated in 1861, Secession was tho natural growth of nullification. It was the.spirit of treason, oppres- #ion and usurpation. Clays tariff was a compro- mise, and be guve us nome more baneful dur- ing his compromising career. Upon the Clay prin- “ Peace to-day—let to-morrow take care of " the measure was poliic, but in the end full of evil. The concessions of that tariff strengthencd Blavery. Cotton was crowned, and reigned over Americen industry and com- merce, wver wheat and iron and corn and coal and Eold, until Mr. Morrill speaking the voice of labor, roke the scepter. That reign gave the South a com- mavding influence in the markets of Paris and Lon- don. No man did more toward this result than An- drew Jackson. Hating Calboun, he ouly destroyed his temporary usefulness as a politician by ‘dupfln" Calboun theories. The closer we examine Jackson's dealings with the South the more deeply we feel the misfortune of his cause. He conquered Calhoun by claiming to be a better Southern Jeader. From day of that Compromise tariff, Calhoun reigned in the mocnt‘l;rrty. Mr. Van Buren discovered this, when he found himself driven out of the Presi- dency for presuming to ize the dislike of the North toward Slavery extension, Mr. Editor Blair most certainly, when he found his chair transferred to Mr. Editor Ritcbie, garrulous Father Ritchie of Rich- mond, who wrote so many forgetable columns of words in Washi mqm ears to come. Martin Van Buren resident because Jack- son willed it. He entered upon an estate which had been recklessly managed, and found ail manner of trouble with banks and tariffs by reason of his prede- cessor's wild notions about money and revenue. Mr. Van Buren was quite & Preeident in his way, al- lowing | ruin and come to right the but Blavery obtaived the without a protest—a coming T @8 men, even to war. Eompromie. Monsbro, tha 1 doy of ‘om oasures, e unresisted was ot an end, Now came the great mistake of the Slave Power. It Mr. Calhoun had lived, this would most prob- sbly nover have been made. bad South, in_the bean wise, the contest would have been as protracted and unahr.v'lthgu the struggle between the Church and Liberal parties in Moxico. Slavery wanted the patient discipline of Rome. It might have lived for centuries hed it been content with Missouri and sought mew conquests nearer the equator, mpuuni the compromise of 1820, 8o long as o direct attac was made upon the North, there was enongh of Con- servatism—of shippivg merchants and other fhctors— of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts manufactarers— of Broadway and the Bowery—to act as a sedative to ublic opinion and prevent any Northen npristug. hat Northern sentiment wasvery loyal to the South. It mobbed Mr. Phillips with due regularity, carried slaves back with commendable promptness, voted the Democratic ticket, printed solemn tracts about Onesi- mus, and gave oxtended credits to Southern merchants. Many sincere lovers of frecdom acted with it—honest and true men, who hated trouble, {:nferfln‘ to let politicians take their course while, like Uncle ’l‘ubg. they smoked their pipes and worshiped God. The Wilmot Proviso disturbed them, ‘but great comfort cane from the Compromise measures and the speeches of Webster and Clay. The new leaders of Blavery departed from the policy of Calhoun, and -coepuns the advice of lglb‘:linua reerni(!’ll like X}ougln:l Idll Pierce, abrogated the Missouri Compromise and do- D the Territories of tho West. | Nebraska killed Northern Democracy. The perfily was so manifest and igexcusable, that the honest” Democracy with. drew their allegiance from a power which, conceived in sin and brought forth in imquity, proposed to dis- honor every pledge and rise to empire upon the ruins of American liberty, A tremendous effort was made to elect Col. Fremont on this issne, but it failed, and the friends of freedom carried their rifles to Kansas, determined to defend libc n{ at its fireside, Mr. Pierce retired from the Presidency, abandoned by the men whom he had served to his own ruin, e was an amiable man, wanting force, nerve, moral purpose, the power to gay no. A son of New-England, he was an ugiocn to every New-England sentiment, Mr. Buchanan was doomed to the Presidency at a time when he of all men was least wortby. His very virtues became vices in that period of agony snd up- roar. He managed the ship of State very much after the manner of the Greek mariners, as told by a noted traveler, hugging the shotes as fondly as the Argo- nants of old, manifesting a most unsailorlike love for the land and preferring a rock-bound coast on the les to no shore at_all. His pomination was & com- promise. Mr. Donglas had destroyed himself and the North Ly the Nebraska bill, aud had as yet shosn no signs of that repentance which shed 80 much grace over the closmg montbs of bis life. He had done the bidding of the South, and they wished no further service at bis bands. Mr. Pierce associated with Douglas, and the knowledge, that as President, he had been the mere instrument of Jeffer- #on Davis, prevented his nomination. The wrath of the North was so gentine, the natibn was so distressed by the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise, that 1o statesman prominent in the repeal could receive the Northern vote. Mr. Cass was old. Mr. Marey bad the sinsof Van Barenism and the Albany Re- ency to expiate. Mr. as had ruined himself in {'enn-yl\'nmn by o':rrsmg Protection. Mr. Bu- chanan, however, had passed the stormy season of the Nebraska disunion, nnder the refining influences of the English courts, discreetly silent, saying no word of approval or condemnation, pleasing the South by a Blavery-extension manifesto at Ostend, anid retnrning home to be welcomed as a rofuge and 8 compromise by the anxions leaders of the Democracy. Kansas became the battle-ground. Congress had dis- honored the Missouri Compromise; the Supreme Court had directed the slave-tribes to go up and oc- cupy the land, Freedom took itsrifle and made the issue one of strength. The growth of the Republic bad shown that wherever enterprise, courage or thrift were permitted to shape a contest, freedom, from the yery conditions of its existence, would con. quer. Slavery saw that without the aid of the Gov- ermwent it would fall, aud it came to the Govern- ment and demanded that the national authority should be used to etrengthen its dreadful dominion. Mr. Buchanan yielded under the pressure of the stern and resolute men IJA(» Lad wastered Mr. Pierce— of = Davis, sud lidell, and Toowmbs, Then came the Anti-Lecompton struggl which gave the Republican — party powér, and taught the Bouth that the time had really come when, in the memorable woerds of Mr. Beward, “ gither the cotton and rice-fields of North Carolina end the sugar plecta of Louisiena should be titled by free labor and Charleston and New-Orleans become the marts for legitimate merchandise alone— or elso the corn-fields and wheat-fields of Massachu- setts eud New-York shouid again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and the production of elaves, and Bostou and New-York becowe once more murkets for trade in the bodies and souls of men.” ‘The irrepressible conflict had begon indecd. The Anti-Lecompton sagitation was violent and long-protracted, destroying the Democracy by throwing into the ranks of the Republican party those whose allegiance had resisted the crime of the Ne- braska bill. Events rushed upon us, sud the Kansas contest was soon transferred to a larger ficld, Now must it be decided whether this country shall bo altogether slave or free. For it own life —from the very nature of its life, apart from any opposition of the North—must Slavery fight. John Brown made a raid into Virginia. Great uproar, and calling out of armies, and speedy sendivg of sol- diers by James Buchanan (pity such speed was not imitated a yearlater!) and & brave old man was hanged ! is one death showed in Klavery a curious union of fear and anger. Unless Slavery was placed behiud the bayonets of the nation, no one could tell when another explosion would take place—such an explosion, perhaps, as we sce in nature in the phenomenon of spontaneous combustion. And yet b‘hver‘v was strong with the aggressions of B0 years. Its history was that of a hundred victories, It Leld the Bouth; the Mississippi Valley was the Leart of its empire; it controll sca-board; it bad gained a sl empire from Mexic isions, and West—all opened to its It owned the Senate, the Bupreme Court legions. seconded its decrees, tho army and the pavy did its bidding. It bad practically suspended habeas corpus and trial by Jury in the North, and its ablest leader was boasting of the day when he would call the roll of his slaves on Bunker Hill. Not the vainest boast —by any means—for in 1860 the slave interest com- mauded the Uvited States! It reigned—but the time had come in God's Providenco to fight for its dominion. All this time there was an ageney at work in Amer- ica which,cxercised a great effect upon tho war, and which must not be overiooked as oue of its controlling canses, We should omit an important element in this inquiry if we failed to consider the growth, the tre- mendous power, the almost imperial sway of the influ- ence which we call *‘the public press.” About the time Mr. Calhoun and Mr., Garrison came ioto antag- onigm this influence grew up in America, and espe- cially in the city of Now-York. It was to be to Sla- very and auti-Slavery what the air is to breathing man. ‘The newspaper of the early part of the century bears a8 mueb relation to the morning journal of our break- fast-table as the lumbering stage of 1520 does to our locomotive. These early-day journals were slow, rosy, dull, pretentions merely, with the latest news &nm Europe and the latest homicide jumbled into corner, along with a poom from Lord Byron, an ex- tract from Mr. Jeffrey's last essay, a eulegy on the racing qualities of Eclipse, and an ap) to tardy subscribers to come forth and pay the patient printer. The editor had little weight with his goneration. His art had not reached the digoity of a profession. He bad not learned his marvelous power—his influence with the minds of the people—that all the world wes his, and it only remained fcr him to pos- se88 it. Among the emigrants of the early part of the pres- ent centurygwas & keen, ready, hard-working, thrifty, mischief-loving Scotchman. Having a certain faculty 8 8 writer, good humor, a wonderful knowledge of men and things, and & talent for amusing invective that su, the shrewdness of Bailie Nicol Jarvie, and the coarseness of Andrew Fairservice, be found ready empioywent. He bad great ambition and te- m‘i’i I‘:ytu;:lno he m;:; little mnln faru:; m leaving journalism in disgust and attem) to teach school. But hose whom' the unntulrhu bitten must always dance, and so our adventurer drifted back to the prees. Hard work and poor pay were the necessities of journalism in those days, even mown now. He tn"o: MPNI.: mmod. . g ;:. tem; 6 newspaper ] and lost money. The nmmhuo politicians of that sedate lis were ked by the plainness of specch droll Bcotchman, He wrote letters from in praise of Jackson, but the im- perious ent had his man Blair from Ken. tucky, and wished no other favgite. He acted as sub-editor on the dreary New-York dailies, but they tied him down and be soon frayed his tether, mfl‘ mdawn into a cellar, he arranged and ::: [y four-paged sheet of paper, containing small columns on & page, and sold it for one ooy rudyl'l"::h the "dd alwa h‘::-"‘d:“ wi news, a wa, u- mor. This Scotchman had &ov«, "uul now com- ing ‘to deal with the world in his own person, he would be heard and seen—nay more, he would rule. All the world learned from this waggish, lm& ‘nlnf Scotchman—this penny-a-sheet Kabelais—! the world was bad; that men were corrupt and women impure; volitios & fraud. MI%?E&“';‘MJE bis cellar, & merry, tessing Diogencs, smeling 1 how bad his neighbors were gm 3 |;l‘l each man r the sum of one penny. This was the begln,::hi of the agency called The New-York Herald. It took its part in the Blavery contest, always on the Slavery #ide, ¥olding up evory Ieader io theanti-Slavery movement—the Purp,-!.lundad Phillips, the earnest Garrison, the conscier lluulllpKflu, and lgs good men and good womnen ¥ o foltowed them —as crea ures base beyond conception,cannibals living on blood, the devotees of & borrible superstition. For 30 yoars this agency continded it words of scorn and contumely, unti) thousands began to believe that ‘Amcrica would Lave no peace until the Anti-Slavery Wolves were driven out of scicty and slain, Whiat The Herald was to Siavery the influence of Tk TRIBUSE in its humble way was to anti-Slavery. It endeavored 10 seck oat the heact of the nation and fead its sdvance in political and social thought. To ain porfection in buman bappiness and mako men better and wiser; to hate war with 8 horror that all feel when shrinking from bloodshed and-crime, seeing in it enly deva-tation of homes; tbe poralysis of in- dustry; the destruction of commerce; the ‘growth of evil passions—this was llnnrxlicy wiich coutrolled its columns. It opposed the ican war with earnest, imploring, unrelenting enmi Beyond the glamour of war bulletins, aud military triumphs and cities falling before the Yankee couqueror, it saw & beauti- ful country in desolation, our countrymen dying with malarious tropical fevers, men elain in the interest of the slave power and no possible gain but an empire for slavery. It did not believe that God could be Lon- oréd by bewing Agag to pivces, thut we were to bas- ten the good time by swmiting every unbeliever hip and thigh, There wasgood in Agag i{ we could only find it out, and the Southern people might be induced to be loyal without throat-cutting. The iufluence of the American f]mm may boest be understood by ob- serving that of The Herald in favor of Slavery aud of Tug TRIBUNB opposing it. We are now in the Winter of 1861, The Robel leaders hoid high 2arnivel. The ballot-box hi.s spoken, and there is no appeal bt to the sword. Abraham Lincoln of Iilinois is President elect. Iuritan in- tellect has at last gained a trinmph worth the hundied victories of Blavery. Little was known of this Abraham Lincoln,” but in his character exists an cternal enmity to Slavery. Thero wore wen whose hearts saddened as they picked up the morning paper in the Summer of 1760 and found that one Abrabamn Lincoln of Illinois bad been nom- inated by the Republican Convention for Presi dent. Did anybody know him? What mel Iay in the coarse lines of his homely, rugged face. He had served ouo term in Congress, but made &0 little impression that President ']‘x:flnr would not give him a emall bureau that he craved. He had beaten Douglas in_a local campaign, and delivered a sensible ;?u-rh in New-York: but were these qualities for the residency? He was not known in editorials, or local items, or Congressional Globes, or telegraphic reports, American tame—the fae of the newspaper and convention—was foreign to him, **Surely,” men said bitterly, ** republican institutions have again failed, and aguin we have shown our incapacity for scli- government. Cau astatesmen never become President? Must our chief rulérs always be of the Harrigons, the Taylors, the Pierces, and colng? Can we get a positive leader ! Here is Eeward, the chief the great party; and Sumncr, the sturdiest soldier that ever carriedl the banner of Freedom; the illustri- ous Chase; lusty Ben. Wade, if a man is wanted with marrow in his bones; Baunke, who led the Republican arty to its first national vietory in 1854; and Bates of Kliumld, who has the merit of uot being Seward (and behind whom stands Tue TrisfNE), and tweuty other men, all of whom we know—and yet this Lincolu !” The divine instinct of a people, which gives more than a proverb's truth to the scntiment that the voice of peoplo is the voico of God, never acted moro wisel than when it took this Lincoln from a village court of Illinois aud anointed him leader of tbe people. Coming from on old Puritan stock, and representing the faith of the Puritan inteilcct, as well as the strength and freedom which came from o Western education, be was the truest American we have seen for mwany long yeats. It is too soon to draw him as he was, for we have mot ce to feel the iuflnence of tho quaint majesty of simple mankood which clothed bim with a dignily more en- during than any than kiugs could give—the sadness of & martyrdom which has made one holy day in American bListory! A time for this when the dirges bave ceased to sound sud our sorrow has lost its freshn The rrow and discontent of that dreadful Winter! The Republicans in the agony of a triumph that could only be eujoyed with bloc stern, bus; re Rebels vindictive, nedathis word from baoan seemed ouly to nd SITANKS COMpromuises, before, and knew how to d— write, study for precs Hephid scen such truub manage them—for was Le not_a ripe stalesmau—ripe and mellow and full of expericuce—something fine and dry, like the rare old Madeirgggrhich was said to shed its tragrance over Presidentia quets? The vener- able Cass frotted in the State Department, and lef! in sorrowful despair. “The remainder of the Cab- with the exception of Black, who nssisted the dent with bis wine aud rhetoric, wore busy ** ar- the Administration” for Mr. Lincolu’s and making all the hay that counld be garnered in (he few remaining weeks of sunshine. Toucey was sending shipa to Africa. Floyd was sup: the Rebel leaders with loyal guns, Cobb was g to advance Senthern Siate securities, money on the national credit at a dis- count. NoJay Cooko in those days to strike the rock of natioua! credit and make the stream gush forth! The Rebel Con n were firing the Southern heart, and de rmw “*truces " and schemes of delsy. Old gentlemen like Crittenden were laboring with their poor reeds of 8 compromise, hoping to induce a complete surrender on the part of the North. Power bad made radicalism conserva- tive, and the Republican party remained quict, com- pact, anxious, awed 68 it were by the very ecstacy of triumph. ( everything, the gloom of an Arctic night had fallen! Nothing near but strife, treason, cowardice. Noshing beyond but war. If Providence would but permit this oup to pass from the nation's lips! The voice of one man came out of the gloom—a rugged voice, harsh and jagged, voluble, given to pmrhruin, not choico in Knglish, but empbatic, easily apprehended, speaking resoute nouns and adjetives that burued end seared; full of hate and anger, and_withal very eweet in the hour of yearn- ing. The joy of that rough voice! Tue mon who speaks stands olone amid his class, A Seantor of the chivalrcus South, he boasts that he is a plec- beian! A man of Tennessee prejudices and notions, who sees no value in the negro save that of money, he honors lubor when it is white, forgetting that the dignity of labor does not come from color; that the gweat rolling from the black man's brow is as blessed as that which trickles down his own pale face. A good deal of Cromwell about him, a rude de- votion to God, especially the attributes of wrath, a faith in predestination, much as that of Jackson when old, decrepit, grave-moldy, Lo crept into the bosom of the Presbyterian church and found consolation. **Our country,” said this Benator en one occasion, “must bave becn in the right, or the God of battles would sometimes have been against us. Mexico must bave been in the wrong—she is & doomed nation. The right red arm of an angry God has been suspendod over ber, and the Anglo-Saxon race has been selected as the rod ot ber existence,” which recalls one of Olive's “ growning mercies "—Drogheda, for instance. e is not merely passive, like the timid Fitzpatrick, content to sit and mope over the Union, drifting into Secos- sion, protesting, belpless, anxious, looking hither and thither for some l{mr plank of a Crittenden Compromise to pull himself ashore. A sluve. bolder, he denounces the aristocracy. Be- lieving in States' rights he advocate coercion. A Senator from a Rebel State, he would hang ell whe rebel. This tailor-man, whom Benjamin and Davis insult, looking with the eye of a mechanic, reads the heart of the people, and speaks the word that all nien orave to hear. That word, londly spoken, made Androw Johnson President. Stephens had approved Becession with finished logio. Nelson had cried over the Union stars and spangles—but Andrew Johnson went the ove step that no other Southern states- man durst take, and demanded the punishment of traitors b! hangivg them to a tree. The nation took Andrew Johnson to its heart. It was s time of mania—the mania coming from fever; when weak people say prayers and beseech the intercession of some special idol. Our idol was Andrew Jackson. If he only could come fron hia grave, with bristling hair and fiery blue eyo—gaunt, angry, resolute as when he ** destroyed” nullification— if only Jackson could come to us from his Hermitige tomb, the nation would be saved. Even while kueel- ing at this dead man's shrine, and bemoaning tho fate that had taken him from the nation, thera come & Tennessoean, of almost self-same name, broathing defiance to treason. The speech of Johnson, the loyalty of Beott, the courage of Anderson, were the noblest featuree of our nationality, All else Lad gone down in that sea of amarchy, Secession, uniesisted treason. But for these faint gleams of light, ckaos would have come indeed. The men who coutrolled our national counoila were Crittenden, SBeward, Davis, and Douglas, The fawns of Mr. Douglas bhas already paseed iito his tory. Crittenden 15 in his grave. He attained the cousolation which atones fur the weat of cosius flict,” in the eyes of medioerity, of knowing that he lived withont mnaking enecwies and died without making friends, He strove to avert war by crying peace when there wus no peace. To prevent strife he had apy number of contrivances, the best of which was of as much practical value as Mrs, Partington's celebrated mop during an_Atlantic storm. Coming from the middle ground of Kentucky, he saw good in North and South; believed that there was nothing but & misunderstanding, end did not know thata great principle was striving to live, and that the con- test was alresdy beyond the control of mere men. He had seen the abominetion of a compromise over and over again, and proposed that all should wcet sud talk—that principle be eurrendered to Slavery, with an Indian dance and pipe-smoking, Williat H. Seward was the leader of the Republican party. He had led it to victory, and, with his superb intellect, discerned in the beginning the true meaning of the contest. The leader of a triumphant party, his speechos were dwelt npon b{ the country with hungry craving anxiety, During that Winter, however, the mantle of leadership fell from bis shoulders. Ho was scarcely fitted for that stormy time. A student and phxlosol;.har. Lis tendencies were theoretic, ot prac- tical. Th faith that recognized a ‘‘higher law,” and the wisdom tbat saw a&n ‘*‘irrepressible con- scemied only to fail when Providence brought him to the actual conflict—war, eivil war and insurrection, 'When he spoke of sixty days’ trouble and permanent peace, he probably expressed a hope that all good men .hm.f, and not & beliel which every statesman knew to be impossible, M. Seward's influence during this period was weakened by bis memorable epeech proposing a convention aud other compromisos. The feeling of the loyal North was beginning to assume that expressed Ly the rude fl'xu.lnnc of a Western Senator, wflo eclared that the Union would not be worth saving without a little blood-lotting. At the head of the Sonth, was Jefferson Davis, a Senator from Mississippi. For a time, the question of leadership lay Letween Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs, Seuator from Georgla, It is well nnderstood that nothing but the doubtful character of Mr. Toombs prevented his election at Montgomery as President of the Confederacy. There is much in the great, ehaggy Toombs that we admire. A stern, violent man, full of passion, adding great vices to great virtues, e seems to bave been marked for a revolution. To us, he | rears the ablest of the Rebel leaders. He had a wild ove of liberty, audacity, & batred of standing armies, (**it was just a3 impossible for the Ethiop to charge his gkin, or the leopard Lis spots, as for a regular army to be the friend of liherty"), and as the leader of the South he wonld probably Lave made the war more dreadful and less rrv»lrwled. Davis was & good man in the chure n's and orderly-sergeant’s sense of the term. His lifs was said to be pure, His attend- ance upon divine crvice was regular, The woof ot West Point marked tho web of his life. His career bore an oppressive sense of regularity—of reveille and taps and morning p rs—the discipline of the marti- net. His self-esteem was the cunlmlfingolamc’nl inhis character. To this mnst be added a will of iron, and a body that, suffering from constant disease, gave his temperament a tinge of bitterness. Traits liko these would prevont the most gifted of men from becoming great in civil war. A prejudice in_the mind of Davis was o conviction; and in the creation of a policy, the management of armies, the selection of friends, he was earnest, inexorable beyondreason. During this Win- ter, be was a reluctant follower of secession, never goin 80 far but thet there was a chence of returning, and weo sce no evidence of actual sincerity on his part until the Montgomery Convention made him its leader. His popular speeches during these weeke, were fine specimens of what may Lo called gasconade, and merely echoed the angry fecling of the Southern people. Toombs was the leader for action. He over- whelnied Stephens in Georgia, schieved the seizure of Fort Pulaski and Fort Jackson, the beginning of the aggressive policy on the part of the South, and in every step was restless, determined, apergetic. Wo see in bis conduct a constant desire for bloodzhed, a keen compreliension of what tie nature of the struggle would be, and the wisest meaus of meetimg it. Mr. 8lidell and Mr. Mason wero a8 anxious for war as they were to escape from the country when it began, sssion Was 8 mania, I Mr. Yancey, to whom Sece. 2ct type of the fiery oing hither and thither ng revolt. Daniel of man from day to day burning of orthography, o 1! Nowe did create tho war, and nove felt defeat more he guns of Lee's surrender were the dirge s new-made grave. Benjamin, fresh from ng Uni Les in California, geutly slided into the dis ington; while P cbicf among the younger of the chivalry, prond - q dering, was clamoring for the hour of action— the hour when Shrewsbury clock would strike the knell of the Union. The progress of the war was marked by a strange hesitancy and trepidation—a failure to grasp events, painful and tedious experiences. Onr rulers walked s blind men who groped; and, when Snmter opened their eyes, they did not see the Rebels in their true light, but as trees walking toward ther. So thorough- 1y bad the spirit of Slavery cutered into all the gates oud alleys of our puljnmf body, that the poison was everywhere. - West Poiut, rich in the valor of many Ilustrions sons, threw all its tendencies against the Success bad made Slavery respeetable, and the fow oflicers who failed to ackuowledge its claim were regarded o vulgar fanatics, not to be welcomed to tent and ward-room. Tho most accomplished offi- cers of the service had “‘gone with their States.” Joe Johnston, Beauregard, Hardee, and a hundred others who were supposed to represent the flower and fash- jon of the army, abaudoned their flag to follow the banner of Mr. Da The nation insisted that ablow suld follow a bl but jt was given with a nerve- hes half-believing force, by men who had he fight. Our army was an army of dress parades and well-appointed bands of music, litter, show, pomp and fanfaronade, with geily Scckul commanders at the head. Bull Run was a blossing—bloody and tame and disgraceful as it was— for the mob that sadly plodded through the damp and heavy roads of Virginia, amid cloud and rain-storm, drifting iuto the camps around Arlington, thus learned a stern and wholesome lesson. From the day of Bull Run, the war passed into the bands of the private soldier. *"The battle is as decisive as Austerlitz,"shouted The Lomd n Times. It would have been Austerlits iadeed, bad the wen who caused Bull Run been per- mitted always to manage our military destinies, Qur first commander was George B. McClellan, a oung man who had graduated with distinction at 80 much to West Point, and shown valor the Mexican War. He was known as a steady, careful, quiet man, a studen. of war, and fond of his profession, He was not t ve; but he bad seen service in the Crimea, and stucied the military systems of Europe 8o carc- fully that he wrote a” book about them. He was a good cavalry officer, and had given our cavalry- men much comfort by inventing au ingenious saddie. Like all ambitious young men, without fortune, he Lad avandosed the army, and was in the railroad business when the war called bim to command. The story of Lis command is too fresh in the public mind, and’ too much the subject of dispute, for us to pass u definite opinion. He was under the influence of Slavery. Ouo of his first orders promised, ** with an iron hand,” to ** crush avy attempt at insurrection” upon the part of the slaves, When he stood helpless aud trembling at Harrison's Landing amid the rains of his splendid army, he sat and wrote within hearing of Lee’s guns, that the **forcibla abolition of Sla should not be contemplated fora moment.” Even when Emancipation was proclaimed, he gave a petu- lant cousent, never failing toshow that he diffored from the measure, and belisved it to be unjust and unwise. His politics scemed to have been shaped by the Albany Regeney and the wishes of the Democratio loaders, and his strategy wes the result of his polities, Am- Litious men surrounded him, and the atmosphere in which he lived was an atmospbere of intrigne. His Peninsular campaign destroyed Lis career as a Gen- orul. **Never betore,” says our historian, an arniy 8o constantly, pressingly, need to be reénforced -~1ot by a corps, but by a leader; not by men, but by a wan” Tie man did not come! Pope was sacrificed by the friends of McClellan—and, as one or two of them were not shot summarily, the baneful influence was allowed to afflict Hooker, Burnside, Meade. Antie- tam was won by the army of McClellan, and lost by the commanding general. Instead of {ollowing Lee, who certainly traveled fast, he entered into corre- spondence with the War Department on the question of shoes. The end of this correspondence was that the ermy reached Warrenton sbout six weeks after Leo, and its commander was sent to Trenton. Burnside gave us the ** bloody baptism” of Fredericksburg; ~ Burnside—a magnanimous, easy soul—kind in heart, symwpathetic, loyal, brave— but without thegenias for a great command, especially the command diuumfim{ and chagrined followers of McClellan. Hooker held the army five months; was defeated at Chancellorsville in a manner which military critics have never explained; and was re- lieved by Meade, who fought the battle of Gettysburg - o crowning battle of the war—and with Waterloo n .iuwa, the greatost battle of the century, The men but not the wan! Lincoln kad decreed emanci- E,.uon, after hesitating, doubtiug and fearing, until 8 best friends were dismayed, and nothing was neoded but a wan to lead tho argles of Ewaueipation and direct the valor that had been torn aud wasted en so-saany bloody fiolds. Whei the young McClellan took command st Cla cinuati of the Obio militia, a middle-aged gentle engaged ina gmall bu iness in Illinois, formerly his comrade in the army, came to Cincinuati and passed a day or two around his beadquarters, hopivg to be offered o small place on his staif, but, bedng proud sud seritive, made no appeal. McClellau did not gr him, end he returned to hig homo. Yearuing for active duty—feeling that b owed she pation service for its kindness to him—be tendered his services to the Goys ornor of Illincis. We believe he was sct to o) y:, muster-rolls, or some other clerical work. He qun aday or two, aud grew weary, ‘' A man cau be to do this for a dollar & day,” and Le ccased. Fiu he was given o small €ommand, and went with regiment into Missouri, He worked hard. He tle true instinet of war—a love of battle, conscicucs, l:urpose. and the death-compelling grfp that never oosened the bold on a victim. This was Grant, the Private Soldier personified. Tho men upon whour be relied—Sherman and Sheridan, Meade and Thomas— were selected for their courage and capacity, sed more than all for their success. From the day thed these men took command, the fate of the Rebellion was nponit, Mr. Greeley, whois just-to all generals, loyal or Rebel, and who bas little enthusiasm in his Jjudgment, thinks that *‘ a great military genius, sueh as appears ouce in two or three centuries, might have achieved them at a semaller cost,” aud scarcely rauks Grant with Frederick or Mariborough or Nae oleon. Relative questions of genins are always atable. Schoolboys still discuss Cesar and parte, and all we care to know of Grant, is the j ment that Mr, Greeley gives, that he Lad the m *of resolately undertaking a very difficult and formi. dable task, and executing it to the best of his ability— at all events, doing it.” Cau we say more of the greatest of men? But we must close. To follow our anthor through hie compact and massive labog would be to attempt & labor az great. The honor that comes from the wey must be given to the private soldiers * who flew to the rescue of their imperiled country because they se loved her that they freely proffered their own lives te save hers.” To private soldiers, then, living and wounded—to the memory of the dead who lisim bloody and sheetless greves—we give all the glory, d.Mr, Greeley justly dedicates his volume, a8 record of their privations, hardships end sufferings as also of their valor, fidelitg constancy and triumph.” We bave shown in this basty epitome of the military portion of Mr. Greele, work the weakness of slavery-loving gencralshi as shown by McClellan—as well as of slav stricken statesmanship as shown in the buz‘xinnm. of the war, 1t was not till our armies unfurled tas banner of Liberty—and our statesmen wrote hey decrees—it was not until the Citizen and tle Soldior gave cmpbasis to the conflict, that we began te triomph, Wisdom was botter than the weapous of war. And now, as we close these volumes and think of the past, end criticise the men who ruled our national councilg, as well as the soldiers who set our squad- rons in the field, we cannot but fecl how very weal and frail were the best'of us in that dreadful time, In the beginning and almost to the end, the npiri:: chaos seemed to reign over the republic. The strife 60 years, the intellectual and moral antagonism which we explained at the begiuning of this review, could eund only in battle. The people felt this, and they waited patiently; long-enduring, cons scious of strength and truth, certain of victory, hoping for peace, but not rejecting war. blow came. The flag went down upon Sumter. The nation-was, as it were, slapped in the faos and from that hour war was necossary to peace. How wemet il—how nobly & great people accepted the challenge—the suffering, the heroism, the seif-denial, the unrelenting sternness with which the Puritan iae tellect eonquered a peace, and more than all destroyed the evil that threateped our national life, are told in these volumes. We see how eve ery compromise of our Listory has been a sin in morals, a surrender in_politios, the cause of lasting and epervating evils, We trust that now, in this ses ond crisis, the ublime lessons of the American Cone fliet will not be forgotteu—that weshall not surrendes . the results of war and emancipation—but, scorniug the teachings of slave statesmen and of slave dowination, establish upon the American continent the dignit) of labor, the integrity of the republicen syste the universal brotherhood of man. 3 T FINE ARTS. i In the window of Haughwout's shop, corner of Broome-st. and Broadway, there bas Just been placed the bust of Jaskson by Mr. Orion Frazeo, which we mentioued some weeks 8go in these columos. It is now for the ficst time pabe Ticly exbibited. We are glad to see & young sculptor make his first appeal to the public with so strong add manly & prodae: tion. Our older citizens who remember Mr, Jobu Frazes, & seolptor who in a field which his times made narrower then would be to day wed & wido reputation for the vigov truthfaluess of ds—will be glad to know that lis son has taken ap the ¢k ich be resigned, and bids fatr to weke i3 family nawe still more widely avd more favorabiy knows. 1t would be unwise and unfriendly to say wore of Mr. F work than that it gives exccllent promise. It i3 siwplo unaffected in treatment, and beiug olosely modeled afier the bust of Jackson which bis fatber made for the City of New Orleans—the only bust fur whioh J; evgr sat—it s unguestionablo likeness. Mr, Frazw by this to have soen a bettes in’ sculptare thaa ¢ beon reducing the art, here and ia Eugland, to of drawing-rooms aad the delight of children. o walk in it Mr. William Schans, No. 749 Broadway, las lately recelved a bust in marble by the Freech sculptor, Heari Cons dier, which our re will do well to see before it 1s carried away to adorn some private house. It is & porteaic of the fawous Roman mode! callsd from her singuler Leaaty *La aud never bas that beauty which bas employed the brashes and chisels of so many artists been more d than by Cordier. Thero is 8 very fine Beila,” by Powers, if %o remember rightly. sma of Cordier's, and with less action, in the posse Lougfeilow, where in our boyish days we used to Ing 1ic & protectume ctvinily by tie side of that st wheuce bave issued so many tioughts whose beau! have ioapired. Since then we have seen one of ber, bat none worthy to b rememlered in this lordly one by C: Wo beliove that t work by Cordier that bis oame, bigh as it staads in France, is as yob b A pupil of Rude—who stands perhaps s the mostey nch realistic school in seulpture, and wiose * e of I the soament Meay be dase ictures of Enstlake u actings of that strong sud artist Cordier enrly showed a strong inclination to st ferent typical races of o and s00u after thee first work 1o marblo in the Salon of 1348, o vi the expense of the Government, and made namerons bis favorite fleld. Apart from the high axtistic Yo 8 great scientific v oss not only tue for features, but tho arrangemont of tue b orsamente. Thus we have faithful portraitures of S doliab, & Chiaese Brids, an African Venus, Mongvlan sod Negro beads, 12 busts of natives of Algiers, and others of ke character. Cordier Las, also, in yursuance cf bis aim ot exash portraituro, resorted to the expedient of emploving. sverst materials in the same work. Thus in bis bust of an Alrerias Jew be empioyed bronze for the kead, aud onyx aud pory by for the dress and ornaments. This bust we Bave never seon, t in the great Exhibition of 1803 thero were two Lesdd f vatives of Mozambique, in which, beside marble 2. gold was employed for the ornamests. un effcct of barbario richuess which, bowever iss Gompatible it may been with right idess of art, ve mi st think deserve o praise it received on the grousd a foreible and suggestion of the fruth of nitare We must not leave Cordier, bowever, without endeavoriug o correct any impression we bave made wpon the wmind of tbe reader that the work of this sculptor is siwply valuablo for the accurncy of its renderiog of matorial facts. It is heossss Leis s0truo to the apirit of his subject that be has besome distinguisbed. We ore, above il im with u oe wide sympathy of nature by which be sces what is wortty expression in tho forms-of ver.ous races. He las 1o unarro® prejadice in favor of the ian_type. Under his Irge and creative chisol the ampler and richer £rme of the Afrioas and Eastern races develope beautics seldom ellowed, soldom felt, 1ndeed, Lut sppealing at 0u0o to the universa! sense, when treated by a master's han. caruset if not big SOLDIERS' BOUNTIES. To the Editor of The N. X, Tridune. Sir: In to-day's issue of THE Trisvwe [ notics an ‘3 cle in regard to act of July 28, entitled ** An act Lo Eq ize Bounties,” which states certain rules which must we observed in making spplication therefor. I wish w odd nunlr:wr clln‘;:.e: R No soldier veed apply who received subsequent o eas listment & commln&og,pu bo is ot entitled to tho bonefld of said act.” . As a constitnent 1 would bring to youz notices few technicalitics which rosult to the injury of a soldior. I enlisted in 1862, received less than $100 h-mnly.lfl remained actively in the service orver throe years. Api 17, 1865, 1 recoived s commission, aud shortly afier au sek was passed by Congress providing for payment of months extra pay proper for enlisted men and officers aa well, 1 wasinformed that I was not entitlod to it as sa enlisted man, a8 1 had received 8 commission, and was not entitlod to the ssmo 83 an officer, as 1 was moted subsequent to Apnl ), 1865. (,onnln-nlly, “': eeilnf 80 l{:lom( or bun?fl: ;'Z'Eéfi.g?"’o? A ';fl:‘; d edly liberal intention of the 4 uild ask is this :‘x‘nu Shall these technicalities be ab s presented by the soldior? h;fl;:;n ’.'mmnn gt . “.yMlll(llI‘ Late A. A, G. U.S. Vola. Binghamton, N. Y., Sept. REG. Sgriovs RAILB0AD CASUALTY.—Eadly last ovening Mr. Julius C. . Fianey, a resident of Norfolk, Ct. attenpied to jump on the front platform of one of the passsnger carw of e Haven exproas train hound up, but missing ba o oar over Wis leg, masgling it 8@ he wifortunato wan vras couveye (o Belloved cndant surgnons prousuuced biy case a bope |