The New-York Tribune Newspaper, October 3, 1866, Page 1

.N¢ 7,952 NEW-ORLBANS MASSACRE, TS Repert of the Military Commission, ifiig S TUE ADMINISTRATION RESPONSIBLE FOR THE (RIME. Yhe Magsacre Planned by Supporters of Johnson’s Policy, YUB ABARM BELL RUNG AR A SIGNAL FOR GBNERAL ATTACK. "Ihiree-Fourths of the Police Ex-Rebel Soldiers, “Is All of Baye's Brigade Up!” “No; If it had Been, Not Oue Would Have Eseaped.” L b ik Audrew Johnson’s Defense of the Massacre Refuted by the Facts, SVECIAL DISPATCH TO THE N. Y. TRIBUNE. ———— W astreaT1oN, Toesday, Oct. 2, 1866, The following is the report of the Military Com- wission appointed to investigate the causes of the late nots, e furuished to the War Departmen! Sm: The Board having maturely considered the evidence, would respectfully rcport as follows: The immediate causes of this riot, which the Board aré directed to investigate, are, in their opinion, to be found in the violent feelings of hostility towsard the so-called Convention of 1864, which has for some time prevailed in the community, and which was finally, By the course of events, fanved into the flame of an sectual outbreak of riot, bloodshed, and massacre. “The Board do not cousider themselves called upon todecide or discuss in any manner the question of the Jegal existence and powers of the Convention as such. Whether auy attempt at official sction on their part would bave been recognized by the Courte as of any Jegal validity is a point admitting of grave doubt. “This, however, was not the question under discussion between the civil and military authorities, the de- eision of which was, as it appears, pregnant of the greatest of consequences to the State and to the Na- tion. That question wae, whether the persons claim- ing to constitute such Convetion should be allowed 10 assemble ! The Board will endeaver to state briefly and com- prebensively, the action of the civil and military aathorities upon thie point, and will make a short tomparison of testimony thereon, with a view of deciding the cause, snd fixing the responsibility for the non-arrival of the United States troops in time to prevent the bloodshed which took place. The events of the day will then be considered in chronological order, the Board making the best summary in their power, of the voluminous evidence which they have taken, and which in their opinion points with irresisti- Me force to the quarter in which the accountability Jor erime will be found to rest. In the excited state of public feeling before des- eribed, Mayor Monroe applies by letter to Gen. Baird, to know if he can be allowed to disperse this alleged unlauful assembly by the arrest of its members by Bis police. Gen. Baird replies in effect, that it is wot for the Mayor to decide that these citizens are crimi- wals, and that he will not permit the arrest, but that if & siotous attack ou the assembly be anticipated, which e police may be unable to quell or prevent, in that sase, the whole of the military power will be fur- wished, if required, to assist in kecping the peacc. But Mayor Monroe makes mo application for military sid. Gen, Baird also states his objections to sllowing the arrest by the sheriff, but promises to telegraph to Washington for instroctions. He does g0 telegraph, and receives no answer. The other party tolegrapls, and are answered that the military will be expected to sustain the Courts. This does not semove Gen. Baird's objections to the arrest. Itis agreed that the sheriff shall not make the arrests, but thet Gen. Baird shall indorse his objections on the warrant, and forward the whole case to Washington. 80 far, nothing said of a riot, except Gen. Baird’s offer of troops should one be nnticipated. Gen. Baird is unwilling to assume the sttitude of protecting the sesembly unless calied on by the civil autborities to aid in preventing or sappressing a riot. Let ue now compare the evidence a3 to when and by whom be was so called oz. Lieut.-Gov. Voorhies saye: “1 thew mentioned to the Geueral Whether be would not have troops in the vicinity of the Mechanics' Institate that day, to grevent any disturbance. This was the day of the riot. Tt woust bave been toward 10 o'clock when Tmade the request. Gen. Baird scemed pleased with it. because comiug from our side. He said he would do so with pieasure, and gave jmimne- @iate orders. Wikea I left, T stepped up to the Muyor's office 10 seeif troops bed been sent. 1 &d not say what troops. 1 only asked for troops. Wheu I made that statement to the Mayor, he seemed pleased with the arrangement. This was sbout 11 o'clock.” See, aleo, Lieat.-Gov. Voorhies's letter of July 30: “ After leaviug you, I called upon the Mayor. who was pleased 10 bear of the covperation ke could have from the mili tary department Major-Gen. Baird says: «Soon after 11 o'clock, the Lieutenant-Governor called upon we. 1cld the Governor the dispositions I had made of the troops. 1 said also that if T was not afraid my actions would be misinterpre ed, and thut it would be said that X was guarding the Convention, T would bave been glad to have posted a few waldiers in the street. Gov. Veorbles expressed pleasure, and agreed to this with pleasure, and said that be wouid be glad to Bave them, sod thet he would see that my motives were not misinterpreted. 1 then said T would send for a few companies. This was the first understasding between me and any one, and the first proposition made with regard o having troops preseut. Sbortly after 2 o'clock, Mayor Mouroe came in hurriedly to see we. He asked when the troops 1 spoke of bringing up would arrive. 1said that Dexpected them ; that they ought to be in Caoalst. by that very time. He then usked me, ' Will they be ‘white troops | will they act along with the police’ T replied that & part of them wouldfbe whitejtroops—the First Infautry— and that 1 would use them to put down the riot, no metter who was concerned in it. Atno time did he ask me for the assist- snce of troops, with the exception of the request implied in ihese three interTogatorien” Mayor Monroe saye: “ On Baturday previous to theJConvention, I called on Gen. Baird and gave him to understand 1 feared a didliculty provided there were not & few United States troops sent there o preserve arder, knowing full well there 1008 @ bod feeling cxisting betiween wny police and the negroes wid ihose who favored this Convention It was previously agreed, before Saturday, between Gen. Baird aud myself, that o small force of toops would be sent to he Mechanies’ Institute. 1 relied op my proclam 10 keep »t loaet the white people away, Gen. Baird informed me that de would wend a emall detactwent of 7 told him if such wa the case. the Consention might assemble. On the morning of the arsembiing, vrery ten mirates 1 ¥ to report to e whether the military had y#t got there or not 10 o'elock. To my surprie they contimued to vaturn and report that the military had not yet arrived. as had be 'his 400 about greed wpon | the reports p Setweens Gen. Baird and myself. 1 nformed $riday and on Seturday that iy M 12 oclock on M Ahem hewe yrevions o that hour Do Bare o sudl detackaet of ! m | speake NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1866.—WITI SUPPLEMENT. day morning, before the hour of 12o'clock. Expecting they would come, Laliowed no policeman to go there,” etc. Major-Gen. Baird says: ‘“The first communieation I had was a letter from Mayor Monroe (on file). The next communication was on Saturday the 26th, when Mayor Monroe called upon we, and introduced Lieut.-Gov. Voorhies. No request whatever was wade to me for troops at that interview.” This interview is minntely described by the General and Lientenant-Governor. Its object was to induce the General to allow the arrest of the Convention. The subject of troops or apprehended riot was not allnded to. It will be observed that the only essen- tial difference between Lieut.-Gov. Voorbies and Gen. Baird on this poiut is as to which first proposed on Monday the sending of troops. The agreement is made. Voorhies goes to the Mayor and tells him of it, and the Mayor is pleased to hear of it. Mayor Monroo swears that Gen, Baird promised and agreed to and with him, on Friday and on Saturday, to send troops. Gien. Baird swears that Ae never so promised or agreed wiik him or any onc, except with Licut.-Gov. Voorkies on the morning of the riot. Compare also the testimony of Mayor Mouroe, and Gen. Herron, in regard to the meeting in the Mayor's parlor, and the employment of police and military. See also the testimony of Chief of Police Adams, who details the instroctions he received from the Mayor, and his orders to keep the police away ana reasons therefor, but in which appears no word of allagion to expected military aid. This testimony was given before that of Mayor Monroe. Supposing Gen. Baird and Mayor Monroe to be of egual credibility under oath, the evidence of Licutemant- Governor Voorhies, Gen Herron and Chief of Police Adams, is sufiicient to indicate on which side the fulse swcaring lies. Let us now consider a little the farther evidence bearing upon Gen. Baird’s sction in regord to the troops. The civil anthorities propose to disperse and arrest the Convention, first, by the ecity police, next by the Sheriff"s posse, and request the military not to inter- fere. Gen. Baird telegraphs at once for instructions. He receives no answer. The civil authorities receive a dispatch, which they interpret to mean that Gen. Baird ig not to prevent the arrests. Gen. Baird's ob- jections are not removed, and it is agreed that the Convention shall meet unmolested, and that on the Sheriff's warrant, Gen. Baird shall indorse his objee- tions, and forward the papers to Washington. 8o far, no application for troops, or desire for military ussistance is made or hinted at by the civil anthori- ties. But Gen. Baird thinks it prudent to have on that day water transportation in instant readiness to bring up the troops if required. Had he, without the slightest request from the civil autborities or intima- tion that they were not amply competent to keep the peace—had he brought up the troops and stationed them around the building, the riot would have been prevented, bat this course would have been complained of as un- called-for usurpation, would have been construed into taking sides with the Couvention, and in Gen, Baird's opinion, would not have receited the approval of his su- riors. On the morning of the riot, Gen. Baird is under the impression, shared by mewbers of this Commission, and known by them to have been prevalent, that the hour of meeting was to [be 6 p. m. Mayor Monroe states that in his applications for troops he stated the hour of meeting to be 12, but tha Cam: o bave already given their reasons for discrediting this wit- nese, and for believing that such alleged applications were never made, At last, at some time between 10 and 12 on Mon- day morning, Gov. Voorhies assents to, or Gen. Baird proposes the sending of troops. It is assented to, and now, for the first time, Gen. Baird has the request or sanction of the civil power for the presence of his troops. He does not wait for a formal requisition, nor does he ask why the Lieutenant-Governor acts in the place of the Governor. He sends a messenger atonce for troops, and tells the Licutenant- Governor he will have them in the street an hour before the Convention met. He thinks that, if the Governor noticed this remark, he must have seen that there was an error about the time, as it was then nearly 12 o'clock, From thut time it cannot be de- wied that Gen, Baird used cvery cffort to hasten the arri- | val of the troops, who did mot, wnfortunately, come up until the slaughter was over, and the riot had ceased at that point. On & review of this evidence, the Board cannot but decide that no blame should be attached to Gen. Baird for bis action in the premises. Under the im- pression that the hour of meeting was 6ix, the troops bad not quitted the barracks, and ehortly before 12, the General receives for the first time the request or sanction of the civil suthorities for their appearance. It was then too late. Before proceeding farther in the diseussion of the events on the day of the riots, the Board would con- sider some of the exciting causes by which, in their opinion, the passions of a large portion of the comumu- nity bad become inflamed to the highest point against this so-called Convention, and the negro suffrage partly by which it was supported. They were, in the opinion of the Board, the tone of the press Jor some time past, whose hardly concealed threats pointed clearly to vio- lence. The published charge of Judge Abell to the Grand Jury; Mayor Monvoe's declared intention to employ his police against the Convention, unless prevented by the military; the speeches made at the universal suffragemeeting of Fri- day night, and the eraggerated and incorreet reports thereof published in the papers—all these combined, in the opinion of the Board, to produce & conviction among the large class always ready for violence, that this meeting might be considered as in the condition or status of complete outlawry, with no right to protection, and fair game for the pistol and the knife. With regard to the meeting on Friday night, there can be no doubt that it exercised a highly exasperating influence on the minds of the opponents of the Convention. Negro suffrage was openly advocated, violeut speeches were made in which * Rebels” were denounced, and there can be no doubt that & most ill-adviced appeal was made by one speaker to the negroes, to *‘come in their might " on the next Monday to the meeting of the Convention. In one respect, this meeting was certainly incendiary in its effect. It fired into absolute fury the smoldering wrath of the classes alluded to, against the Convention party, and, by bringing a pro- cession of negroes to the Hall, gave an occasion and pretext for the contemplated and premeditated attack. As an indication of the intensity of feeling thus ex- cited, may be mentioned the remarks of **ladies ad- rocating the immediate killing of the leaders, Dostic and Henderson, in their houses. In regard to the expressions used by the speakers outside of the Hail, the evidence is conflicting. Mr. Tilton, who listenad to the speakers from his baleony on the corner of the block opposite to that of which the Mechanics' Institute is the center, testifies to the | most violent appeals to *fight for their votes; to come armed to the Couvention; no cowards wan ed; the stones of the str ng out for the blood of Rebels,” ete., These expre «d in the city papers; while on the v, the New-York reporter, who srm within a few feet of the the_ call to the negroes to gives o very different desc ription of etc. other hand, M cone armed, and the speech o Board 4re comiclicd to plate that Mx, Tdton's dton’s ssions transcend even | manner and appearance, while giving evidenee, indi- cated almost painfully his liability to the highest de- gree of nervous excitement; and, without implying any intentional falsification, the Board cannot but think that his confessed condition of alarm and indig- nation at the time caused him to greatly distort the sense of the expressions which he caught. That his position was not such as to enable him to judge of the speeches in auy connected sense, would seem probable from his own testimony concerning the events of Monday, when, from the same balcony, he watched two speakers addressing the negroes, and inferred PROM THEIR GESTURES that they were exhort- ing them to disperse. Mr. Tilton’s feelings toward the Convention are stated with great frankness. He wonld not have done what the police did in protect- ing members; on the contrary, as a property-holder and tax-payer, he wonld have been for the killing of every man in the room. The unconseious influence which such feelings cannot but exert npon testimony is well exemplified in this case, To return to the narration of events. It seems that, on the Saturday before, an informal meeting of the Mayor, different members of the City Council, the Chief of Police and some of the prominent merchants, was held for the purpose of considering the situation, and deciding on a course of action. To this meeting was invited ex-Gen. F. J. Herron, who was asked for his opinion. He replies, that though politically op- posed to that party, ke would, were he Mayor, allow the Convention to meet and send his whole police force there for its protection, and let the matter of arrest by the Sheriff be referred to Washington as proposed. This opinion meets with fator, except from ome person, who thinks that the Convention should be hung; and Gen. Herron leaves with the full impression that such conrse has been decided on—that the meeting will be pro- tected by the police, and no violence occur. BUT AT 12 0'CLOCK, BUNDAY NIGHT, TUHE NIGHT WATCHMEN ARE DRAWN OFF THEIR BEATS, AND HELD AT THE VARIOUS STATIONS. IN THE MORNING, THE WHOLE UNIFOKMED POLICE ARE S0 MASSED AND HELD IN READINESS, WHETHER BY ORDERS OR WITHOUT OR. DEKS, NEARLY EVERY MAN 1S ARMED. THEY ARE NOT SENT TO THE CONVENTION FOR I18 PROTECTION, AS ADVISED BY GEN. HERRON; ON THE CONTRARY, THEY ARE SCRUPULOUSLY KEPT FROM APPEARING ON TuE STREETS, THE MAYOR, AS HE STATES, RELYING ON IS PROCLAMATION TO KEEP AWAY THE WHITES, AND ON THE TROOPS, WHICH, AS HE STATES, GEN. BAIRD HAD PROMISED TO SEND, TO KEEP THE NEGROES IN ORDER. HE PEARS THAT THE APPEARANCE OF THE POLICE MIGHT OVERAWE THE CONVENTION. 1t was during this adjournment, that a procession of negroes with a drum and fife, and a United States flag, approached the building. As might have been expected, in marching through the excited crowd that filled the streets, a collision occurred; the procession was insulted, and a shot or two fired—it would seem at the procession, though there is conflicting evidence upon this point. But this distarbance is quickly over, a negro is arrested and taken away. The procession re-forms and marches on to the building. On arriving in front, the strect is nearly clear, the crowd of negroes previously there having been addressed by members of the Convention and advized to disperse. There is however, a crowd of whites aud some police, near the corner of Canal-st. While the procession is standing there, it is insulted by a white boy, who in return is set upon by the blacks. He is rescued by a police- man, who takes him in the direction of Canal-st. Bricks are thrown afer them, and a shot fired, whather from the negroes or white crowd, cannot be decided, as the evidence jis conflicting. This is the signal for the white crowd, consisting, according to Mr. Todd's cvidence, of paroled ex-Confederate soldiers, to open a smart fire. This was returned by such of the by the rest with brick-bats. This continues for & few minutes, until the superiority of firc.arms of the whites, causes several negroes to drop dead or wound- ed. This causes a panic, and the negroes run, some into the building, and some into the door-ways in the | endeavor to escape or hide. A lull in the firing en- | sues, aud the next thing is the simultancous adeance of the Police in three directions upon the building, firing as they adeance. Negroes in the door-ways are shot, and the building surroundsd by mob and Police, wcho open fire at the windows, Some of the Police testify that the first firing was from the windows; but this evidence | the Board consider as utterly overborne by the mass of opposing testimony from all parties. Now some few shote, this number stated all the way from five to thirty (the last estimate made by the Police) are re- turned from the windows of the Hall. These shots waore fired by those negroes of the procession who had taken refuge in the Hall, some two or three of whom it appears had pistols. They aro however, immedi- ately ordered away from the windows, and as far as negroes—abont ten or a dozen—as had revolvers, and | wecks previous, was for Sheriff Hays, if given a war- rant against the Convention, to call upon this Asso- ciation as bis posse comitatus; eud when Gen. Sheri- dan’s order was published dissolving such associations, the negro paper exulted that Haye's Brigade would not, as threatened, break up the Convention. The Board cannot but think that any person ex- amining the evidence must come to the conelasion that such associations were present in pursuance of a prearranged and preconcerted programme. Direct tes- timony on the subject of such precoucert can proba- bly never be obtained, but the weight of sustaining evidence, in the Board's opinion, leads irresistibly to one conclusion, In connection with the subject of marks and badges the Board would call attention to the very significant fact, testified to by many witnesses, that the police, in many instances, had reversed their hat bands, and thereby concealed their numbers, ~ On this fact the Board consider it nnnecessary to comment, In regard to the scenes which now took place around the building, aad the manner in which the allied forces in the streets conducted the siege, the Board cannot undertake to present even a summary of the evidence. They can only say that the work of massacre was pursued with a cowardly ferocity unsur- passed in the annals of crime. Escaping negroes were mercilessly pursged, shot, stabbed and beaten to death by the mob aud police. Wounded men on' the ground begging for mercy were savagely dispatched by mob, police, firemen, and incredible as it may seem, in two instances by Wowen; but in two or three most honorable and exceptionable cases, white men and members of the Convention were protected by members of the police, both against the mob and against other policemen. The Chicf of Police, by great exertions, defended in this manner Gov. Hahn, After the attack bad commenced, the Police ap- peared to be under no control as such, but acted ag and with the mob. Their cheers and waving of bats as they threw the mangled Dostie, then supposed & corpse, like a dead dog into the cart, sufficiently to show their unison of feeling with their allies. It will sufficiently appear from the evideuce of the Assistant Editor of The New-Orleans Times, that it was ouly by announcing his character as such that he saved him- self from instant death at the hands of the Police. A Reporter of the same paper saved himself in a similar manner, but parrowly escaped subsequent maltroat- ment on suspicion of baving *‘ worn crape for Lin- coln.” On the subjeet of the massacre on the streets, and the share of the pelice thercin, the Board would refer to the evidence of Gen. F. J. Herron, Gen. Beaton, Major Moore, Major Frye, Dr. Cooper, Capt. Cham- bers, Dr. Bentley, Dr. New, Messrs. Frazier, Copé, Miller, Poynot, Hire, Hickoe, B. Rush Plumley, Fox, Duplessis, Stuart, Haynes, Gourdean, and many others. At a little before one o'clock, n sigoul of 12 strokes was struck upon the city fire-bells. The Chief-En- gineer testifies that he had been warned on the day previous, that sueh would be the signal for a concen- tration of police in ease of a riot. The signal is not a fire-alarm, as there are but nine districts in the city, and for & general alarm the number of strokes is 20 Nevertheless, two engines turned out and repsired to the scene of the riot. FIREMEN WERE SEEN ACTING AS AXD WITH THE POLICE, MAKING THE ARRESTS A8 SPECIAL POLICE, AND LESDING THE ASSISTANCE OF THEIR IRON WRENCHES 1N THE CONGENIAL OCCUPA- TION OF DISPATCHING THE WOUNDED. Whether this was in pursusuce of any previous orders, private er other- wise, the Board regard as immaterial. THERE CAN BE XO DOUBT THAT THE BIGNAL WAS RECOGNIZED THROUGHOUT THE CITY AS INDICATING THAT THE AT- TACK MAD COMMENCED, AND AS A CALL TO ARMS TO ALL WHO MIGHT DESIRE TO PARTICIPATE THERLIN. “ LoOK OUT POR HOT WORK Now " I8 THE CRY OF THE STREETS AS THE VIRST STROKES OF THE BELLE resousp. It is in evidence that in one instance orders were given to stop s saw mill on hearing the signal, It is understood that, during Confederate oc- cupation, this number of strokes was the alarm signal to the military in case of anticipated attack, and it would almost seem that the stirring appeal bad not yet lost its power, since, according to the testimony of one witness, it evoked at least one Confederate officer in full upiform and side arms to report for active duty. The condition of affairs, and occurrences in the inside of the building, are described by great numbers of those who were present, The witnesses corrobe- rate and support each other on all esseutial points, the differences being such as must be expected in the accounts given by the actors in scenes of excitement and terror, and which variations, in fact, strengthen possible, are brought inside of the railing and seated, and the siege of the Hall commenees in earnest. It appears that the Convention met, called the roll, and sdjourned for an hour to procure the attendance of absent members. According to the universal testi- mony, with a gingle exception no member of the Con- vention was armed; and they bad not only deter- mined to make no opposition to an arrest, but had made all arrangements for procuring their release on habeas corpus. THE BOARD ARE RELUCTANTLY COMPELLED TO DISCREDIT THE MAYOR, AND TO BELIEVE THAT HE KNEW THAT NOT A SOLDIER HAD REEN ASKED FOR, AND THAT, WHEN HE MASSED HIS ARMED POLICE AND HELD THEM ALOOF FROM THE BUILD- ING, NO BARRIER REMAINED BETWEEN THE CON- VENTION AND NEGROES AND THE INFURIATED CITIZENS WITH WHOSE THREATS THE CITY WAS YET RINOING EXCEFT HIS PAFER PROCLAMATION. He states, moreover, that he knew that THE HATRED OF THE MOB TOWARD THE CONVENTION the geacral case, by showing the absence of any com- porison or prearrangement of testimony. The important facts are, that when the first fighting in the street had ceased, and the fire of the besicgers was directed at the window, prominent wembers of the Convention requested and ordered all spectators, white and black, to come at once within the railing or bar of the house, and sit down. This was effected. Those who could not find seats seated themselves on the floor, and the doors and windows were ordered to be closed. Before this was effected. it is probable that the return shots, so vari- ously estimated, were fired from the windows. This, however, was soon stopped by orders from those of the whites who retained their presence of mind. The police then made their first entrance, by breaking open the doors, aud, according to almost universal testimony except their own, opened an indiscriminate fire into the room. This was instantancousand preceded AND THE NEOROES WAS SHARED BY HIS POLICE. IN THIS STATE OF AFFAIRS, SHOULD THE NEGROES ASSEMBLE IN ANY NUMBER, A COLLISION MIGHT BE CONSIDERED INEVITABLE, AND AN ATTACK BY THE MOB UPON THE CONVENTION AS SURE TO FOLLOW. THEN THE POLICE-MASSED, ARMED AND READY— ARE LET LOOSE UPON THE SCENE TO “QUELL THE RIOT.” HOW THEY DID QUELL IT WILL APPEAR FROM THE EVIDENCE. Before describing farther operations, the Board would call attention to the evidence concerning the character of the mob acting in support and in concert with the police, and the reason there appears to be to infer that some organizations or bands of ex-Confederate soldiers, came by some pre-arranged purpose to the attack. The various badges or distinguishing marks testified to as borne by citizens on that day, are: first a cres- cent and a star; second, & cross-cannon badge, known to be that of the Washington Artillery; third, a white handkerchiof tied around the neck; and fourth, a blue ribbon in the button hole, though there is some reason to suppose the latter to have been the mark of supernumaries or ununiformed police. It will bo remarked that ONE WITNESS WAS IIMSELP DIRECTED TO ASSUME THE WHITE HANDKERCHIEF BADGE BY A PRIENDLY POLICEMAN WHO DESIRED TO SAVE WIF, Whether the organization known as * Hays's Brigede Association,” which %, was ordered to be dissolved by Gen. Sheridan, was present as & body, or merely by the common im- pulse of its members, caunot be ascortained; but of its actual presence there can be but little doubt. Many of the police were members, and such expressioue as | “Tuere gors HAYS'S DRIGADE;” * DaMN yOU, YOU | ARE PIGHTING Hays's Bricape;” **Is ALn Uays's Brigapk UP!” *“*Noj IF IT HAD BEEN NOT ONE WOULD HAVE ESCAPED,” plainly show where the strength the supporting force to the Police lay. It is within | 10 knowledge of the Board that oue plan of action which wos the subject of ceusidezable telk wwwe | ) by no demand or call for surrender. When they had emptied their revolvers they were driven out with chairs by the negroes and an attempt made to barri- cade the door, but unsuccessfully, as they again and repeatedly gained an entrance, aud the same occur- rences took place—the police emptying their revolvers and being driven out by the negroes. The Rev. Mr. Horton was shot while imploring a cessation of fire from the police, Daring these repeated attacks a few shots were re- tarned by the few negroes of the procession who, as before stated, had revolvers, and two policemen were wounded in the building, though whether by these shots or the careless and excited fire of their own side seems doubtful, The police testify that fire was opened upon them first, in every instance, but with- out considering that any different testimony would have the effect of eriminating themsclves, aud regard- ing their credibility as equal to that of the other wit- nesses, yet the mass of opposing testimony is con- sidered as s0 overwhelming, that the Board feel com- pelled npon this point to reject the police evidence as invalidated and worthloss. The general valae of their testimony may be estimated by the fact tbat, out of the large number oxamined as witnesses, BUT THREE ARE WILLING TO ADMIT HAVING ACTUALLY SEEN FIRE ARMS ON THAT DAY CARRIED OR USED BY THE POLICE. At some point of time not definitely fixed, during these charges into the Hall, o white flag wa from one of the windows. This does not, however, ssom to have had the effect of checking the fire from | t0 outside, and, according to the testimony of the witness 0'Counell and another, the police, obtaining | aceess to the room ow the promise of protecting the in mates, deliberately opened firc upon the surcivors as be fore. 'The police themselves state, as above, that on Vs voveion, be beluie, Whey W fied vl ws Lo splayed | aribune, the Hall. o nearly all these irruptions into the Hall, the police were accompanied by the mob, and 8 member of the State Legislature, Mr. James Phillips, is identified as prominent in the attack. Finally the assailants obtain full possession of the building. The negroes in the hiding are brought out and dispatehed; others percied for safety on cross beams and rafters ave picked off like game by rocll-aimed shots; the whites taken to the station-houses wwith Mows and abuse, and at last, just as the advancing bayonets are scen to glisten on the Levee, the ' riot” is over, Jor lack of victims, On the subject of the charaeter of the megro pro- cossion, whose ill-timed and unfortunate appearauce was the immediate occasion of the outbreak, tbe Board are unable to see any evidence in support of the hypothesis that it was anything deserving the name of an armed organization. Most of its mem- bers had such canes and clubs as negroes carry on all holiday excursions, and perhaps o dozen had pistols. No doubt many of these were carried with the iden that an attack upon themselves was by no means im- probable; but that the procession itself could be re- garded as a body organized to fight would scem to persons of military experience to have been dis- proved by events, over thirty negroes being shot dead during the firing, while the supposed organization can- not succeed in killing in return @ single assailant— young Cenas, the only man killed on that side, being supposed to have reeeived o stray shot from his own porty. It is truo that, according to one witness, armed organizations are alluded to a3 existing by Dr. Dostie; but if this procession may be considered a fair specimen, the Board cannot congider the civil Government of Louisiasa as in mnch danger of being overturned thereby, The only evidence tending to show a previous bostile intent on the part of the negroes is that of Mr. Baayé, the planter, who, by the way, is the only witness who hears the screama of * murder the white men,” and who testifies to baving been told by one of his ser- vants that o white man bad been on the plantation taking names and telling the negroes to ** prepare for war;” and that the negroes of the procession said they bad been ordered to come to defend the Conven- tion. Whatever the purpose with which these ne- groes came, it is evident they intended no offensive action. The Rev. Mr. Henry is told by the proces- sion of negroes that they are pledged to have no trouble on their part. On the personal inspection of the Hall by this Board, there were found on and around the door, the marks of six pistol-shots which had been fired by the besieged upon their assailants. That tho arms were of small caliber, appears from the fact that two which struck the pine panel of the door, but one had sufi- cient force to penetrate it. On the opposite wall which received such bullets of the assailants as missed their aim, 22 shots were counted. The fact repeatedly testified to, that the police when emptying their re- volvers were attacked with chairs and driven from the Hall, the Board considers as establishing beyond the shadow of doubt that except the two or three pistols in the hands of the procession of negroes the besicged party were totally unarmed. Of the further occurrences of the day of riot, the Board would respectfully call attention T0 THE BRUTAL TREATMENT, AND ALMOST INHUMAN NEGLECT OF THE WOUNDED AXD DEAD PRISONERS AT THE VARIOUS STATION-HOUSES, BEFORE THEY WERE, BY MILITARY ORDERS, REMOVED TO THE HOSPITALS, The evidence of Lieut.-Col. Crosby, Major Sheridan, and Dr. Avery on this point, shows as RORRIBLE A BCENE OF SUFFER- ING AND NEGLECT AS COULD HAVE BEEN PRESEXTED ON A LOST BATTLE-FIELD. They would also call attention to the evidence on the subject of the renewal of the attack on negroes, and the shooting of them in their dwellings by both citizens aud police, late on the same night, in Vie- tory-st. The Board will state it as their firm conviction, that pUT FOR the declaration of martial law, and THE PRESENCE OF THE TROOPS, FIRE AND BLOODSHEO WOoULD HAVE RAGED THROUGHOUT THR NIGHT IN ALL NEGRO QUARTERS OF THE CITY, AND THAT THE LIVES | AND PROPERTY OF UNiONISTS AND NORTHERN MEN WOULD HAVE BEEN AT THE MERCY OF THE MOB. TmE OONSERVATORS OF THE PEACE BEING FOR THE TIME, THE INSTIGATORS OF VIOLENCE, NOTHING WOULD HAVE REMAINED BUT IN ARMING FOR SELP DEFENSE, AND A SCEXE MIGHT HAVE ENSUED UNPARALELLED IN THE HISTORY OF THE AGE.. London, and the more recent draft riots in New-York, the affair would have parsed beyond the power of the originators, into the bands of that class whose only object would bave been plunder and destraetion irre- spective of party. Tn the Board's opinion, the prop- erty of the Southern merchant not less than the life of the negro and the Unionist, was that night under the protection of the Federal bayonet alone. On the subject of the action of the Grand Jury in the indictment and arrest of the members of this Convention, and their subsequent investigation into and report upon the causes of riot, the Board do not feel themselyes called upon to cxpress au opinion, but would merely call sttention to the evidence. There seems, to say the least, tobe a direct opposition in legal opinion as to the validity of such action, and the presence upon the panel of one Who, so far from being a registered voter, was & rogistered and unpar- doned enemy, only three months returned, would seom t0 cast some suspicion upon the mannerin which that panel was made up. But this Board do not con- sider themselvos as authorized or called upon to revise the action of the Grand Jury. Whether theirmanner As in the Gordon riots in | PRICE FOUR CENTS. was the advice of Gen. Herron. But if the police are kept away until an attack is made and fighting en- sues, then precipitated in mass upon the scese, it i | casy to foresee what will be their aetion in quelling the riot. The Convention and its suppor.ers bave been long held up as outlaws, revolutionists and cone spirators against law, and the police wonld have acted by the order of the Mayor, but for the inter- ference of Gen. Baird. As it is & maxim that a man must be presumed to intend the legitimate eoms sequences of his acts, the Board are reluctantly foreed . to the conclusion that, slthough the ipstance of Licut.-Gov. Voorhis and others were suceeesful in causing the issuing of the Proclamation, yet thab MAYOR MONROE WELL KNEW THAT BEFORE THE EX- CITED PASSIONS OF THE MOB, IT WOULD BE AS A BAR- RIER OF STRAW TO FIRE; THAT NO TROOPS HAD EFEN ASKED FOR, AND WITHOUT THE PRESENCE OF POLICE, VIOLENCE WAS INEVITABLE. WHEN, THEREFORE, HE WITHDREW AND MASSED HIS ARMED POLICE, AND ON THE BREAKING OUT OF THE RIOT, PRECIPITATED TOPM UPON THE SCENE, THE BEOARD ARE. COMPELLED TO CON CLUDE THAT HE KNEW WHAT THEIR ACTION WOULD BE, AND THAT HE INTENDED THE INEVITAELE CONSE- QUENCES OF HIS OWN ACTS. The Board would call attention to the evidends which seems in many instances to indicate clearly the identity of parties guilty of murder, The impossibil- ity of bringing such criminals to justice under the Ciod (Government a3 it now exists, would be in their gpinion, wniversally acknowledged by this community, Neliable evidence would seem to fix the identity of one of the murderers of Captain Loup, the ex-United States Officer. The evidence against the notorious Lucien Adams, though direct, is that of negroes. In this connection, the Board would respectfully call atten- tion to the small proportion of negro testimony taken, and to the fact that all important points regarded a3 established, rest upon white testimony alone. Attention is called to the manner in which, sinee his advent into office, Mayor Monroe has made bis appointments and changes on the police and his dis- regard of the recommendations and advice of the chief. His appointment of Lucien Adams as a Sergeant is considered by the Chief as outraging the feelings of the community. But the Board are compelled to state that, in their opinion, it is the party to which such men as Lucien Adams were lcaders that Mayor Mon- roe owed his reélection, and that he now fears to dis- obey their dictation. In regard to the Chief of Police and his share of the responsibility for the riot, it will be remarked that he was but a subordinate carrying out the orders of his superior. The Board are inclined to regard him as well disposed in the main, and only regret thet be should not have thought it his duty to resign, rather than to aid in executing a programme of which be must have foreseen the result. There is but one poin$ on which his testimony may be regarded as invali- dated. In common with the Mayor and the police fiunlly', be denies the giving of any orders to arm. the evidence of tho policeman Dorsey. aud the e e e s o e Mayor tiro0gh ited, suci chief and subordinates, on. :nyndny.l‘y“ Tn conclusion, the Board will state that it is by means their opinion that hostility to Northern Union men 8o prevails in the community at of itself either 'to endsnger their life or property, i Eh § e cerning war, no difference of opis gard to the party which elected Mayor M "Mhmht:,n;n{‘h him, now mtdroeli- in r:ls.tm municipal goverument and city the Board do consider as most v.bom‘hyl with the spirit of hostility alluded to, and the of sufficient time [ have convi them that no ment is to be anticipated for past offenses, they need be np longer “*on’ their good then, in the Board's opinion, .!l.md of inseeurity recommence, Northern life and mpcny recent success of thi rny at the polls, Board’s opinion, due, rst to the fact that its rly identified with the Confederate cause, and y of the beet classen F £ Y g : B it i £ kel fs F ;?rg } ortanate aj The concisely as possible, the conclusions at have been compelled to arrive on the subject causes of and bility 1)r the recent bloodshed. What, if any action is eslled for, is for the deeision of higher authority. JOS, A° MOWER, Brevet H*;-Genml. U. 8. A, President. &M QUINCY, ’ 3 NI G U8 Vob f atembere Brovet Brigadier-Geners), U. 8. A. Gromcr BaLpy, Brevet Brig.-Gen, U. 8 Vol crder. To Colonel GEORGE aiestity tmh Gulyt. New-Orieans, La., Sept. 5, 186 L4 » B R ANDREW JOHNSON IN DEFENSE OF THE MOB. From his Specch at the St. Lowis Banquet, Sept. 8, 1666 The time has come when, it secms to me, that all cught to be prepared for peace, the Rebellion being and the shedding of blood stopped. The sacrifice of life being stayed, it seems that the time has armived when we should bave peace—wher the bleeding arteries should be tied up. [A Voice—" New-Orleass,” ' Go on.”] Perbaps if you had a word or two on the subject of New-Orleans, -ou might understand more about it than do {ndohfs:!]; and if you will go back (mu”;rfim will go back ascertain the cause of the riot at ou and {{.oflm ouvonumboum fin”nlh‘n. o "‘Fov!omul." a - wi it beck cause, Hie up the riot st New-Orleans and to its source, or to its will for blood that was shed there. the reot at New-Orleans and trace it back ™ to the the riot at New-Orleans was substantially planned. you will under tion was to be which was extinet by its of action was according to law, aud the substance of their reports supported by facts, are questions which the legal profession and the community at large will decide for themaselves. Finally, the Board would state that, in their opin- ion, the whole drift and current of the evidence tends irresistibly to the conclusion that there was among the class of violence kuown to exist in this city and among the members of the ex-Confederate associations. before alluded to, a preconcerted plan and purpose of attack upon this Convention, provided any plausible pretext thergfor could be found. Threats to members to “ prepare their coffins,” Warniogs to friends to keep clear of the vicinity, anonymous letters dissuading those whose purpose to be present was known, all theso taken together, the Board regard as of a signifi- cance which can bardly be misinterpreted. Though not in evidence, it is within the personal knowledge of the Board that & mock obitaary notice of the de- mise of the Convention on the 30th of July, was some woeks previous posted in this city. ‘Whether, and to what degree, Mayor Monroe can be regarded as an accomplice iv, or knowing to this purpose of attack, will probably, by direct testimony, never appear. Whether any definite instruetions were given to the police, the Board regard a8 immaterial: He knew their feelings toward this party of negro suflrage to be identical with those of the mob. THREE- FOURTHS OF THEM WERE EX-CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS, | AND AT LRAST ONE OF THETR OFPICERS, APPOINTED BY HIMSELF, A XOTORIOUS TAUG, ASSASSIN, AND FORMER LEADER OF THE VERY MEN OF BLOOD WHO MIGHT BE EXPECTED TO BE FPOREMOST IN THE ATTACK. Had the police been sent to the hall in advance, with orders to preserve the peace, they could bave bad no excuse for the attack the Convention; oun the con- Ly, thoy must Bare asted 0 M6 dolvuav and Wis | bave el deze by find oot who was nTuu(bk of I 1 take If you won up {Great cheoring and cries of * bully.”], you witl find that take up the proceediugs in their caucuses m-d'.h:{th Mlfi‘v[fim}mné:&n: that ing expired—that it was said, and the o new Government was to be zation of that Government the ial Sopeiao, 5o had Just bee ! n), wl Yao timo disfruncheo white T EET ou read the speeches that were made, or e on Hihmm before the Convention sat, will then the speeches were made incendiary in o exciting that portion of the (the black lation) to arm themselves prepare for the of blood. [A veice—* That's 80, uhluu! You also find that Convention did assemble in of law, sad that the iatention of that Convention was to supercede f#he recoguized suthorities in the State Government of Louisians, which had been recog- nized by the Government of mvuume-.ucm T“""‘m&«" e whrwir shecids Gov the sntention o) al ernment flw{ been - ized l{nm‘ of the United _States. ¥ . traitor to the Constitution of on was commenced, having e 'msnu.m';'u'" e s was 0 0N iana was to , set wside and overthrown. You may talk to me New-Orleans. tion was to come up when they had V- emment, .am of political power witich of the two Governmients was to be recognized—a new * inaugurated under this defunct Convention zh vie- lation of law and without the will of the Then whed they had establisaed their Governmentand extended universalor iwpartial franchise, as th called it (this col- ored population), then this Radical Congress waw to de- for the New-Orleans riot, and there was the cause termine that a Government votes, was to be the Government of Louisiana. « Never,” and cheers and hurmhs for Andy.) ¢ 4 that was shed rests upon tacir skirts and they sponsible for it. (Oheers.] X could trace this little closér, but I will not do nhemo-n?!- but yon talk about New-Orlcans, aud talk abouf the enusew and consequences that resulted from proceedings of that ind, perhaps, as 1 have been jutroduced here, and you bave provoked questions of this kind (lbfl£ it does ml,m‘ Vnheme},ql will tell you a tew wh wn,_m A the “origin of the blood that tcas shed, and cver. rop of bocd ¢ e ing » -