The New York Herald Newspaper, December 12, 1878, Page 4

4 condition of Provision for general education, to better fit them for the exercise of citizenship. He regretted that the Senator did not look at these and other evils, to remedy them by patriotic and statesmanlike meas- ures. He regretted to find him careful, not for the whole country’s interests, but only for those of party. What, he asked, w the amendments in- tended to secure to the colored men the rights of life, liberty and property? The vote was given them the better to secure them in these, and not that they should forever vote the republican ticket, Well, he asserted what he be- lieved no one could deny, that these rights were pos- sessed andenjoyed by the blacks equally with the whites all over the South, There is uo pretence that they are even menaced, He asserted that if wrong had been done anywhere in the South, if federal laws have been violated, he would have the lawful judi- cial investigation made and the wrongdoers punished by all tke power of the gov- ernment. But this was something very differ- ent from such merely partisan attempts as this. EFFROT OF THE DEBATE. ’ Mr. Edmunds, who did not conceal bis impatience at the whole discussion, rose 38 soon as Mr. Lamar satdown and a that the Senate go ou with the regular order, and thus the brief debate closed, hav- ing on the whole disappointed pretty much every- hody who came in the hope of seeing a great field day. It was good-natured throughout, and the in pression is that Mr. Blaine’s speech and motion fell rather coldly even on a great many republicans, and that it will require a good deal of fanning to inflame anew the Northern hear COMMENTS ON BLAINE’S SPE: In the discussions this evening of the Senate de- bate, Mr. Blaine’s attempt to revive the sectional an- imosities is very freely contrasted with some re- marks which General Garfield yesterday made in the House in the discussion of the Cousular bill. Mr. Garfield said :— I want to say another thing. So far as I have studied the current of public thought and of political feeling in this country, no feel- ing hae shown itseif more strongly than the tendency of the public mind in the past few months. The man who attempts to get up a political excitement in this country on the old sectional issues Will find himselt without a party and without sup- port. The man who wants to serve his country must put himself in the sof its leading th that is the restoration of ousiness, trade, industry, sound political economy, honest m and houest payment of all obligations; and the n who can add anything in the direction of the accom- plishment of any of these purposes is a public bene- factor. Republicans as well as democrats are saying to- wight that Mr. Biaine would have been wiser if he had taken the cue from General Garfield, and had deprecated instead of trying to inflame sectional feeling and suspicion. Tho very general impression is that he has made a blunder, and rep: of the stulwart kind, admit that General Garfield struck the true note for political success. INTERSTATE COMMERCE BY THE HOUSE REAGAN'S BILL. ‘The House passed to-day, to the general surprise, Mr. Reagan's foolish bill to interstate com- merce. It ought tu be called a bill to block up ¢ harbors of New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Bel- timore, for if it should become a law, which fortu- nately is very unlikely, it would make the shipment of grain for Europe from the tar West as good as im- Possible. The bill forbids special rates on any pretext what- ever, or for whatever distance, under penalty of heavy fines, and commands that freight shall be car- Tied at precisely the same rates per mile for all dis tances, longorshort, and that the rates shall be posted up at stations a auust not be varied under thirty days after such: posting. It was vigorously op- posed, especially by the New York members, Messrs. Potter and Hewitt; but Mr. Reagan carried the day, the granger spirit being still strong in the House and its ignorance being still stronger. PASSAGE, OF MR. FROM OUR REGULAR CORRESPONDENT. Wasutxgrox, Dec. 11, 1878, $HE CASE OF CONGRESSMAN SMALLS—WRIT OF ERROR GRANTED BY THE UNITED STATES sv- PREME COURT—IMPORTANT QUESTIONS TO BE DECIDED. Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Sapremo Court, to-Cay granted the petition for a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the State of Sonth Carol Bled by Messrs, W. A. Cooke and C. £. Cole, of coun- bel for Congressman Robert Smalls, uth Caro- lina, Mr. Smalis (who i loved man), it will be re- Membered, was tried and convicted ou the charge of of bribery and corruption, and sentenced to a term of imprisonment in the Penitentiary of South Carolina, He made application under section 64] for a removal of his trial to the United States Cirenit Court, on the Ground that he could not have justice under the law guaranteeing equal civil rights to all citizens of the United States. The criminal court denied his motion and fhe case was appealed to the State Sa- preme Court, which likewise denied the motion ax affirmed the action of the lower court. Chiet Justice Waite received the petition of Mr. Smalls’ c nd, after carefully considering the same, in tation with the associate justices, granted the mo- tion, which is made returnable without delay. ‘This writ is to determine the true meaning of the constitutional amendments in relation to civil Fights ax well as the Congressional acts in support of civil rights measures, and whether the United States courts have jurisdiction of State criminal trials. The importance of this action may be judged by the fact that similar motions have been denied in the State courts of Delaware and North Carolina in the cases of federal officers who have been indicted for crim offences alleged to have been committed in the discharge of their duties as revenue officers. ‘The writ of error granted mm this case involves the whole question, which has been a mooted one for many y Mr. Smalls’ term in Congress expires on the éth of March, but he will not return to South ars. Carolina, preferring to await the result of the bearing | of the cause before the Supreme Court EUGENE HALES POLITICAL ADVANCEMENT GRAMME AS LAID DOWN BY DEMOCRATS. It ix said by New England democrats that, in case of a vacancy in the Cabinet to be occasioned by the Tesignation of Attorney General Devens, the vacan PRO- NEW ENGLAND Position will not be sought by Mr. Eugene Hale. The reason they give for his disinelinatio to enter the Cabinet ix the agreement upon a pro- Bramme of Maine republicans to nominate and run “Mr r Governor of the State at the next elec- tion, wa preliminary to his election to the United States Sonate aa the successor of Mr. Hamlin. THE RAILWAY MATL CAR SERVICE. Postinaster Janes is in Washington, and will have @n interview with Postnmster General Key to-morrow on the subject of the proposed withd 1 of poxtal ears, A number of ornalists are here on the same business and to protest against a Measure which will be a great public inconvenience and will seriously cmburrass the carrying and dia tribution of the ma Mr. James had an interview this evening with several members of the Appropria- tions Committe THY PRick oF TURERS DIsKATIMETED, A delegation from the New ¥ manu NVELOPES. MANUFAC rk and Philadelphia companies called on Pow ed him to adopt General to-day and higher rates than those at which the government sold stamped enveloy ‘They stated that the provent price makes the government a monopoly against which private companies cannot compete, and wish a restoration of at least the old standard o prices, whieh wore thirty per cent higher than the present, As the rates now adopted were fixed by Jaw any change, were it desired or advisable, cannot bo made, ‘The manifest alvanteyo to the private purchaser by the present sy comed by the department so apparent (hat the ¢ anies are believed to bave no aw ground for Lope th be changed. This law requires that the departmeut shall sell envelopes at the lowest prive at which they can be procured, - GENERAL WASHINGTON DESPATCHES, Wasninorom, Doe, 11, 1878, TUE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INVESTIGATION, ‘The Howse Committee on Reform ia the Civil Ser- view today resumed the investigation of the pub- Mshed charges of corruption in connection with the ht, and | NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1878—TRIPLE SHEET. form of government for the District of Co- lumbia, Stilson Hutchins, editor of the Post, the paper in which the charge of bribery first appeared, testified that he was in New York when the article published, and had no knowledge of the basis for its allegations, and that it was written by Clarence M. Barton. The committee thereupon directed a sumanons to be issued for Mr, Barton. H. E. Offiey, late a banker in this city, testified that he knew of no pool being formed to take advantage of the rise in District bonds contingent u n the passage of the bill, He said his bank carried a large amount of these bonds, ond that if there was a pool | @rrangement between the First National Bank of New York and any Congressmen he thought he would have known of it, ISAAC COHEN BEFORE MR. HEWIT?'S LABOR COM- MLITEE. Mr. Hewitt’s committee to inquire into the causes of the present depression of labor held a meeting this morning, and heard Isaac Cohen, the’ leader of the disturbances among laborers which oveurred in Washington during the past summer. Cohen was listened to with much attention, and frequently questioned as he presentod his peculiar views on the relations of capital and labor, CHIEF OF THE DIVISION OF LOANS... Secretary Sherman has appointed William Fletcher, Assistant Chief of the Division of Loans, | Treasury Department, to be chief of that division in place of Daniel Baker, resigned. Mr. Fletcher has becn Assistant Chief of the division for the past four or five years, and has been acting chief since Mr. Baker's resignation. Mr. C. E. Goon, an employé of the division, has been ap- pointed to fill the position made vacant by the pro- motion of Mr. Fletcher. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. THE SENATE. Wasutncton, Dec. 11, 1878. The Vick PResipent laid before the Senate a com- munication from the Secretary of War asking an ap- propriation of $50,000 to furnish the east wing of the new building to be oceupied by the War Department, Referred to the Committee on Appropriations. A number of bills were introduced and referred, AMMS SUPPLIED TO FEDERAL OFFICIALS. Mr. Menon, (dem.) of N. C., submitted the fol- Rosolved, That the Secretary of War is and he is hereby instrncted io furnish, for the tse of tho Senate, a statement showing the number and quality of arms of all kinds, the unition to be used m conne Jrduance Department of Is and th ectively, and when and w the Department of th ‘Treasury and the Depart y of January, 1S72, and w ms how are, whether such arms, or any of theiu, have been sold, and’ for what prices: and what disposition has been made of the proceeds of any such sele; and designating by what authority seh arms and other things were so supplied trom time vo time, * Agreed to. Mr. BLADNE, (rep.) of Me., from the Committee on Appropriations, reported without amendment the House bill to correct an error in the enrolment of the sundry civil appropriation of last session in regard to the Hot Springs reservation in Arkansas. He asked for the present consideration of the bill; but Mr. Epacnps, of Vermont, objected, and it was placed on the calendar. | Mr. Wixpom, (rep.) of Minn., from the same com- mittee, reported, with amendments, the Fortifica- tion Appropriation bill. It was placed on the calen- dar, and he gave notice that he would call it up to- morrow for consideration. He ulso, from the same committee, reported, with amendments, the House bill imaking appropriations for the support of the Military Academy. Placed on the calendar. ‘The Vict PrestpenT announcet as the committee on the part of the Senate to attend the next annual examination of cadets at the United States Military Academy, at West Poin', Messrs. Windoin and Whyte. At one o'clock the Vick PresrpeNT announced the expiration of the morning honr. Mr. HaMLay, (rep.) of Me., moved that the pend- ing and ali prior orders be laid aside and. the Senate proceed to the consideration of the resolution sub- mitted by his colleague (Mr. Blaine) on the first day of the session in regard to an inquiry as to whether the constitutional rights of citizens had not been violated in the recent elections in any of the States of the Union. Agreed to. Mr. Biarxg, of Maine, then took the floor. Mr. Tuvemas, (dem.) of Ohio, said he desired to offer an amendment to the resolution. Mr. Brarsg—I will yield in a few minutes. SPEECH OF MR. BLAINE. Mr. Biarse then spoke as follows :— | Mv. Presrpeyt—The pending resolution was offered by me with a twofold purpose in view :— First—TYo place on record, in a definite and anthen- “form, the frauds and outrages by which som lections were carried by the democratic pa int outhern States. ‘Seeond—To find if there be any method by which a | | | | th be prevented. ‘he newspaper is the channel through which the people of the United States are informed of current events, and the accounts given in the press represent the elections in some of the Southern States to have been accompanied by vie Teaching the destruction of life; to trolled by threats that awed and intimidated a large class of voters; to have been manipulated by frand of the most shameless and shameful description. In- deed, in South Carolina there seems to have been no lection at all in any proper sense of the term. There was instead a series of skirmishes over the State, in which the polling places were regarded as be captured by one and against the othe: and this count and tissue ballot devi | order to effectually destroy t | These in briet are the accounts given in t | tian press of the disgraceful outrages that attended the recent elections, and, so far ex Lhave seen, these statements are without serions contradict It is but just and fair to all » partial investivation of the faets shall be committee of the Senate, proceeding under the thority of law and .eprescuting the power of the ni tion. “Hence my resolution. | SOUTHERN RECRESENTATION, But we do not need investigation to establish cer- tain facts already of official record, We know that one hundred and six Representatives in Congress were recently che in the States formerly slave- and that t democrats elected one hundred or possibly one hundred and two and the republicans tour or possibly five, We know that thirty-five of these Representatives were assigned to the Southern States by reaxen of the colored popitla- rted to in ¢ majority. tion, and that the entire political power thus founded has been on the numbers of the seized and appropriated of its own stre South, The ws: President, is not of the negro—th rights of any American citizen, however black or how- ever poor, shall form the mere dust of the balance in any controversy; nor is the iasne one that invelve the waving of the “bloody shirt,” to qnote the gant vernacular of deinocratic vituperation; nor still colored people to the | turther is the issue ax now presented only a question of the equality of the black voter of the South | with the white voter of the South; | Pre hae taken a far portentions magnitude; white voter of tne and . Waether th ‘orth stall be equal to the whi voter of the South in shaping the policy and Jixiug the destiuy of thie country; or whether, to put it still more baldly, the white man whe fought in the ranks of the Union army shall have as weighty and intluential # vote in the government of the epublic nwho fought in the ranks of the one fought to uphold, , the Union of the States, and to-day 1 fought to destroy is a fi ore the government of the nation than he who fought to uphold tt. COMPARATIVE APPORTIONMENT. Let me illustrate my meaning by comparing groups ot St «of the sane re ngth Ne and South, ‘take the State sieippi and LA sentatives to Congress. Their aggregate is compored of ten hundred and thirty-ilv whites and twelve hundred aud twenty-four thou- and colored, the colored being nearly two hundred thonsand in excess of the whites, Of the teen Representatives, then evident » wore a ia x. i | reason of th choice of the entire seveut i colored voters had nu more voice or power than their remote kindred on the shores of Senegambia or on | the Gold Coast. The teu hundred and thirty-five thousand white le hat the sole and absolute choice of the entire nteen Representatives, ntrast take two States in the N I ventenn hite population two hundred aad forty-seven t inore than double the en itatives t two asand—const re white population ¢ e Southern States J have named. fn aan Wisconsin, therefore, it takes one hundred and thir- ty-two thousand white population toyend a Kepre- sentative to Congress; but iu Sonth Carolina, Missis- ne every sixty thotsand white pe a Kopresentative. tn other words, sixty thott- ve in those Southern States have pi the satne polilical power in: the government of the country that one hondred aud thirty-two thou sand white people have in Lowa and Wiseourin, Take another group vi seventecn Kepresontatives from the South aad irom the North, Georgia and repetition of these crimes against a free bullot may | important factor in | the blacks, such as a broad] passage of the bill to provide a permanent | | | i ! | | | abridged by the violence, actual or threatened, of | deprived of their birthright, are ‘compelled to yield Alabama have a white populatior of 1,158,000 and a colored population of 1,020,000, They send seven- teen Representatives to Congress, of whout nine were portioned on account of the white population and eight on aecount of the col- ored population. But the colored voters are not able to choose a single Representative, the white democrats choosing the whole seventeen. The four Northern States, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska aud California, have seventeen Representatives, based on a white population of two and a quarter millions, or almost double the white population of Georgia and Alabama, so that iu these relative groups of States we find the white man South exercises by his yote double the political power of the white man North. COMPREHENSIVE GENERALIZATION, Let us carry the comparison to a more comprehen- sive generalization. The cleven States that formed the Confederate government had by the last census a population of nine and a half millions, of which in round numbers five and a half millions were white and four millions colored. On this aggregate popu lation seventy-three Representatives in Congress were apportioned to those States—torty-two or three of which were by reason of the white population, and thirty or thirty-one by reason of the th popula- tion. At the recent election the white democracy of the Sonth seized seventy of the seventy-three dis- tricts, aud thus secured a democratic majority in the next House of Representatives. Thus t pears that throughout the States that formed the late Coufed- crate government seventy-tive thousand whites—the very people that rebelled against the Union—are en- abled to elect a Representative in Congress, while in the loyal States it requires one hundred and thirty- two thousand of the white people that fought for the Union to elect a Representative, In levying ever tax, therefore, in making every appropriation of money, in fixing every line of public policy, in de- crecing What shall be the fate and fortune of the Re public, the Confederate soldier South is enable | to cast & vote that is twice werful and twice as in- fluential as the vote of the Union soldier North. THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. But the white men of the South did not acquire and do not hold this superior power by reason of law or justice, but in disregard and defiance of both. The fourteenth amendment to the constitution was expected to be und was designed to be a preventive wutl corrective of all such possible abuses. The read- ing of the clause applicable to the case is instructive and suggestive. Hear it Ropresentatives shall be apportioned among the several Stutes according to their respective numbers, counting the each State, excluding Indian Keprosentatives in Congress, the execu- tticers of a State, or the mumbers of the jed to any of th ng twenty-one yerrs of age and cit- of the United States, or in any way abridged, except participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of esentation therein shall be reduced in the peering which the number of xuch male citizens shall hear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in | such State. ‘The patent, undeniable intent of this provision waa that if any class of voters were denied or in any way abridged i their right of suffrage then the class 0 denied or abridged should not be counted in the basis of representation; or, in other words, that no State or States should gain a large increase’ of representa- tion in Congress by reason of counting any class of population not permitted to take part in electing such Representatives. But the construction given w this | provision is that before any forfeiture of represents tion can be enforced the denial or abridgment of sut- | frage must be the result of a law specifically enacte1 by the State. Under this construction every negro voter may have his suffrage absolutely denied or fatally Legislature there nts of such Sta irresponsible mobs, or by’ frauds and deceptions of State oflicers, from’ the Governor down to the last election clerk, and then, unless some State law can be shown that authorizes the denial or abridgment, the Stale escapes ail penalty or peril of reduced rep- resentation, ‘This construction may be upheld by the courts, ruling on the letter of the law, ‘which killeth;” but the spirit of justice cries aloud against the evasive and atrocious ‘conclusion that deals out oppression to the innocent and shields the guilty from the legitimate consequences of wilful trans- gression. THE UNHAPPY COLORED CITIZEN. The colored citizen is thus most unhappily situated, His right of suffrage is but a bollow imockery; it holds to his ear the word of promise, but breaks it always to the hope, and he ends only in being mude the unwilling instrument of increasing the political strength of that party from which he received ever- tightening fetters when he was @ slave and contemptuous refusal of civil rights since he was made free, He resemblex, indeed, those unhappy ' captives the Bast “who in their strength th the ‘upbuiiding of the monerch from whose tyranuits they baye most to fear, and to fight aginst the powet from whith alone délverance light be expected. The franchise intended’for the shield wud defence of the negro has Deon ‘turned against him and agaiust lis friends,’ and his vastly increased the power of those trom whom he bas | to hope and everything to dread. ‘The politicai power thus eppropriated by Southern democrats by reason of the negro population amounts to thirty-tive. Kepresentatives in Congress. It is massed ulmost solidly and offsets the great State of New York: or Pennsylvania and New Jersey together; or the whole of New Eugland; or Ohio and Indiana united; or the combined strength of Miinois, Min- nesota, Kansas, California, Nevada, Nebraska, Colo- rado aud Oregon, The seizure of this power is wantun usurpation; it is flagrant outrage; it is violent perversion of the whole theory of republican government. It inures solely to the present advantage and yet, I believe, to the perma- nent dishonor of the democratic purty. It is of this trampling down of human rights, thi zure of unlawful power, that the demo- arty holds the popndar branch of Congress to- day aud will in less thau ninety days have control of this body also, thus grasping the entire legéslative department ot the government through the unlawful capture of the Southern States: Ir the proscribed vote of the South weth cast ay.itw dawful owners de- site the democratic party could vot guin power. Ni if it were counted on the other side xgainst the iustincts and the interests, against the principles: and udicesof its lawiul owners, democratic suc- ud be hopeless. Jt is not enough, then, for nvenience frauds in the | | the Governorshitp of that State hax | modern democratic tactics that the negro vete shall be sitenced; the demand goes further and insists that itsbal be counted on their side, that all the repre- | sentatives in Congress and all the Presidential electors apportioned by reason of the negro vote shall be #0 cast and so governed as to insure democratic success— “8 of justice, in defiance ot law. And this in- justice is wholly unprovoked. I doubt if it be in the power of the most searching investigation to show that in any Southern State during the period of re- publiean control any legal voter was ever debarred trom the freest exercise of his suffrage. Even the revenges which would have leaped into life with many who despised the negro were buried out of sight with a magnanimity which the “superior race’’ tail to follow aud seem réiuctaut to recognize. NORTHERN ELECTION TROUBLES. Iknow it is said in retort of such charges against the Southern elections as I am now reviewing that unfairness of equal gravity prevails in Northern elections, I hear it in many quarters and read it in the papers that in the late exciting election in Massa- chusetts intimidation and bult-dozing, if not #0 rough and rancorous as in the South, were yet a8 | L have read, and yet I re- that the distingtsbed gentleman getic but unsuccessful canvass for indorsed and approved these charges, and I have accordingly ade my resolution broad enough to include their thorough investigation. I am uot demanding fair ms in the South without demanding fair clec- tions in the North also. But venturing to speak for | , England States, of whose laws aud customs mmething, dare assert that in the late jon in) Massachusetts or a1 her neighbor. ymuimonwealths it will be impossible to find who made an ing even one case where # voter was driven from not have the to cast the wily and faith- this conti- nd the polls, where 4 voter did fullest, fairest, freest opportunity baliot of his choice and nave it he fully counted in the returns. Suftray it was first made universal in New Eugiand, 1c adiinistration of their a her people found no other appeal necessary that which is widressed to their honesty of ” and to their put self-interest, lf there be anything differ- isclowe L pray you show it to us that we may But whenever a feeble protest is made against injustice ax L have deseribed in tae South: th » yet comes to usin the 1 tw oing to do aboat ose p yourselves?” wor of detlance Which intr juiring justice; and those who imag. it to be conclusive do not know the tempor the American peuple. For let me assure you ayainst the complicated outrage upon right of representation lately triumphant » South, there will be arrayed muny phases of ie opinion rth not often hitherto: im a who have cared little, and a the rights or the wroug: 1 that v ot that the care les suddenly terests, great questions of revenue, adjuste i tariff, vast investments in manufactures, in railways in miues, are under the control of wress, whose majority was ana obtained, the negro of hiv rignts nader # co by deprivit r stitution and — com’ Kpressed dingtst dy «uirts and have been offended with talk avout that the pending question - y of white men under this yovers however carcless they may be about the r the wrongs of the negro, they are very jealous and tenacious about the rights of their own race and the dignity of their own Bresides and their own kindred, PURPORES OF THE [know sémething of p I know @ great poses of the rep’ that entire great organizatio whose opinion ix enttied to be que 1d harmony and frie al tinton betwer RYUBLICAN PANTY. lic opinion ia the North. al about the views, wishes aud pur. nation, Within is not one man that does me | Mr. Blaine:— universal throug orthern 3 among men of eharacter and there is surely no need of attempting to deceive ourselves as to the precise (ruth, First pure, them peaceable, Gush will not remove a grievance, and no disgnise of State rights will clowe the eyes of our ple to the necessity of correcting a national he fatal intake ng. Nor should the South make oneluding thie injwstice to the 1 injustice to the white man; nor show gotten that for the wrongs of essuredly be found, ‘The war, with all its comtiy sae. rifices, Was fought iu yain Ubiess equal rights for all classes be established in all the State sof the Union; and now, in words which are those of friend- ship, however differently they may be accepted, I te! the meu of the South, here on this floor and beyond this Chamber, that, oven if they could strip the negro of his Constitutional rights, can never permanently maintain the inequality of white men in this nation; they can never make @ white man's vote in the South doubly as powerful in the admin- istration of the goverument as ® white man’s vote in the North, In 4 memorable debate in the House of Commons ‘Mr. Macaulay reminded Daniel O'Connell, when he was moving for repeal, that the English ‘whigs had endured calumny, abuse, popular fury, loss of position, exclusion from Parliament rather than the great agitator himself shonld be less than a British subjec Mr. Macauley warned him that they would never suffer him to be more, Let me now remind you that the ywovernment under whose protecting flag we sit to-day sacrificed myriads ¢f lives und expended thousands of millions of treasure that our country- meu of the South should remain citizens of the United States, having equal personal rights and equal political privileges with all other citizens, I venture, now and here, to warn the men of the South, in the exact words of Macaulay, that we will never suffer them to be more! Upon the conclusion of Mr. Blaine'’s speech there was considerable applause in the galleries, but it was soon checked by the Vice President. MM, THURMAN'S AMENDMENT. Mr. THURMAN then took the floor und submitted the tellowing a8 an amendment to the resolution of The committee still alyo Inquire whether any citizen of any Rtute has been distnissed or threatened with dismissal from employment or deprivatton ot any right or | tivilego by reason of his vote or intention to rote at the racenst lee- tions or hus buen otherwise interfered with, aud to inquire whether, in the year 1878, money was raised’ by as t federal office holders or em and under what eircumstanc what meai if so what amount was so rai how the same expended, and, farther, whether such r noe in’ violati jaw; and #ball employed to take part in the in What States or cities appointed, tho smount of mone, paid oF protived to be pall to thei, and how or by whom and under what law and authority. MR. THURMAN'S SPEECH, Mr. TuurMaN then addressed the Senate as fol- lows :— Mr, Presipent—I attempted to offer t ment before the Senator trom Maine pro his remarks, but failed to have any opportunity to do so, L intended then to say that whatever opinion might be entertained on this side of the Chamber us to the competency of Congress to make all the in- vestigations these resolutions contemplate, yet We were disposed to waive all scruples of that character and suffer the resolutions to pass without opposition it the amendment now pro- posed should added to them. The Senator trom Maine, however, having a speech caretully studied and prepared, exercised his right to deliver that speech before my amendment could be offered. Ido not complain of that at all, nor do I now rise to make any extended reply to the speech that I have heard just how. Should this debate be protracted I may exercise my privilege of saying something in reply to the Senator from Maine, but to-day I shall confine myself to 2 very few general observations. ‘The Senator is frank in one thing. His resolution is. broad; it includes all the States. It provides for an investi- gation whether the rights ot Aincrican citizens in | connection with the elective franchise have been vio- | lated or interfered with in any of the Stat@s, but he frankly admits in the very outset of his remarks that | that was not his purpose; that his purpose wax to assail the democracy of the South. He had two pur- poses in preparing this carefully elaborated speech— not to vindicate the right of suffrage througuout this whole Union, but to inquire whether the democ- racy of the Southern States nad violated the rights of American citizens and thus to find out what couid be doue with them. Now, Mr. President, that is a very frank and I haye no doubt u very true statement of the animus of this resolution. Mr. President, | 1 said that there might be some doubts | as to the propriety of this investigation. I repeat it. ‘There may be such doubts, especially to-day. Here is w short session of Congress. We have, excluding the recess that we always take, less, perhaps, than two months within which to dispose of the appro- priation bills and the other measures of legislation | that necessurily require the attention of Congress, it | the business of the session is to be disposed of and no extra session is to be called, Aud now, sir, the vnator proposes an investigation that I defy any committee that can be found to make with anything like thoroughness, nay, in any sutisfactory manuer, with anything like justice either to those who are | implicated or to'those who may be ituplicated, within the time that remains of the session of tie Senate. It is an impossibility. I Lave, therefore, wondered why this resolution was introduced, unless it was to be made a string upon which to hang speeches to arouse sectional hatred in one portion of this Union against an almost defenceless people in another por- tion of the Union. (Applause in the galleries.) The Vick Piestpexr—The Chair gives notice that if this applause shall be repeated the gulicries will be cleared. Mr. EpMunps—And, Mr. President, if the Senator will pardon me, I hope the Chair will add, “and that the persons guilty of this disorder be taken into ar- rest. The Vice Puesipent—The Chair adds that. THE “SOLID QUESTION, Mr. Tuvurman—And I hope that there will be no in- terruption whatever. Idid not say anything when the galleries cheered the peroration of my friend from Maino, for I love an eloquent thing as much as anybody can, and have sometimes cheered it when L did not agree with it at all. (Laughter.) Now, Mr. President, this assault of the Senator from Maine is | not an assault simply, however, upon the people of | the South, I said five months ago iu a speech which | Tbe pardon for repeating here, “that it «id seem to | mie as clear as anything in American politics could be that there wax a deliberately formed purpose, | under a pretext thi there was # solid” South, to create a solid North—to rule not only the solid South, but to rule one-halt nearly, if not | more, of the people of the North.” 1 thought so | then and [think now that a purpose more nupat- Tiotic, more unjust, more fraught with ruin to this | country never entered the bram of man—that is my | beliet. | Why, Mr. President, of what fe it that the Senator | frou Mainé complains ? That there were not enough republican votes in the South. ‘That is the amount of it. And how does he make that out? KENATOR BLAINE’ ASSUMPTIONS. He assumes, without one shadow of proof pro- duved here, that the negroes ot the South were pre- vented from voting or forced to vote the democratic ticket. He assumes, therefore, that owing causes the negroes of the South are not re by the members of the House of Representatives who came from that section of the Union, or by the Senators on this floor who represent the Southern States. What right has the Seuator trom Maine to suy that the negroes of the South are not represented | by the chosen Representatives of the South and the elosen Senators of the South? What right has he to vote these negroes on one side hiniveit and | say the men who bear the credentivls of clection do not represent their constituents? Why, Mr. President, it is a bare assumption on his part that he has no right whatever to make. But, again, the Sena- | tor ought to Lave thought of thix when he was | framing his fourteenth und fifteenth amendments, | or when he was assicting in framing them. There | were men then—imen of his own party, too—who told | him, with long foresight, that in end property and intelligence will rule the land, and ignorance cau- Mr. President, there were men of his party who foresaw that those people who have the inteligence, | the education and the property will not be ruled | by thoxe who have nettuer, and in that it is not | necessary to seperate the community into white p | ple and into colored people; uot at all is it necessary | to do that. No, Mr. President, the result of tuese constitutional amendments was easy enough to be | foreseen. Tam not here to-day to justify the viola- | tion of the right of any man, however humble he may | may be the poverty or bis situation. am here for no such purpose as that. If 1 know my own heart Lam here ax much in favor of respecting the rights of every man under the constitution as the Senator trom Maine, or any ot ehator on this | But I do know that property, tutelligence and « ion Will awsert their supremacy every where on the face of this globe. WHO DuEW THE COLOR LINE? whites and the negroes in the South? Let ime tell you, sir, that millions of money—or the money of the people of the United Statex—were ex pended by your agents, the Freediman's Bureau agents, in getting every colored nun in the South invo | loyal leagues, and swearing hii never to vote fora democrat. That is where tne color line began to be drawn, That institution, which took charge of the negro at the ballot box, took charge of him in the cotton field, took charge of lim every- where, supervised every contract that he made, allowed no contract to be made unless it had the approval of the agents of the Freedman's Bureau, ond spent the money and property called “captured and abandoned property’ that was surrendered to it, aud many millions of money directly appropriated out of the Treasury of the United States—it was that Bureau and its agents that firet drow the color line, And yet when the white people of the South, when the men own img the property and having the intelligence and education of the South saw their very social system menaeet with destruction; saw their very honse- holds threatened with ruin under an inuudation of Darbarisia, directed by the inost unecrapulous of men; aud when they naturally came together, When they naturally united ax people menaced with danger ever will unite, then w cry is raised against “the solid South.” Ah, Mr. President, it will not do, ‘This system of logislation toward the South that be- gan ten years ago is reaping its fruit, and itis not by wdditional penal laws that you can better the condi- tion of this country. VRDERAL PRSAL LAWS. What does the Renator want more laws for? him Jook into the statute book on this very subj: Jot him rem th preen. of the rights of citizeus to vote, and L defy him to find in tue statute books of any civilized this ylovbe ® body of lawa so minute, so searching and so bristling ail over with penalties and fines and forfeitures as wre these laws, But that is not ail, In addition to that you have a vast machinery of super. intendents of elections, federal supervisors, iar. shais, deputy marvhal id eleetioneers ont of Tet the Treasury of the United States under the yitise of being men to preserve the ireedom of suffrage and peace at elections, You have me 4 whole army ot them provided for by your | is not a surprising thing, nor is itan unnatural one, wtaintes, What more does the Senator want? & think I see, Mr, President, what is wanted, 1 think this is a note which is sounded to the people of the North that they must retrace their steps, and this very party, which mired ameudinents to the con- stitution to be made in the integest, it was said, of red population of the South, is now pre- retrace its soy atid undo what Cars ago. Hither directly or by indirection. that fe to on done, Indeed, 1 thought while the Senator from Maine was making his speech how uuich reason this country, and es- peoially the Southern part of the country, had to congratulate itself that the next House of Represen- tatives will not have a majority of gentlemen think- ing like the Senator from Muiue for if he is right in what he said, if his threats are not mere idle wiud— and [certainly do not attribute any such thing to him—it they are the dvep seated and permanent thoughts of these with whom he acts, then [should be prepared to see a House of Representatives in which there was a repttblican majority exclude South: ern members by the score; then I should be prepared to sev them decide themselves that the right of suffrage Was prohibited down there to the negro, and then to see them, in their supreme #uthority as they would construe it, yote out the chosen representatives of the South, not by ones, not by twos, but by the score. It is a fortunate thing for this country, it is a fortu. nate thing for our free institutions, that there is not in the present House of Kepresentatives, aud will not be in the next, # majority thinking as the Senator ieenn Mains, thinks aud willing to act as he 16 willing 0 al i aid only a few THE USE OF MONEY IN ELECTIONS. Mr. President, one word on the amendment I have offered, My own belief is that there ié a far greater danger that menaces our institutions and menaces the right of suffrage in this country than that to which the Senator from Maine has alluded. Sir, the most disheartening thing to an American who loves free institutions is to see that year by year the cor- rupt use of moncy in the elections ix making its way, until the time may come, and that within the obser- vation of even the o.dest man here, when clections in the United States will be ax debauched as cver they were in the worst days of the borough Parlia- mentary clections inthe mother land. Mr. President, there is the greatest danger—the danger is whether this country shall be governed with a view to the rights of every man, the poor man as well as the rich man; or whether the largest purse shall carry the elections and thus be a mere plutocracy instead of a democratic republic. That is the danger, and that danger, let ane tell my friend, exists far more in the North than in the South, Sir, if he wants to preserve the purity-of clectious, if he ‘wants to have this gov- ernment perpetuated as a system that can be honestly administered from the primary election to the signa- ture of a bill by the President of the United States, Jet him set his face and exercise his great ability in stopping the floodgates of corruption—that threatens to deluge the whole land and bring republican insti- tutions into utter ruin and disgrace. QUESTIONS OF IMPORTANCE, Mr. President, there is one thing that made me doubt a little as ‘to the propriety of this resolution— although, as I have said, 1 am going to Vote for it, and what the Senator from Maine has said has added to the great doubt which [entertained on that sub- jJect—and that is that I am not quite sure that there are nt persons who favor this kind of a resolution, and as much debate upon it as you can have, and as much investigation as you can have, in order to divert public attention trom the real questions which ought to engage the Congress of the United States. Questions of economy, questions of finance, questions of gov- ernment, are ail shoved aside that popular speeches may be made tending to excite one portion of the people against another aud to set their minds mad ; With passion instead of appealing to their cool and deliberate reason. Ido not charge the Senator from Maine with having got this up for the purpose of putting aside and throwing out of view that which should form the subject of our’ thoughts and of our legislation, but I fear that such may be, in some men's minds, one of the things to be desired by such a resolution. Mr. President, 1 have said much more than Iintended to say; indeed, I did not expect to speak ten minutes, butI have spoken twenty min- utes, and donot know but twenty-five. I beg par- don for having spoken so long and will take my seat. The Vicx Prestpent—=The question is on the amendment proposed by the Senator trom Ohio. Mr. Epmunps—Mr. President, Lam a good deal im- pressed with what the Senator trom Ohio hes said, particularly in respect tothe corrupt use of money und the attempt to use it to influence elections. Dis- closures thut are smd to have been opened and have been stated in the uewspapers during the last cam- paign undoubtedly should lead to an inquiry into that very dangerous practice, and I hope that his amendment will be sv enlarged as to cover all sub- jects of thut character. But what I rise to do now is to ask that his amendment may be printed and then to call tor the regular order, ‘ne Vick Puesipent—The order to print will be entered. Mr. BLaine—I do not desire’to detain the Senate, but I wish one word. The Honorable Senator trom Ohio has informed the country, and informed it with as much authority as any wan can speak, that prop- erty in the South will rule, Mr. Tacnman—I said no such thing. more of the South than I have said everywhere—that property, intelligence and education will rule. tv. BLaine—Kegardless of numbers? Mr. TuuRMAN—Oh, well, now, the + it regardless of numbers if he wishes. Mr. BLatyx—T understood the Senator. I was going to state himn correctly. Mr. ‘f'cuuman—The Senator cannot misrepresent me in regard to that. How will they rule? *Regard- less of mumbers'’—by unlawful means? No, sir. Does not the Senator influence a good many people in Maine to vole as he thinks? I said no ator can call Mr. Buainz—I should like to influence some in Ohio. (Laughter.) Mr. ‘Tuvaman—He failed this year. He does it every year, year in and year out, because he has In- telligeuce aid education and skill and property, That is the reason of it, and sv let me tell him that it he lived down South he would have a tail of niggers more lengthy than the clan any Highland chiet ever had in the Highlands—(aughter)—all by reason of his churacter, education and morals, MR, BLAINE AGAIN, Mr. BLarxe—I am equally sure that if the Senator from Ohio lived in the South he would not have til of negroes following him at all. (Langhter.) We should be just in contrast. But I wanted him to point this remark, The Senator qualifies, but still it stands out, and I take South Carolina, with 150,000 more colored men than white men, and the leader of the democratic party, based on ‘the rights of the people without regard to caste or color, without edu- cational teat or property qualitieation, as the deino- cratic doctrine has always beet announces here to us that property und ation’ will rule, aud when we assert that they have ruled by — vio- lence he telly us thet thers are important questions which we should consider and that Con- uress hag not time to waste upon that. The initial step in the organization of every legisiative body is to see that it is honestly filled by men honestly elected, and it I were permitted vy parliamentary Jaw to speak of the other branch of Congress I would say and declare here to-day that the democratic parcy does not hold rightful’ sway in that bod: holds it in the next House by traud wud which no mere dectaration against sectional agitation can ovel we are asked to abandon all sectional agitation, or asked, under the plea of zbundoning scetional agitation, to submit all the grave and great questions that affect property and Inuman right to a Congress that is based upon the tructon of human rights, and that lacks the warrant luid down by Jefferson of the right to gov- ern—it has not the consent of the governed, (Mani- festations of applause iu the galleries, which were checked by the Vice President.) The Vick Paextvent—The resolutions go to the calendar, The Senate resumes the consideration of its unfinished business. APEKCH OF MR. LAMAR. Mr. Laman (dei., of Miss.)—Mr. President, when these resolutions are prints «li realy for action, shall have something to say upon the question of their. adoption. Before the question passes off now Iwish to make one or two rumarks upon @ siagie point submitted by the Senator from Maine, Sir, it that that distinguished Senator should feel a mani- fext and deep interest in the affairs of the Soutne 8, . Tne people of that section have but recently undergone & vast chang cal, and it is reasonabie, is em proper, that one who bas’ ovcupied,s position at the present tine aud whe peruaps, will occupy & still more distinguished position in the future, should scrutinize with anxiotx solicitude the progress of that people to reconstruction and to their readjustment to (he healthy and normal con- ditions of our national lif Sir, had the Senator ¢ devised scheme ot public nfranchived race, Who have hed these exalted dutics impoxed upon then, without culture aad without evgn the trained intelligence ot practical experience to exercise their great dutics as free mon and citi- zens and the participants in the sovereignty of com- monwealtis, every one would have recognized the propriety aud the patriotism of such a move tor he would have gi to the peuple what they need and which would protect them from every evil e forward with some well nication to fit this newly which now alleges that they labor under, ‘There © other evils in that untry which might — call th the lofty and enlarged measures ot a patriot and of au American citizen. But Linust conress to some regret that a statesman Ko distinguished, in looking upon this re- coatly dislocated iiember ot this great Amertean inpite, instead of regarding it anxiously for those great i sts that afiect this great couniry through the long track of coming years, should so tren is whole yaze upon its simple attitude of party relationship; that nothing should have struck te gentleman except that particular partisan feature which affects the aseendaney of this political party or the other — organizations that are unknown to the constitution ana outside of the laws of this land, But, sir, the gentleman's re- inarks were directed ¢ With no intent whi usively to those parties and ever ty utter a bitter retort, cannot but feel the regret that one of six solute purpose, of such tenacious and such daring am- bition and such great abilities, should have #0 nar rowed his mind as “to give to party what wus ineaut for mankind.” Mi. BLAINE'S ARGUMENT ANALYZED. But, sir, what is the point at last of the gentleman's this morning ? It is remarkable that t sole omissions of & very signaticant ely Lit was directed simply to te suppression of the pression of the votes or 4 particular class of voters, sulfregene in the South, Mr, President, it. L under stood the contemporaneous debates of that day, the object of the amendment to which he re- fers, clothing the negro population with the right of suffrage, was to give them — pro- tion for the 5 which the fourteenth Now, sir, through the protracted remarks ot t gentleman to-day, he could not utter one word— could not, becauxe it would not have been the truth if he hui—that there was & rg a) of freedom or of citizenship belonging to v Tace of the ee South that was not ay secure and as well enjoved se that of the protdest and freest white man ioe laud, ‘There in another remarkable fact in this indictment of — the ae a is no pretence that ‘there ry yd menaco in her present attitude to any of the gree." torests of this country, not an imputation of thay character; for “solid,” "ag the phrase goes, as tt South may be, she stands in line with nearly # me jority of the American people upon every question, which is now discussed in this country or argue here in her council chamber, But, sir, to come to the direct point. ‘The Senator asserts that in conse- qttence of the suppression of the negro yote at the South by means that are illegitimate and irregular the South has a disproportionate power in this yon ernment. Sir, before this discussion is over I will sh: that no negro vote hax been suppressed in the South. Iwill demonstrate that this political phenomenon which is the subject of so much discussion and mis- representation is geebanqmanon that would occur in any treo society, Md that it hus been brought about by the agencies which intelligence and virtue sugacity gud other agencies of civilization always bring upon the classes that are ignorant and debased, But, sir, assuming all that the gentleman says to bo true, that there are in the House of Representatives 106 representatives of one party complexion, and elected by means that are not considered legitimate, let us sce where westand in this position. Now, sir, what interest of the North, what interest of this country is endangered by it? Sir, with a united vote of the South she stands a powerless section of this govern- ment. She is an impotent minority, unable pro- tect u single Southern right or to defend a oer Southern interest, But, says the gentleman, und the operations of these amendments, the South has representation not in proportion to the con- stituency which: is nted, and the States of South Carolina, Mississippi aud Alabama have twice as much power or more than that and twice the numbers as some of the Northwestern States which he mentioned. Mr. President, every member of that population entitled to yote ought to be counted, You have no right to draw the line between the black and ‘he white and assume that the black man, because he did not vote the republican, ticket is therefore a sup- pressed voter, ADJUSTMENT OF REPRESENTATION. But I call attention to this fact that, if we are to embark upon a system of legislation and political movements in order to adjust representation and political power in this government according to con- stituencics, the principle may operate further than the gentleman thinks. What is the population of the State of Muine? I believe 626,0000, It has been diminishing within the last twenty years. I cannot recollee but perhaps it ix 623,000. Take that of Vermont. Both solid as represented here, and yet the State of Maine has as much power in this govern- ment, with her 600,000 people, as the State of New York with her 5,000,000! I mean in this government; not in this Chamber. Gentlemen, correct me by saying, ‘In this Chamber.” No, sir! they have got the aflirmative power of legislation this day. Six hundred and twenty-five thousand men, women and children in Maine ‘are equal to five millions in the State of New York. That is not all. The whole of New England has not three and half millions of population; yet under the operation of the constitu- tion and laws of the land, of which I make no com- plaint and which are proper, these three and a balf uillions of population have six times as much power 4s sovereign Commonwealths that have five millions. They have as much power as twenty millions in the large Northwestern States that the gentleman called attention to. Sir, why is one man in these Kabtern States equal to twenty in the Northwest, except by virtue of the constitution—the constitution whic we are intending to abide by and maintain ? ADVICE TO NEW ENGLAND. But, as the gentleman has vouchsafed advice to Southern men on this floor and outside, in all spirit of fairness and cquity I will speak to the people of New England and tell them that, in my opinion, tho direst foe tiey have got on earth is the Representa- tive or Senator, whether from their own section or any other, that will kindle this fire, whose subterra- nean flame will liquify the very foundation on which these proud and free Commonwealths are now rearing their aspiring heads. Sir, the Senator is fishing in troubled waters upon this subject; and when you come to compare questions of this kind you will find that changes of a more radical and fundamental na- ture will be necessary in order to adjust representa- tion to numbers in this country. I will not now pro- ceed, sir, any further in my course of remarks. At anothcr time, when these questions come up, if they are to be discussed, I shall participate in the discus- sion. Mr. Epmunps, of Vermont—Mr. President, the point of the Senator from Mississippi appears to be that, it a Senator trom New England proposes to inquire whether the constitution has been violated in depriv- ing any part of the peuple of the States of their right to vote for members of Congress, &c., he thereby in- curs the danger of oversetting the constitution iteelf, hich says that the States of thix body shall be equal, and therefore I understand him to put it out as a warning that the people of New England, through their Senators and Representatives, huve no right to stend up for the constitution as it is in favor of an equal representa- tion by the people of the States in the other house, unless they run the risk of being exposed to the danger of haying their Senatorial representation overturned. That, then, is the question we are in- vited to consider and the peril that we expose our- selves to if we urmertake to inquire whether the con- stitution of thé United States hes been violated, In other words, the Representatives of the democratic / party of the South say to an inquiry into # violation ot the constitution, “If you dare to make such an inquiry you run the risk of overturning the repre- sentation of the States and reducing ourselves to @ state of servitude.” That is the proposition? Mr. Laman, of Mississippi—I hope the Senator will allow me to explain. Mr. Epmunbs, of Vermont—Certainly. Mr. Laman, of Mivsissippi—Or rather to protesé against the interpretation which he hus put upon my remarks. I made no such suggestion, It was simply in reply to the theory the Senator from Maine had broached that this investigation was justified in order that th Y he had disclosed of 100,000 white mén in the South having a political power and vote in this government equal to 300,000 somewhere else, that Isaid that the tendency of such an inquiry and any theory justified by such a resolution would lead to w further investigation and would condemn the policy and the system and the genius of the government upon which our American fabric rests. Me, Epmuxps—I am very glad to know, Mr. Presie dent, that the Senator did not mean what his re- marks appeared to indicate, and he has misunder- stood— Mr. Laman (interrupting)—I did not mean what the yeutleman has attempted to force my remarks into, but which he will never succeed in doing. Mr, Epmunps—The Senator is mistaken in that. I have not attempted to force the Senator's remarks into anything. ‘The record will show exactly what he hus said, und {think it will appear that Ihave not misstated the substance of what he has said. But the Sermtor has greatly mistaken, with his present explanation, the point of the Senator from Maine. The Senator trom Maine did not complain of the inequality of personages in one part of the Union or another; what he complained of was—supposing what he believes to be true turns out to be so on in- vestigation—that a small number of persons in the South, by Ey and outrageous violation of the con- utitution, have taken to themselves by that species of usurpation the power of a large number exercised under the constitution in a lawful way in the North- west. Is the Senator satisfied if that ms out to be true, or would he like to it? The Senator would, of course, like to r it. I must assume that he would. What, then, isthe use of saying that you are going to overturn the gov- crament if we undertake to find out whether the constitution has been grossly violated by # denial of oynul rights in respect of the eloctious to the popular | branch of the Congress of the United States? where is the necessity in such a case of holding out the terror and kindling the conflagration that the Senator referred to, in respect to Senatorial repre- sentation upon an inquiry of that kind? The La so ot New England, as far as 1 may speak for them, lieve in justice and in equal rights under the consti- | tution and according to it, just us the fathers and their successors have made it, and in the States (and I and am surprised to hear a Southern Senator assail the very foundation of State rights] there is, and there must be, political equality; that in respect of the people represented in the other branch of Con- grees there shall be fair equality of fair numbers, fairly and freely exercixing their rights, and not t ts of tyranny, and corruption, and fraud any- that wakes your government nothing more thing less, I'failed to see, then, Mr. President, » great danger that New England runs in under- taking to make an inquiry of this kind if the Senate agree to it. But {did not rise to enter into this dis- cussion at all, but only, now that we have had a fair expression of both sides, to ask for the regular order, Mr. LAMAR—Still, Mur. Prosident, I cannot accept the position which the Senator from Vermont assigns mec. He says that he is surprised to find a Southera Senator assailing the principle of State rights. He will never find ime in that position. Sir, I have been tie defender of that doctrine, but inasmuch as sur- pris sprung the whole country will be some- what astonished to find the doctrine of State wulvocated by the distinguished Senator from mont, Mr. Epmunps—I think not. I have always done it, Mr. Buaink—Mr. President, I wish to give notice Chat at the very earliest oppor nity that the business of the Senate will permit I shall ask a vote upon these resolutions, and I desire merely tu say that in the little colloquy between him and the Senator from Vermont I understand this to be about the residium, that if L moved an inquiry into the unconstitution: representation of Mississippi in the other house he will move one into the constitutional representation ot Maine in this branch. (Laughter) Mr. Laman, of Mississippi—That will do pretty well for wit and pretty well for the Senator's peculiar spo cies or perversion, but it will not do for the truth, for, sir, [ protested that I not only would move no such inquiry, but that 1 would oppose and fight ayainst any such purpose, No, sir, the doctrine T stated was that if there be the right of suffrage in- vaded any where or any constitutional rights infringed, upon it shall be maintained and enforced if necese sary by all the power of the government, ts of Vermont—Then we are all at ond. Mr, Laman--Exactly 80; but not upon the yround that we are to embark in a crusade by which States shall be deprivel of any of their powers because, under the operations of the constitution, either orige mal provisions or amendments, there may be an wie due oe of power in one State over another im this government, and I repeat the warnii thas, these gentlemen in throwing their net ‘tthe troubled sea may bring out tne vase like that whicl the fisherman in the Arabian Nights once broug! forth, from which, when the seal was broken, a demon ‘ere may arise Who may be stronger than those who de- li i from his restraint and turn around and destroy his deliverer, Mr. HpMUsvs—I do not know but he is here now, Now let us have the regular order, Mr, Laman—I suppose that very.witty remork wad ; ie