The New York Herald Newspaper, October 6, 1876, Page 6

Hy j | | | | 6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, pullished every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New York | Urnarp. - CHILADEL SIXTH 8! TH S' LONDON OFFICE OF THE N HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STI PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will ‘be received and forwarded on the: same terms os in New York. saiecesist HIA OF FICE—NO.112 SOUTH T. YORK sete REIL WE) ——— AMUSEME TO-NIGHT. CLOUDE. as ar. meee THEATSE. FIFTH AVE THEATRE, LIFE, at 89. M. Charles hlan, GRAND ¢ \ HOUSE. UNCLE TOM'S CABIN, at 8 1. Howard, BABA, at 8 P. M. ACADEMY OF MUSIC. BEMIRAMIDE. Mine. Palmieri, Mile. Helocce, BROOKLYN THPATRE. OATES ENGLISH UPEIA, at 8 P.M. GERMANIA THEATRE. BIN FALLISSEMENT, at 6 P.M. . THEATRE, WA FORBIDDEN FRUI RO’ TULLAMORF, at 8 1". STE. THOMAS’ GRAND CO! wi FLASH OF LIGHTN eure! Caseneuve, the Presti BOOTIES THEATRE, BARDANAPALUS, at8 P.M. Mr. Bangs and Mrs. Agnes Booth. er CHATEAU MABILLE, VARIETY, at 5 P.M. OLY THEATRE. VARIETY AND DRAM seM. COLUMBIA OPERA HOUSS VARIETY, at 80. M. THEATRE COMIQUE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M, THIRD AVENUE THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P.M. WS THEATRE, atinee at 2. M. THEATRE, TONY PA VARIETY, at 8 P.M. TIVO: VARIETY, at 8’. M. MURRAY'S GRAND CIRCUS, Afternoon and evening. PARISIAN VARIETIES, er. M. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS. ater. M. KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS, arsP.M, z AMERICAN INSTITUTE, ANNUAL FAIR =: ee te RIPLE SHE NEW YORK, FRIDAY. OCTOBER 6, 1876 “From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be warmer and cloudy, succeeded by rain. Warn Sraeer Yestanpay.—The stock mar- kot was excited and active. Stocks were generally higher, the rise ranging from 1-8 to 51-8 percent. Money on call was sup- plied at 3 and 2 per cent. Government bonds were active and railway bonds dull. Rorat Puxirs would suit us for Mayor, and if the democracy should nominate him they would certainly, for once, compel the assent of the whole people of the city. Frexcn Rapicats are not likely to let the world forget their existence. We are already informed that several members of the Assembly will move for a general amnesty to the Communist prisoners as soon as the Chambers meet. ° Mantinzz Campos has a task before him in Cuba differing from the exploit of head- Ing the band of soldiers who first proclaimed Alfonso, or even of helping to crush the Carlists. Fighting an enemy that can choose his own time to strike has disheartened men as stout as bold Campos before now. ‘Wave Hampton made a strange prophecy when he said that the whites will eventually tontrol the negro votes in a solid South, thereby governing the nation, and that there will arise a party in the North having for its pbject the disfranchisement of the negro and the weakening of Southern power. Hl ened | Iy Mornissrx and rien stand by one another firmly in tie issue on the formation ofa joint ticket and put the right sort of names on it, they may rally the support of the whole democracy and the public to thoir side, and compel Kelly to withdraw his can- didates. Canu Scuunz would be a poor prophet for his new party, indeed, and would give tho false impression that he had lowered his es- timate of himself, if he did not tell all comers that the republicans would surely carry Indiana and Ohio next Tuesday. Still, j what so able a mon has to say upon a sub- ject in which he is so deeply interested must be worth reading, and hence we commend to our readers an interview with the ex- | Benator which is published elsewhere. | Turkey anxp Srenvia are still dividing the connsels of Europe. The peace terms put | forward by Russia are agreat deal more than | the Porte can submit to without a heavier pressure than has yet been brought to bear. Among the latest rumors is one that | Russia desires Turkey to grant a six months’ armistice. It is safe to | say that if anything short of peace is made the end of any period set down for a sus- | pensidn of hostilities will only find Servia | stronger and more desirous for war. Russia's strong point is that the barbarities of the | Turks have made it possible for her to be | emphatio and yet appear territorially disin- terested. ee Vow Annim’s Acoxy is probably over at last; but the report of hig trial for high trea- son which reaches us by cable conveys a | very queer idea of the judicial machinery of the German Empire. If ye had not that sympathy for the fallen diplomatist which is | given tothe under dog in every unequal fight we would look on the description of the trial | we have received as the skeleton of a scene in an opéra bouffe, so truly farcical are the | tlements and with such high personages it deals. Count Arnim is personally safe, but we think Prince Bismarck has shown from | ‘the beginning of this quarrel how thorough | he is when he begins to stamp out a rival. Yet even his potentiality to injure has its | NEW YORK HER —2__—__ ALD, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1876.-TRIPLE SHEET The Presidential Canvass and New York. The vote of Ohio and Indiana next Tues- day makes the politicians of both parties extremely anxious. Neither side is sure of either State, though the republicans profess to be confident of carrying Ohio. In Indi- ana, it is said by those best informed, each party asserts its certainty of carrying the State, but privately admits that it is afraid its opponents will win. It appears, how- ever, from the best accounts, that the demo- have the better chance of carrying the and we wish to give a few words of advice to some of the democratic city ans, based upon the supposition that Indiana next Tuesday goes democratic. Of course if both Ohio and Indiana go one way the party which carries them will get a most important and probably decisive lift toward success. If, however, Ohio proves republican and Indiana democratic the can- yass will be as far, or nearly as far, from a decision as ever. In that case both parties will redouble their efforts everywhere, but especially in this State, which will then become the centre of tho political line, the scene of the most eager strife, the politi- cal battle ground where, as in Pennsylvania crat in other days, speakers, transparencies, processions, mass meetings, Roorbacks, repeaters and all the other political material of war will be at once gathered and let loose for an exciting month. New York will in fact be the keystone State of the campaign ; neither party can afford to lose it, and each will put forth its utmost.efforts. ‘The republicans will do their best to gather tlie vote of the rural districts ; the democrats must do their utmost in the cities, and mainly in our own metropolis, which is the democratic stronghold, and on whose solid and harmonious vote that party must de- pend if it means to carry the State. Whatever interest the Hxnarp may take in the result of the Presidential election, it has alsoa very lively interest in the affairs of this city, which ought to be well governed, and as itisin the hands of the democrats wo want them to choose a good ruler for it. Now the city democracy is largely led and controlled by three men—Mr. Kelly, Mr. Morrissey and Mr. O'Brien. These political rivals have sometimes been at swords’ points. They are foolishly jealous of each other ; each aspires to the supremo cdhtrol ; and they find it, we hear, very difficult to reconcile their differences, But they must have sense enough to know that at a time like this their bickerings and jealousies may become a serious source of danger to their party. They must see, if they will reflect, that their own future is bound up with that of their party, and that, in fact, the best security they can have for the various fat offices which they would like to hold or to give away to their friends lies necessarily in the election of a democratic President. Mr. Kelly may in his heart dislike Mr. Tilden, as a man who likes to have his own way almost as much as Mr, Kelly does; but Mr. Kelly, as a practical politician, must see that he will be much more comfortable and influential in New York if Mr. Tilden is in the White House. And the same is true of Messrs. Morrissey and O’Brien. If they or any of them, by cbstinate disagreement, cause the loss of New York to the democratic party in tho contingency have supposed they will suffer by it as severely as anybody else. Their misconduct will not be forgotten or forgiven. % The three democratic magnates are at present trying to agree, or, perhaps, not to agree, upon a candidate for Mayor. A mill- ion of people are interested with them in this question of who shall be Mayor, and yet each of them treats it as .though it was his own sole concern, and demands the nomina- tion of ‘‘my candidate,” as though he carried the city of New York about with him in his breeches pocket. Mr. Kelly's ‘‘my candi- date,” for instance, is Mr. Augustus Sehell. Mr. Schell is a worthy, spectacled, honest old gentleman, an eminent member of the swallow-tail faction. He might make a good Mayor if we wanted only another orna- mental figurehead. The difficulty about Mr. Schell is that if he were Mayor he would be only a tool of Mr. Kelly, as Mayor Wick- ham has been. We aro tired of having Mr. Kelly supply the city with Mayors ready made, so to speak. Mr. Kelly's modesty is no doubt better satisfied with being the power behind the throne.than the throne it- self; else, like Mr. Green, he would try to make everybody nominate him. We should like to see Mr. Keily for once give up that little peculiarity which distinguishes him— the eccentricity of always and forever want- ing to have his own way. We have no doubt he wishes well to New York; he would like to see the city prosper; it would please him to see nsall happy and contented. The mis- chief with him is that he will not let us be happy or prosperous or contented under any rule but his. He regarda the great city of New York as his private property, and any one who attempts to interfere in the manage- ment of its affairs as no better than an inter- loper. What is required now is that he, as well as Messrs. Morrissey and O'Brien, shall for @ space give up their own sweet | wills, lay aside their pets and combine on | somebody for Mayor who will command the confidence and the votes of the citizens, We do not want Mr. Kelly’s Mayor, nor ‘Mr. Morrissey's Mayor, nor Mr. O'Brien's Mayor ‘this time; we want a man nominated who shall have knowledge, will and power to be New York's Mayor. And to save them the trouble of looking about for such a man we here suggest several names for thgir and the people's consideration. First and foremost our favorite candidate for the Mayoralty is Mr. John T. Agnew. He is, as everybody | knows, an able, honest, fearless, indepen- dent man; in every way capable of serving the city as it needs to be served; with a strong will, ample knowledge of what New York needs and great admintstrative power, He is a democrat, too, and his only fault, even in Mr, Kelly's judgment, would be that he is not Mr. Kelly's Mayor. In the present party exigency this ought not to disqualify him. Next we name Mr. Royal Phelps, though we doubt whether he would consent to accept the labors and responsibilities of the place. If limite—something that, no doubt, gratifies the sick man at Ouchy. he would, no one in New York doubts his capacity or the benefit his rule would con- | | portunity for | hoofs at whirlwind pace toward the winning fer on the city, Then there is Mr. John Grenville Kane, a gentleman who is thor- oughly familiar with the city’s needs, who has had training in the city’s business and who would make an admirable Mayor. Finally, we name for the consideration of Messrs. Kelly, Morrissey and O’Brien, Judge Brady. Of his ability no one pre- tends to doubt, and his nomination would not only secure the Irish support, but, being a great favorite among the Germans, he would capture that famous German vote about which so much is written in these days. Here are good men to choose from; only we advise the democratic chieftains not to waste time in further bickerings.° There is no time for them to lose. Mr. Kelly may not expect much of Mr. Tilden as President, but he cannot afford to defeat Mr. Tilden, If he insists on having his own way he may bring a general disaster upon his party, and that would undoubtedly put an end to Mr. Kelly.. There is so little time to waste, and the agreement of these city magnates is so important to his own success, that we advise Governor Tilden to try to reconcile the con- flicting powers. He has the reputation of being an adroit and successful manager of men; ho prides himself upon his art as a peacemaker; here is an _ op- its exercise in o man- ner which will redound not only to the city’s good, but his own. If, by his interposition, the next week should see a thorough and hearty reconciliation between Messrs. Kelly, Morrissey and O'Brien ; if the Governor could persuade Mr. Kelly for once to surrender his own wishes to the general interest, and submit to follow instead of leading, not only may New York get a good and capable Mayor, ‘but the democratic chances in November may be greatly im- proved. It docs not need any elaborate demonstration to show the democratic lead- ers that they cannot afford to lose or to hazard New York. It is, as we have shown, the real keystone State of the campaign ; it is, as everybody knows, an uncertain State ; even Governor Tilden’s well known man- agement did not secure the expected results last year; and he should not now rest until the warring factions in this city are recon- ciled, until harmony is restored and the city nominations are settled in such manner that the democratic candidates shall command general confidence and shall be sure of the hearty and full support of all three of the city chieftains. It is probable that the Gov- ernor’s intervention may do good in a dis- pute where the offices of a mutual friend are needed, and where he, as the head of his party in the country, can interfere with the voice of authority and without being sus- pected of favoring any one of the rivals at the expense of the others. The American Jockey Club. The history of the American Jockey Club is in the best sense the history of horse racing in this country during the last ten years. When in September, 1866, the gen- tlemen who founded the club mado their first venture on the beautiful grounds in the now annexed portion of Westchester county there was little of the life of the turf which commanded respect in America. The war had torn down the fortunes of the patrons of sport at the South, and the solid men of the North had been too busy making money to fix their attention on the breeding of blooded animals. In a country which boasted of men of wealth, a country returned to the ways of peace, it could not long be that this noble sport would be neglected or allowed to remain in ignoble hands. The founders of the American Jockey Club, with Mr. Leonard W. Jerome at their head, therefore stepped in at the right moment to succeed in their undertaking. Grounds, well known, by name at least, throughout the entire Union and the route to which traversed the most beautifal parts of the island, had been secured ; the member roll rapidly embraced all the best names in New York society, and suits of colors were recorded from racing stables all over the country. From the first day of the first meeting the undertaking was success- ful. Soon the effects of the establishment of the club were felt wherever a running race was contested. The loose practices which disgrace the turf wherever the sporting harpies are not sternly held at arm’s length disappeared ; the just and stringent rules of the American Jockey Club became the codeof every meeting which pretended to honest racing, and the gates were thrown wide open for men of honor who out of their wealth and leisure felt inclined to own and run the horse, that paragon of quadrupeds, in his perfect form. Thisis indeed .a great deal to have accomplished in a short time, and no less is the debt which the American sport-loving public owes to the founders of the Jockey Club. Of everything which the Jockey Club has enforced in regard to racing, Jerome Park and its management have been the model. Elsewhere is told at length the story of the club, while a fine map of the course and grounds gives our readers a bird's-eye view of them. The fall meeting at present in progress there gives our citizens an ample chance for enjoying its beauties and its pleasures. If there is one crit- icism to be made on tho management it is that the meetings are spread over three weeks instead of being concentrated in one solid week of racing. The effect of this dilution of the interest is found in the occasional slimness of the attendance on certain days. This isa great horse festival for the citizens of New York and its en- virons, and we feel gprtain that the manage- ment would find their account whilo in- creasing tenfold the popular enthusiasm in their work by giving one racing week, with races every day, instead of awakening ® spasm of excitement for three days at most of tho meeting, which dies away almost to zero in the intervals. A full field of horses of the purest breed, with their silken coats and the bright vests of their riders flashing in the sunlight as they sweep with flying post, is a sight for the olden gods or their great successors, a civilized people, to rejoice in, Let it, therefore, be given to New York, at the seasons of the green and the gold of the leaf, in such swift succession that not a day shall intervene from the first falling of the starters flag to the last decision of the judges without its list of racos, Let it bea carnival of the turf—all gala days and no off days—while it lasts. Then the gallant sport which invokes the glories of the shining sun and the pure free air, the perfection of ani- mal form, where beauty and speed are knit as one, will be appreciated by the million instead of the ten thousand. Mr. O’Conor’s Address to the Repub lican Electors of the State. The friends and admirers of this great jurist will rejoice at the evidence they will find, on another page of to-day’s Hrnap, that the illness which caused them so much anxiety a few months since has not impaired the vigor of his faculties, nor abated the force of his aggressive courage, nor blunted the incisive sharpness of his style. He con- tinues to write with masculine strength, clearness, condensation and the touches of withering sarcasm which marked his pro- duciions at the age of fifty. The only per- sons who wil] not be pleased to see that he is in fall possession of his unrivalled powers are those whom he scourges with relentless severity in this remarkable address, which will make a sensation in legal and political circles throughout the State. Its primary purpose is to expose Mr. Dan- forth, the republican candidate for Judge of the Court of Appeals, and warn his party against a man who does not deserve a seat on the bench of our highest tribunal. But it is also an arraignment of the Court of Ap- peals itself as false to its great trust and the protection of thieves. The charges against the integrity of that bench, which Mr. O’Conor insinuated on a former occasion, are now boldiy made, His only ground of as- sault on Mr. Danforth is the fact that he has defended the decisions and eulogized tho character of the Court of Appeals. Mr. O’Conor thinks he ought not to be elected, because he would be a judgo of like char- acter with the other members of the Court. His thrusts are really aimed at the Court of Appeals itself through the sides of Mr. Danforth. When our highest court of jus- tice is thus assailed by the most emi- nent member of the Bar of the State the people will look with wonder and anxiety on so strange a spectacle. It would not be- come us to express any opinion of the justice of Mr. O’Conor’s accusations, There will, of course, be warm replies by the judges or their friends, and it is to be hoped for the good reputation of the State that Mr. O'Conor has treated the Court with undue severity. Mr. O'Conor thinks that the decision of the Appeal judges in the Ring suits deserves nothing but scorn. ‘They were palpably erroneous,” he says, ‘‘in point of law, and the reasons assigned in support of them were, of course, exceedingly feeble.” He says, ‘Doubts naturally arose whether the decisions had not originated in something else than mere error of judgment.” He throws doubts on the integrity of the Court by stating that ‘two of the judges had been greatly aided in the canvass for their seats by election returns which were false upon their face and which came from districts notoriously under the control and management of Tweed.” He asserts it to be a fact that ‘“‘two other judges were nearly related and wero friends and intimates of a similar set of notorious official delinquents.” “Thus o majority of the highest judicial tribunal was found to occupy rather close relations with two powerful sets of official corruptionists.” ‘‘In a tribunal thus con- stituted there seemed to be enthroned over justice and the law, with capacity to sub- vert both, a judicial oligarchy. And there was a perceptible tendency to use that power as ashield for the immunity of peculators.” In relation to the habeas corpus decision which led to Tweed's release from Blackwell’s Island Mr. O’Conor says :—‘I_ will simply state, at my peril in the estimation of jurists present and fu- ture, that if any lawyer with ordinary professional attainments, after perusing the opinion with Browne’s comment on it and the authorities referred to in both, shall ever pronounce that decision sound, it will bea compliment to him to say that he is unfair. Wilful wrongdoing may be repented of, atoned for and forgiven; but for absolute stupidity there is neither hope nor rem- edy.” Mr. O'Conor tells the republican voters of the State that ‘‘Mr. Danforth, if elected, will doubtless be very acceptable to his fellow judges, and will be an administrator yith them of such jtistice against peculators as is now there in fashion.” ‘Until he eulogized the Tweed decision his fitness for public station had not been perceptible to any of the political managers.” His nomination for Attorney General last year and for the Court of Appeals now ‘‘had their origin in a desire to procure for official delinquents the bene- fit of such law and such justice as are dis- cernible in that decision; or, in other words, to perpetuate tho oligarchy which is the pec- ulators’ shield.” If the character of our Court of Appeals be such as Mr. O'Conor portrays it it ought to be abolished with the least delay con- sistent with going through the forms of amending the State constitution. We would fain believe that Mf, O’Conor is blinded by his impetuous zeal against official thieves, It is impossible that this ruthless assault on the Court of Appeals should remain un- answered. Whether Mr. Danforth is elected or defeated seems 4 small matter if the char- acter of the whole Court be such as Mr. O’Conor asserts. Unless his charges can be refuted to the satisfaction of fair-minded law- yers that tribunal onght to be destroyed, root and branch. Tux Tickers von Mayorn.—John Kelly has given his opinion of the way in which the union should be effected between the two parts of the city democracy, and it is a very good one. and anti-Tammany to make its ticket, each separately ; then committees of conference are to meet, and out of these two tickets majto one ticket which the united democracy can support. This will. make it possible for the anti-Tammany men to do a great public service by putting on their ticket as a candidate for Mayor the right sort of man, On the Tammany ticket there will, of course, be one of Kelly's candidates, and against such a ticket the anti-Temmany men may hold out and insist upon the aéceptance of sunnort of the publia. Unworthy Nominations. The air is filled with rumors to the effect that some of those who are most active in bringing together Tammany and anti- Tammany have in view the elevation of incompetent persons to the Bench. The accomplishment of such a purpose, if it exists, must be defeated. It can be done if the people have the will to do it. The people are superior to the politicians, and our political managers must be taught that the giving away of such places as Surro- gate to unworthy and incompetent men can only bring disaster. Improper nominations are often condemned by the popular will, as in the case where Miles O'Reilly was op- posed to the regular Tammany candidate years ago, and as in the municipal election last year, when the whole Tammany ticket was beaten. Already on two occasions have the people defeated the attempt of the poli- ticians to place an incompetent police magis- trate in our highest courts, and we are con- vinced that they will continue to condemn unworthy nominations, The office of Surrogate is one of the most important in the gift of the people of this city. Itis not only judicial in its character, but a judicial office in which the incumbent is at once the judge and the jury. The Sur- rogate daily hears and determines cases in- volving thousands and often millions of dollars. The most delicate questions of law and of fact come before and are determined by him. In such an officer honesty is an important quality; but it is not more im- portant than sound judgment and legal learning. The Surrogate ought to be a good lawyer, capable of filling the highest posi- tions on the Bench. We are afraid our people have been overlooking these things in the selection of candidates for the place, and have failed to regard the position as what it is—a judicial office of the highest consequence. If this had not been the case the politicians would not dare to offer their incompetent and improper candidates for the place. The importance of the office, too, has been kept out of sight for the very pur- pose of making it a place to be filled by in- competent persons. The Mayoralty is scarcely so important, and the people of New York cannot afford to give all their attention to the nominations for Mayor, while none is paid to the selection of can- didates for an office the incumbent of which has in his keeping the interests and dearest rights ef every family. Kill Eagle’s Story. Wo publish in another column the story told by Kill Eagle, an Indian chief who was present with a number of his young men in Sitting Bull’s camp at the time of the Custer fight. He denies having taken part in the battle; but that, probably, is due to a fear of possible consequences. In its chief points this Indian’s story does not differ very ma- terially from the account given by the white soldiers, but it sets at rest the rumors that Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse lost their lives in the encounter. The picture of life in Sitting Bull's camp and the authoritative description of that now celebrated chief will be read with interest. There is a touch of comic pathos in Kill Eagle’s story of his treatment by his brother Indians. He bore with great equanimity reproaches, blows and wounds; but the height of indignity was put upon his head when the Indian warriors deprived him of the savory dish of ‘‘dog,” which his devoted daughter was pre- paring to appease his hunger. Here the “one touch of nature, which makes the whole world kin,” shows us that the red man, like his white brother, is most sensible to those wrongs which affect his stomach. Woodward's Capture. The arrest of Elbert A. Woodward, one of the principal actors in the Tammany Ring robberies, will give an additional interest to the return of Tweed. The head of the con- spiracy will be astonished to learn, when he reaches New York, that his most trusted agent is already in jail awaiting trial for his crimes. Woodward, no doubt, knows every fact connected with the details of the frauds and forgeries committed by Tweed and his associates, and should he make a con- fession, os he intimates in his inter- view with our Chicago correspondent he is very likely to do, the conviction of Tweed on the grave criminal indictments still hanging over his head may be an easy matter. The business of Woodward was to present the fraudulent warrants at the bank, to certify to the correctn@ss of the forged in- dorsements and to divide the proceeds among the conspirators. It be remem- bered that a certain percentage of the plun- der was never satisfactorily traced to its re- ceivers, and probably we may now learn exactly where this amount was plaeed. All sorts of rumors have been afloat in regard to its destination, many of which are now revived, and it is alleged that much conster- nation has been occasioned in certain quar- ters by the intelligence of Woodward's ar- rest, It is to be hoped that the captured agent may make a clean breast and tell all he knows. The people would like to get at the bottom facts of the Tammany robberies, and o full confession is Woodward's only chance for a lenient sentence, Opportunity or THE AxtI-Tammaxy Mey, — The plan of the Tammany democrats in surrendering to John Kelly and permijting him to namo their candidates puts it in the power of the other part of the democracy toname the Mayor and other city officers; for if they proceed wisely and choose well the Tammany democrats themselves will prefer tho anti-Tammany ticket to a 0-called Tammany tickes filled only with the names of John Kelly's candidates, Gexznat Newros is still the recipient of compliments on paper from our admiring ‘Tammany is to make its ticket¢ merchants, Aldermen and men of science We like the recognition of pationt skill and fidelity to duty which all these preambles and resolutions imply, but we wish they | came to the General on more durable mate- rial. Joux Grexvittr Kaxz would make the sort of Mayor the people want. Let the domo. cratic ticket makers take notice that they must present as good a name as this or be beaten, Tar Great Mr which is being tunnelled of the time taken for the first work. dredging of*the débris of rock from the lat Hallett’s Point Reef wiil be commenced very shortly. that the rock can be hollowed out in a ‘th T "residential Speculations, Suppose all the Southern States cast thei electoral vote for Mr. Tilden—bhe would then have the following vote to begin wit! Missisaippt 8 Marylan Lousian 8 Virginia, 1 Kontucky. Teonesace. 12 Missouri ty Arkansas, Texas. South In all 138 votes, and 47 less than the aum- ber required to elect. Suppose the following States cast theia electoral vote for Mr. Hayes—he would then have these to begin with:— Ohio......+ Pennsylvani Rhode Islana. Vermo: In all 147 votes, 9 more than Governor Tilden and 38 less than the number roquijed to elect. There would in that case remain the folk lowing States, from whose electoral vo! each party would seek enough for a In all 84 electoral votes. But from Mr. Tilden’s Southern vote we may reasonably deduct North Carolina 10, which the re- publicans may fairly hope to win, and which would give Mr. Hayes 157 votes. To Mr. Tilden, on the other hand, we may reason- ably add Wisconsin, 10; California, 6; Ore- gon, 3; in all 19 votes, giving him 147 votes, . There would remain in this count Indiana, 15; Connecticut, 6; New Jersey, 9, and New York, 35. Of these, to win, Mr. Tilden would have to carry both New York and In- diana, or New York, Connecticut and New, Jersey. Mr. Hayes could get on with either New York and New Jersey or Connecticut. We have in the above estimate given the republicans Ohio. If they should lose that State, but carry North Caroe -lina, as we have supposed, Hayes would have but 135 votes; and as losing Ohio would suppose also losing Indiana, he would have to come East for 42 votes, which means that, to win, he must in that case carry Now York, Connecticut and New Jersey or fail of an election. On-these calculations, which are not fanci- ful, it becomes evident that the democrata must make very strenuous exertions to carry both Ohio and Indiana. If they lose both theso States they are in great danger of losing the election. If they can carry both they will’ very seriously em- barrass their opponents. The republicans, on the other hand, must evidently concen- trate their efforts on New York, New Jersey and Ohio, If they scatter them- selves over the South they will waste strength without a hope of counterbal- ancing gains. If they use measnres of doubtful constitutionality, such as sending troops into the South to carry those States, they will certainly weaken themselves in Northern States which are necessary to them. They can afford to lose the whole South, except North Carolina, and yet have a reasonable chance to carry the election. They might probably carry both South Caro- lina and Louisiana for Hayes if they had the courage to separate the national from the State and local tickets and openly cut adrift from Chamberlain and Packard. After all, however, the result of the elec tion appears to depend on the votes of New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, as we long ago pointed out. Thesa States, or Now Jersey and New York, will decide the contest. We may expect, therefore, after next Tuesday, to see both parties begin the most. active campaign on record in these three States. ‘The republicans, at present, ; are not discouraged about New York. They are confident that it will not be carried by Mr. Tilden. They need all the confidence they now feel. The New Cab Company and the Old Proprietors. We publish elsewhero a communication from one of the subscribers to the new cheap cab enterprise, in which it is insisted that the present cab proprietors will not be ine jured, but, on the ‘contrary, will be bene- fited by the establishment of the proposed joint stock company, inasmuch as they will be compelled to reduce their rates of fare to the company’s rates,and will, in consequence, do business enough to realize a larger profit than they make under the existing system, The writer of the communication seems to forget that the hacks now in use are for the most part more expensive vehicles than those proposed to be put into service by the new company, and that a small proprietor, own- ing from one to half'a dozen hacks, even if not burdened with debt, cannot contend successfully with a rich corporation having a large cash capital and paying ready money for its vehicles, horses, feed, &e. The pres- ent proprietors in such a competition must go to the wall, and the company will not be long in existence before it becomes practi. cally a monopoly. The Hrnaxp favors now, as it has formerly urged, the proposed en- terprise. Individual interests should not be allowed to stand in the way of the publio good, anda reasonable rate of cab fare is certainly needed in New York and will be of great convenience to the residents and to those who visit the metropolis, What we propose is that the present hack proprietors, large and small, shall be aftorded an oppor- tunity to become interested in the new en- terpriso on favorable terms, so that instead of being thrown out of employment and ruined, which they are certain to be if forced into competition with a rich company, they may be ennbled to remain’ in the business they have so long pursued. Let them be- come partners in the enterprise and give if the advantage of their experience, The public will not be injured, the company will * be benefited and a number of industrious and for the most part civil and obliging men will be saved from the loss of their business, which thay cannot hope to keep alive when thrown into competition with a powerful the man they name, They will have the | under Flood Rock at Hell Gate will be nearly | combination, backed by half a million dol- three times the extant of thet blown nv at | lars canitel Hallett’s Point, but so progressive is science” 4 ! ‘ \. \ 4 \ Y v : ’ ’ \ ‘ a ' ‘