The New York Herald Newspaper, July 15, 1876, Page 4

{ + i J 4 NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, pnblished every in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly ed. Rejected communications will not be re- burned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO, 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVE} DE L'OPE Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. — VOLUME XLI-. ANUSEHENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND. KVENING. GILMORE’S GARDEN. GRAND CONCERT, at 51’. M. or McDONALD'S INDIANS, ats P. M. #0) WEPT OF THE W1 woop's NECK AND NECK, at S KELLY & Li M. Magineo at 2P. M, eteP.M. TONY P. VARIETY, ats P.M. ts this morning the pr are that the weather to-day will be slightly cooler, with areas of rain. During the summer months the Henanp till be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Noricr to Country Newspzarers.—For prompt and regular delivery of the Hunan by fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Watt Srrezr Yesrznpay.—Stocks were weak at the close and the market dull. The principal dealings were in Lake Shore and Western Union. Gold opened at 1113-8 and closed at 1111-2. Government and rail-- we, bonds were firm, and investment shares ste’ily. Money on call, 2 and 2 1-2 per cent. Sirtrne Burs is out of ammunition. Here isafine chance for Orville Grant and the other Indian traders to supply him. A Hixt.—How would it do for Senator /Sonkling to come home and go into the can- **vass for Governor as the republican candi- date? If beaten he could still hold his seat in the Senate. He could show his critics in Cincinnati his real strength in New York. Srovx Crvmization.—Sitting Bull is said to be profoundly gratified with the reports of the Hamburg riot. It shows that Sioux civil’ ization and Sioux tactics are spreading. Sitting Bull thinks all the prisoners, and not only four, should have been shot ; but still he is not exacting. He knows it requires time to educate acommunity upto the Sioux standard. Tae Homuaations or Puniic Lirs.—The examination of Robeson by the House com- mittee as to how much money he was worth | when he entered Grant's Cabinet is one of | the humiliations that attend public life in this country. In time no gentleman will go Into office. News ror Taxpayers.—We are not sur- prised to learn that Sitting Bull, Rain-in- the-Face and the other heroes of the Yellow- stone massacre propose to come into the agencies and buy guns and powder and blankets. The taxpayers of the country will be glad to learn from Lieutenant Carland that the command of Sitting Bull had been freshly supplied by the Indian Agency, and that his blankets were new and marked “U. S. Indian Department.” Fam Pray Aut Arouxn.—The Times tharges that Scott Lord, a democratic mem- ber of the House, suppresses a report exon- erating Mr. Hays, of Alabama, in order that the uncertainty and delay may defeat the nomination of Mr. Hays. We should regard this as an incredible story if the Times had not printed it. The chivalrous manner in which the republicans of the House stood by Speaker Kerr should inspire the demo- crats to fair play. Mr. Lord should not al- low the impression to grow into shape that he is a party to an, d of foul play. “Tue Frowrer or THe Anmy 18 Gone aT Last."—There is a pathos in the letter of Lieutenant Carland, of the Seventh cavalry, which we printed yesterday. ‘I was stand- ing by General Custer,” he writes, “when General Terry came up, and as he looked down upon the noble General the tears coursed down his face as he said:—‘‘The Gower of the army is gone at last.” This picture would make an appropriate bas- relief upon the proposed Custer monument. Tux Governorsuir.—The Times and the Tribune warn Senator Conkling and his friends out of the canvass for Governor. The Tribune mentions names and wants Evarts. The Times is not personal, but its meaning is clear. It would Whether Evarts will care to be a Hayes ttrengthening plaster is a question. An- other question is, ‘Has Senator Conklin any standing with the republican party? Is it not just possible that the canvass will have some use for Mr. Conkling? And if the Senator and his friends are not to be al- lowed in the party how much majority will | Wew York give Tilden? A Supscnirtion rrom Lawnence Barnetr.— We have received an eloquent and manly letter, which we elsewhere print, from Law- rence Barrett, the distinguished trage2ian, enclosing a subscription of *two hundred and fifty dollars tor a monument to Custer and his men, and proposing to play at one of our theatres tor the benefit of the fund. This is a good suggestion, and pne that does credit to the heart and head of Mr. Barrett. There is no office the trage- dian more gladly performs than that which makes him the representative of valor, duty and self-denial. ‘Lhe suggestion of this fine actor, that the profession should unite in doing honor to one whose life and death were embodiments of valor, duty and self- denial, is worthy of all praise. —. like Evarts. | NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JULY 15, 1876. The President and Personal Govern- ment. We printed yesterday morning a long and instructive despatch from Washington giv- ing the President's side of the recent remov- als. The fact that the country so rarely hears the Presidential side of a story arises from General Grant's singular habits of hav- ing no relations with the people. His theory is that newspapers are venal and deceptive. He has an Oriental notion that the people should take for granted that whatever he does is right, let the newspapers print what they will. The consequence is that many things which the President does, and | which have brought upon his administra- tion unpopularity, are misunderstood. The President wraps himself up in stolid, slug- gish indifference. He has a plunder-gorged Senate and is content. It was once his pride that he would have no policy opposed to the will of the people. Yet we have never had a President who showed as little regard for the will of the people. We have never had a President who removed officers of the Cabinet, chiefs of important bureaus, officers of the law, like Dyer, without deigning a word of explanation. When the personal government policy was introduced into the administration by Andrew Jackson he went to the trouble of changing his whole Cabinet so as to remove one or two members who were not agreeable to him, This was his deference to public opinion. When Mr. Buchanan wished to carry through the Lecompton legislation he re- moved postmasters and minor officers. Al- though the action of Jackson was a violation of the principles of true government, and although the protests against Buchanan’s proscription ruined his administration, in each case there were party reasons for the President's action. But no such reasons exist now. The men whom the President has removed stand high in the party confi- dence. Mr. Bristow was the choice of some of the best men in the republican party for the Presidency. Mr. Pratt had been a Sen- ator from Indiana, Mr. Jewell had been Governor of Connecticut and also a candi- date for the Presidency. There is not one of these men who will oppose Hayes and Wheeler. There is not one who is not as good a republican as the President himself and as much entitled to the confidence and recognition of the party. Our Washington correspondent gives us what the friends of the President deem to be his reasons for this strange course. The President has discovered that he is the vic- tim of a conspiracy. He is ‘profoundly convinced that he was for a considerable time the victim of treachery in the Cabinet." Bristow, he has discovered, used the whiskey prosecutions to throw odium on him, and, while serving as his Secretary of the Treas- ury, was inspiring attacks upon him in the press. No explanation is given about Mr. Jewell, although he, too, has probably shown a “disloyal” feeling, for the President is re- puted as saying, ‘I think I may as well have frignds in office under me as enemies, and Iam determined not to be guided by | what Senators and Representatives may say, but shall decide in these matters for my- self.” He throws out a challenge to Bristow to do his worst, in his letter printed yester- day, requesting that gentleman or any other member of his Cabinet to go before the | House and tell all he knows. This is a bold and an intelligent defiance, and will put not only Bristow but Jewell in an awkward position. Each of these gentlemen has gone before a committee of the House and de- clined to answer questions on the ground that Cabinet relations were confidential and they could not speak. Tho President promptly releases them from this obligation, and they can+ unburden themselves at leisure. As the issue now stands the President is in an attitude of defiance. If it is true that there has been treachery in the Cabinet, that gentlemen bound to him in the most intimate and solemn relation that can exist in public life were guilty of treachery, then no man of honor will for a moment question his acts. But how do we know that this is true? If men, trusted like Bristow and Jewell, are really conspirators against the President the party should know it. There could be no graver political crim , and the | President has no right to shield those guilty | of it from party condemnation, to allow them to retire with honor from his Cabinet, to enter future cabinets, perhaps, and betray future administrations. If the President has discovered treachery on the part of his chief counsellors he wrongs no one more than himself by shielding them. The Pres- ident isthe last man to be afraid of the people. The citizens of the Republic would much rather think well than ill of General Grant. what he could do if the safety required. We all know that, long after these hours of passion and par- tisanship are passed, his be one of the trophies of our history. | The President could at once rally the coun- letters he knows so well how to write. He has but to say, ‘Gentlemen of the repub- lican party, I froze Bristow out of the Cab- inet for treachery. I dismissed Jewell for sharing in that treachery. I removed Pratt and Dyer and the rest as minor actors in the | conspiracy.” If this is trae the President should say it and satisfy the country; but he says nothing. On the other hand, the impression goes to the country, and grows stronger from day to day, that the President is avenging the | wrongs of Belknap, Harrington, Babcock, Shepherd and other unfortunate and tainted friends. We shail not dishonor the Presi- dent and the country by supposing this to be true. But how can people think other- wise, living as we do under a personal gov- | ernment which tells us nothing? If this | were a free, frank democracy, where the nation was admitted into the confidence of its rulers—where all was open as the sun- | shine—if this were really a republic, there would be none of these anxieties, none of this impatient criticism of a man whom } we all at one time delighted to honor, and would be proud to honor again. We see in the attitude of the President and the Senate the worst of Cwsarism. ‘The President asks into his Cabinet a leading republican like Mr. Jewell and suddenly throws him out. ‘There is not features We all know what he has done— | public | name will | try to him by one of those plain, simple | 8 Senator to rise and ask, in the name of the republican organization, ‘‘What has a repub- lican as honored as Mr, Jewell done that he should be subjected to a gross indignity?” The Senate quietly confirms Tyner. Jewell takes his kicking without a murmur and Grant goes along in his work. He says he will have ‘none but friends about him.” The party is nothing, the administration is nothing, the public service is nothing, the self-respect of eminent republicans is noth- ing—all that is to be considered is the Presi- dent’s own inscrutable will. This is not republican, and it pains every patriot to see it under a republican form of government. | It shows that there is no power higher than the will of the President—that our govern- ment has fallen into much the same position as Abdul-Aziz and his eunuchs before the recent Turkish revolution, who did as they pleased, ignored the people, and gave their lives to buying parrots and tigers and playing with the marionettes. It is against this anti-republican adminis tration that the anger of the country is slowly rising. It is well enough to say that Hayes is not responsible for Grant's acts ; that Hayes took pains to ignore Grant in his letter; that the canvass should have no relation to the administration. The country will not think so when it sees Cameron, Conkling, Morton and the chiefs of the party surrounding the President and sus- taining him in his arrogant assumption of power. The country will say, and truly, What confidence can we have in a party whose leaders have no more influence over the President than harem eunuchs over a Sultan? They see that the President has laden these Senators with honors, given them a large share of patronage, and because of this they are dumb. All this time the fair canvass of Hayes and Wheeler darkens. Mntteiings are heard on allsides. The mass meeting in New York was conspicuous for the absence of the men who give strength to republicanism in this city. The country shows a profound dissatisfaction, not with Grant alone, but with the republican party, and more especially with the Senate. It is well enough for Grant to treat the party asa sucked orange, but why should the republican leaders permit it? That is the astonishing question. If the Senate were to say ‘‘check” to Grant to-morrow, his game of Cesarism would stop. But no one has the courage to do so. Unless it is stopped, and the Washington government shows some respect for the rights of the people—unless we have an end of this per- sonal government—Hayes and Wheeler will be defeated by as large a majority as Scott and Graham or Greeley and Brown. England and the East. While the news from the seat of war in Servia and Bosnia is a series of rumors claiming victory for the Turks on the one side, and asserting their defeat on the other, the attitude of the great Powers, upon which the limits of the straggle will in a great measure depend, is becoming more clearly defined as the contest progresses. Twenty years ago the Ottoman Empire was consid- ered so necessary to the peace of Europe that Europe went to war for its maintenance. In the meantime, however, the political con- ditions of the Continent have changed so completely that now neutrality and non-inter- vention are the governing principles of the policy of the great States. Russia has found a new direction for the conquests of the Ozar. Austria is satisfied as long as Russian aggression is not pointed toward the Black Sea or the Adriatic. Germany has no more interest in the internal troubles of the Turk- ish Empire than if Islamism and Christian- ity were fighting their battles in America. France is France, and the republicans could not be induced to show sympathy for the effete Empire which the late Emperor Napoleon succeeded in main- taining against the better judgment of French statesmen. Such being the case with all these Powers it was apparent that there would be no general war in Europe in consequence of the Turkish revolt unless England took the responsibility of its initiative. That this course should be adopted there is as much reason now as there was for the Crimean war twenty years ago, and it was everywhere feared, most of all in England, that the traditions of the past might be followed and the country be- come embroiled in a useless and foolish war in the East. Statesmen as acute as John Bright shared this feeling, and yester- | day the distinguished liberal headed a dele- gation for the purpose of asking Lord Derby what England was going to do about it. The answer cannot fail to be as soothing to the English people as it will be satisfactory to the rest of the world. Onur special cable despatch this morning gives a very clear idea of Lord Derby's reply, but the whole | policy of the English Ministry may be sum- med up in a single sentence of the an- swer:—‘‘I'wenty years ago we undertook to guarantee the ‘Sick Man’ against murder, but we never undertook to guarantee him against suicide‘or internal disease.” And so there is to be no general war in Europe, and the Porte is to be allowed to subdue his re- bellious subjects if he can. “Trnririzp Supmission."—The Charleston News and Courier reports that since the riot at Hamburg the condition of the negroes is that of ‘‘terrified submission.” The recent achievements of that great chief, Sitting Bull, seem to have made an impression upon the Confederate Major General Butler, who commanded “the attacking column,” for, according to the same journal, ‘two of the bodies were mutilated with hatchets or | bayonets.” Asa further bit of information we are informed that ‘‘all the killed had families with one exception, and the grief and distress of the women and children were yiolent and heartrending.” We hope our readers will bear in mind that these extracts are not from a speech of Senator Morton, in- tended to inflame the North, but from the Charleston News and Courier, one of the ablest journals in the South, and leading the campaign in South Carolina for Tilden and Hendricks. We Betteve in the right to drink beer on Sundays, and can indorse the arguments | af | dence. against the reeent pernicious enforcement ot the Excise law; but the idea of the beer | drinkers forming themselves into an ‘‘Agita- tive Committee” is funny enough to have emanated from a body of cold-water men, The Extradition Difficulty. The’ summary of Lord Derby's last note, which appeared among our cable despatches yesterday, brings the important question of extradition again into view. The extradition article in the treaty of 1842 is defunct, and no attempt will be made by either govern- ment to resuscitate it. It is, therefore, necessary to agree upon a new treaty. We trust there will be no neeQiess delay in the negotiations, and that both Mr. Fish and Lord Derby will approach the question ina spirit of justice and conciliation. We be- lieve Secretary Fish has been entirely right in the recent controversy, and the fact that an influential portion of the English press has admitted the strength of his position and acknowledged the force of his arguments ought to satisfy his pride, His arguments, cogent as they were, are spent weapons; they related to the obligations of a treaty pro- vision which is practically annulled, and both governments must now approach the subject as if it were a new question. It would be inconsistent with justice and with the interest of both countries to leave the matter in its presentshape, Each coun- try is now osafe asylum for criminals and outcasts, and neither has any interest in harboring the cutthroats and scoundrels who may escape from the other. As Mr. Webster correctly said, in 1842:—‘‘Thesur- render to justice of persons who, having committed high crimes, seek asylum in the territories of a neighboring nation, would seom to be an act due to the cause of gen- eral justice and properly belonging to the present state of civilization and inter- course.” This obligation is peculiarly strong between the United States and Great Britain. “The British provinces of North America,” said Mr. Webster, ‘‘are separated from the States of the Union by ao line of several thoasand miles, and along portions of this line the amount of population on eitherside is quite considerable, while the passage of the boundary is always easy.” Does Canada want to be a place of refuge forall the felons who can fly across the border? Do we want to harbor her criminals and take the risk of their repeating on our soil the crimes for which they fled? It will be a scandal to civilization if things are allowed to remain long in their present state, A treaty on the proposed English basis would be better for this country than none ; a treaty on our pro- posed basis would also be better for England herself and her colonies than none. When both parties have so large and substantial an interest it would be absurd for either tostand out on punctilios. The point on which Lord Derby chiefly insists is the right of the surrendering gov- ernment to determine whether the person demanded would be indictable under its own laws on the evidence presented. This is a leading feature of the treaty of 1842, which provides that a surrender shall be made ‘only upon such evidence of crimi- nality as, according to the laws of the place where the fugitive or person so charged shall be found, would justify his apprehension and commitment for trial if the crime or offence had there been committed.” This principle may be pre- served in a new treaty without any great ob- struction to justice. It would not happen in one case out of twenty that the person demanded would have committed any other crime than that on which his extradition is sought. If the fugitive is known to have committed more than one crime let him be demanded for both or for all, and let a pro- vision be inserted in the new treaty binding each government to examine the evidence on each charge when more than one is made. This would cover every case except that of undiscovered crimes, and these would be so few and rare that it would make compara- tively little difference whether they were provided forin the treaty or not. If the two governments will begin negotiations in aright spirit there ought to be no difficulty in making ao treaty which would cover nearly all the crimes committed by fugi- tives from justice. The Fifth Avenue Conference. The democratic newspapers are vexed whenever any member of the famous Fifth Avenue Conference declines to vote for Til- den. Thus, when Carl Schurz said he pre- ferred the financial record of Hayes to that of Hendricks, there was a roar. He was told that he had been at the Conference and to vote for Hayes was to be a renegade. Nowcomes Horace White taking the same ground, and we presume we shall have the same censure. The Fifth Avenue Conference was, as we understand it, a protest of certain republi- cans against the nomination of Mr. Conk- jing, Mr. Blaine or Mr. Morton. It was really a republican movement. If the Con- vention satisfied its demands it had no mo- tive to go elsewhere. Mr, Schurz felt that the Convention did all he could expect. It did not nominate any objectionable men to office ; it made the platform clear on finance ; its candidate took high ground on civil service and one term. There was no ground upon which the Conference could stand in opposition to Hayes, unless it assumed the preposterous theory that a man who had | served through the war as a general, who had been in Congress and three times as Governor, was a kind of dishcloth, to be soaked and squeezed by the machine men of the party. Beimont 1x Rerty to Srovenrox.—We print « spirited and sarcastic letter from Mr. August Belmont, provoked by a passage in Mr, Stoughton’s recent speech at the repab- lican ratification meeting. The banker seems to have the advantage of the lawyer, at least in this case, although the profession of the latter, in which he is so eminent, has given him long training as a controversialist, Mr. Stoughton incautionsly ascribed to Mr, Belmont language respecting Governor Til- den that he had never used, which not only justifies Mr. Belmont in publishing iis tart contradiction, but furnishes him an oceasion to declare his support of Tilden and ex- press his strong admiration of the St. Louis platform. if Mr. Stoughton should make another political speech he will probably be more wary and acton the accepted maxim of his profession, that ‘hearsay is not evi- Ler Us Tarn Care or Cosry Istanp.— Our friends over the river complain bitterly because the shore at Coney Island is made the dumping ground for garbage. We learn that bathing is impossible and that the people of New Utrecht propose to mount cannon and sink the garbage scows. We are inclined to approve the New Utrecht proposition. Coney Island is one of the features of New York. It is not a fashion- able place. It lacks the splendor of other resorts. There are many clam saloons, and now and then we hear of rowdyism. But Coney Island is a blessing to thousands of the poor, who find on its beach their only bathing ground. It is within an hour of the City Hall. It may be reached at all times, and although it does not grow into fashion- able importance it does grow in popularity. As our government is for the poor as well as for the rich it should take hold of Coney Island and put an end to this garbage dumping business. If the authorities fail then let our New Utrecht friends bring out their cannon. In sucha cause Providence will take sides with the artillery. The Monument to Custer. We printed yesterday a letter from the dis- tinguished General Averill defending Major Reno from some of the criticisms passed upon him by the press, and especially by General Rosser. General Averill thinks that Major Reno did his duty, which we sincerely trust will prove to be the case. But there is a point in the General's letter which has significance. ‘‘Advocate,” says General Averill, ‘‘the passege of an act by Congress which will secure to the widow of every officer of the army and navy who falls in battle at least one-half of her husband’s pay during her widowhood.” ‘Let us,” he says in conclusion, ‘commemorate the splendor of Custer's career and death, but let us not forget his widow and the widows of those noble officers who formed with him and his men an unbroken skirmish line of dead heroes,” The passage of such an act as General Averill recommends would be really a re- vision of our whole pension laws. No Con- gress would give the widows of officers so large a pension without applying the same rule to the widows of private soldiers. We do not think Congress prepared to enter into the subject at this time; but nothing would be more appropriate than for Congress to give special pensions to the widows and children of the brave men who fell under Custer. The death of Custer was excep- tional in all of its surroundings. It was the fall of a brave, good, self-sacrificing soldier doing his duty. It was a deed which will add honor to our race and generation, and for this reason it would be appropriate for Congress to tnke hold of the subject and vote a special pension to the widows of the noble officers and men who fell before Sitting Bull. . But while this is a duty that cannot be too earnestly urged upon Congress, let us, as a people, do our share to, in the words of General Averill, ‘commemorate the splen- dor of General Custer’s career and death.” That can be done by raising such a monu- ment to the memory of these heroes as has been proposed by the Heratp and toward which we have already received subscrip- tions amounting to $2,654 75. Let Gen- eral Averill and the brave men who served with him go into this work. Let a sum be raised large enough to commemorate forever the splendor and heroism of Custer’s ca- reer. Let Custer monument associations be formed all over the country—like those formed in Washington and Monroe, Mich.— one in each city and State. This is a work in which the humblest can join, for no one is so poor that he cannot do homage to valor and self-sacrifice. Grant axp Bristow.—President Grant’s letter to ex-Secretary Bristow, releasing him from obligations of confidence in ro- lation to Cabinet consultations, is a model of correct taste, good temper and right feeling. He approves the position taken by Mr. Bristow before the House com- mittee, that what occurred in Cabinet or be- tween a member of the Cabinet and the Ex- ecutive is privileged, and that a committee of Congress has no right to demand an answer. Only the President himself can rightfully break the seal of confidence in such cases, and President.Grant acts in the spirit of an officer who feels strong in conscious inno- cence in informing Mr. Bristow that he is at full liberty to tell all he knows, and extend- ing the same permission to all other members or ex-members of the Cabinet who possess any knowledge of what the President has said or done in relation to the whiskey trials. We are glad of an opportunity to commend President Grant for having done a right thing in a prompt, manly way. Tur Ixprans AND THE Inpran Rrxc.—The country will be profoundly dissatisfied if Congress adjourns without determining some definite policy in reference to the In- dians. The Indian Department is a sink of corruption, It generates and supports a dangerous end shameless ring. There is no reason why the whole Indian question should not go into the hands of the army. There is a sense of honor in the army that we have yet to find in the rings about Wash- ington. Such a change would mean the transfer of the Indians to the care of Sher- man, Sheridan, Hancock, and men of that ealibre—men above the mutations and temptations of politics, who know the In- dion question thoroughly, who handle it practically when no stealing is possible and who would see that justice was done to white men and red. Let this Congress crush the Indian Ring, and we shall feel that even Custer has not died altogether in vain. Tur Exortsu Irox-C raps continue to be unfortunate. This time it is the boiler of the Thunderer, which exploded, killing and wounding many persons. now is whether the skill of English work- men has departed, or whether the old-fash- ioned caution, which was part of the ser- vice, has been allowed to fall into desuetude, “Custer axp His Mr: spondents are under the impres proposed monument to Custer means that it will do honor to him alone. This is a wrong impression. Our idea is that the monument shall celebrate the heroism of | every one in that noble band, from the colonel who commanded down to the hum- blest private in the ranks. They all alike shared the fate of Custer, and they will share his glory and his fame, The question | = ‘The German im Politics. Every now and then, especially in the heat of a national canvass, we hear about 4 the influence of the German vote in our politics. Not long since Judge Goepp, of the Marine Court, made a formal transfer of his allegiance from the republicans to Tilden, and at once Judge Dittenhoefer re- plied that the Germans did not mean to fol- We, low Goepp, but would give themselves to Schurz. There is scarcely a canvass in which the German does not become a promi- nent actor. In every convention we have Heinrich or Fritz ‘‘demanding recognition.” In every ticket we find a certain fraction of German names. As Mr. Justice Quinn, one of the wisest of our local statesmen, well remarked, on a memorable occasion, “Iview with alarm the increase of the German elee ment in this country of ours.” We are disposed to concur with Mr, Juse tice Quinn, at least so faras to deplore any bringing of nationality into our politics, The most distressing creature is the profes sional Irishman and the professional Ger man, the professional Catholic and the pro fessional Orangeman. By this we mean ¢ representative of that class, who only prefers a certain faith and avers a certain nationality for political ends. Whenever we hear a man asking office because he is ¢ German or a Catholic, or opposing the elec tion of some other candidate because he it an Irishman or an Orangeman, we feel that it isan impertinence. In this country we are all Americans. Let our race be what it 1 may, let us worship God as we please, we are American in our citizenship, and only Ameri- cans. We do not elect men to office because they are German or Irish, but because they are honest, capable men. This business, which comes with every canvass, of schem- ing politicians arranging to transfer the »> Irish or the German vote, is an offence to all honest Germans or Irishmen. It supposes that they are like cattle, to be driven and bought and sold, and not conscientious, re- flecting citizens. The whole business is quackery. The German vote and Irish vote will go, like the American vote, wherever the wisdom of the voter wills it. Whoever claims to deal with it by wholesale, to de- liver it to one candidate or withdraw it from another, isan impostor. Let us therefore hear no more of the ‘Irish vote” or the “German vote.” ob Tue Tracepy at Newark on Thursday, of which we print additional details this morning, was one of the most sickening and revolting crimes it has ever been our duty to chronicle. The murder of the policemen was utterly without adequate cause, and it 4 is unexplainable upon any ground of motive * in which reason has a part. The subse- quent attempt at something like indiscrim« inate slaughter was even more unreasonable, and the end of the tragedy has in it such swift and terrible retribution thaf it can only be called a fitting close te what went before it. In the ferocity of thr criminals and the celerity with which th¢ crime was punished, to say nothing of the horror which surrounded the death of the three brothera, there was a Western flavor usually denied to crime in the East. The \ whole affray, in its beginning, its consee quences and its end, was so completely out % of the commonplace or murder that yester« day the story of the crime was the general topic of conversation wherever it was told. Tue Pract ron Castrz Garpen.—We trust our authorities will remove Castle Gar bs den from the Battery. ‘There are a hundred reasons why the emigrant should not land here. The city is overcrowded. There are poor accommodations. The emigrant is sure to \ fall in with sharks. We need the Battery a pleasure ground. The surroudings of thé Battery are unfavorable to the freshly are rived emigrants. As the city grows the Bat- tery will become more and more incommo- dious, while the temptations awaiting the newly landed stranger will increase. We should build the new Castle Garden at Bay Ridge or on Staten Island, where there ig room and ready access. Or we might induce Uncle Sam to give us Governor's Island, and make that a grand emigrant depot. But we do not wish any more emigrants to land on the Battery. It is the worst place on all the island for such a purpose, and grows worse and worse every year. Tompxtss Square is in such terrible cone dition that the only wonder is that it doe not breed pestilence these hot summer days, It has been in this condition a long time, and still there is no telling when this once beautiful pleasure ground will be re« stored to the people. The story which we we print in relation to it almost exceeds belief, and yet the Park Commis. sioners allow the park to remain week afters week and month after month in a condition which attests their own incompetency for their positions. The park is now an eyes sore anda nuisance, and must not be ale lowed to remain in its present condition much longer. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Squash soup is the latest, Lions are being killed in Texas, . ‘Tho Catholics of Boston want to buy the Old South Churen, £x-Postmaster General Jewell will leave Washingtom to-day for Hartford, Conn, Matt Morgan is exhibiting his Lady Godtvas tm New yada and California towns, \ Mr. French, artist, is said to have made the only bust of Whittier worth looking at. rs Wendell Phillips believes that Hayes will be elected and that the Weimocratic party means the South with its 130 electoral votes. “Vignette,” the marble Romola of fashion, says that exireme beauty is expressioniess, probably because she never heard Goneral Jack Logan order up. President Grant, accompanied by Sceretary Fish and Marshal Sharpe, left Washington yesterday morning jor Deer Park, in Western Maryland, to be absont wil Monday. Kennett, the Congress'onal Delegate from Idaho, is ” middle-aged man from Indiana, and, though he fought during the war aad ts a Territorial carpet-bagger, he is a cood Delegate General Winfleld S. Hancock has changed in appeare ance. His bair and mustache are gray, but ho ts just aserect andas imposing ascver, In him the demo crats have a physical man in perfection, ays that the parting between the President and himself was quict and pleasant, and that when the President said, “Jewell, whom would you suggest as several years to come, is thoroughly a Virginia map, though it happens in the affairs of war that he comes " from the State ot West Virginia He is a very practi. eal man,