The New York Herald Newspaper, July 14, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK iERALD -————- BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, VROPRIETOR ue aeeied THE® DAILY HERALD, jndlishéd every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorn Hexarp, Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XLI. eo AMUSEME T 0") NIGHT. ILM GRAND conesith atal iv THEATRE, ats P.M f, THEATRE, McDONALD'S spin BOWK. GREEN BUSHES, «at ¥ WOOD'S MUSEUM NECK AND NECK, ot SP. M. Matineo at 2P.M. KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS, at8P. M. P ns 7 VARIETY, at SPM. Matinee att PARISIAN VAKIETIES, piety AVENUE THEATRE, a: BP. From our reports this morning the probabil ies are that the weather to-day will be slightly cooler with, possibly, rain. During the summer months the Henarp will be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Nonce to Country Newspeazens.—For prompt and regular delivery of the Huratp by Fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Wart Srreer Yestrrpay.—Stocks were strong at the close. The transactions of the day aggregated only 44,000 shares. Gold opened at 111 1-2, receded to 111 3-8 and closed at 111 5-8. Government and railway bonds were firm. Money on call loaned at 2 and 2 1-2 per cent. Grant anp THE SeNnatE.—The republican party made Grant, but is that any reason why Grant should be allowed to unmake Le republican party ? Ay Eyoutsu Amateur Four started for this tountry yesterday, to row in the Centennial regatta. A crew from Cambridge University will start by the end of the month. They will receive a royal welcome. Locan’s Cuance.—If Jack Logan, the brave and frank Senator from Illinois, reads French history, he will remember the epi- sode of the oath in the tennis court. It was then that France sent the defiance to the French King. Let him send a message like that to Grant. Exrraprtion Exrianations. —Earl Derby's further explanations regarding the violated treaty with this country do not take new | ground. Having destroyed one declares himself read y to negotiate anew one. A Hist.—If Grant is permitted to go on in office because they have done their duty, dis- gracing republicans like Bristow, Jewell, Dyer and Pratt, Hayes and Wheeler will not carry a State. No News rrom Croox.—The treaty he | statements | of General Sheridan regarding the probable | safety of the forces under General Crook and those on their way to join him will tend to allay the general alarm somewhat; but until he has been directly heard from we must, in view of all the facts now known, await news with anxiety. OvercrowpeD StTEaMBoats.—Our corre- spondent, ‘C. A. H.,” calls attention else- where to a real danger which threatens the lives of our citizens. Complaints of the over- crowded state of the excursion steamers to very general, and such is the greed of the steamboat owners that the same danger will be repeated every Sunday while the hot weather lasts until the steamboat in- spectors interfere to stop it by lim- iting the boats to the number of passengers they are licensed to carry. Excursionists themselves are greatly to blame in this matter. They will rush on board the boats while there is footroom, just as average New Yorkers delight the rapacious horse car companies by crowding the cars, The consequences to the excursionist may, of a calm day like last Sunday, be not very serious, but a top-heavy steamer in a sudden squall might turn on her beam ends, when a | tragedy would have to be recorded far more flisastrous than the explosion of the West- field just five years ago. Szavia's War. — Until the result of Tcher- nayeff's endeavor to advance is known it will be futile to judge of the effect upon the Turkish war of such acts as the closing of the port of Klek by Austfia. The action in the field is the only tangible test of the fu- ture of the conflict. Back of the camps are the cabinets, and back of the cabinets are the courts, and since the time of the Spanish marriages diplomatic intrigue has never been so busy as at present in Euro- «pean courts and cabinets. One day the quidnuncs find Germany and Russia nose to nose; the next Russia and Austria are in loving embrace; the day after nothing will suit these loving brothers buts fight; then England has combined every other Power against Russia, and so on. In reality all these Powers are, to use a - phrase more forcible than elegant, ‘‘sparring for an opening.” Meanwhile the Turks are handling the Servians pretty roughly, aud all the sentiment about the Cross and the Crescent is laid aside, waiting for a Ser- rian victory or a Turkish massacre before it sounts for anything inthe fray. Our special cable despatch gives the latest features of the coupeos. | deigning to give the country his reasons, he | for the | would treat a distinguished Cabinet Minister | ase General Grant has treated Mr. Jewell. r as | Without an explanation or warning, without his desperate courses, removing men from | he was told his resignation would be ac- Rockaway and other points last Sunday are | . NEW YORK HERALD FRIDAY, JULY M4, 1876. —WITH SUPPLEMENT. The President and Personal Govern- ment—A Hint toe the Republican Party. There seems to be no intelligent reason dismissal of Mr. Jewell from the Post Office Department. Mr. Jewell himself says that it was because he was not a friend or adviser of Governor Shepherd, which we suspect to be only one reason in many. Mr. Jewell came into the Cabinet with a good reputation. He had been a merchant, had amassed a large fortune, and on retiring from business gave his time to politics, as became a good citizen. He had been elected Gov- ernor of Connecticut, was a candidate for Senate and afterward Minister to Rus- In all these stations he bore himself so well that when the President called him into the Cabinet it was felt that the appointment was a meritorious one, from a party as well as from a national point of view. Connecti- | cut showed her appreciation of Mr. Jewell’'s services by presenting him to the republi- cans as a candidate for the Presidency. Jewell in the Cabinet was not an appoint | ment like that of Robeson or Belknap—a personal choice of the President—but a deserved honor to a party leader. In addi- tion to his party claims Mr. Jewell happened to be on intimate social terms with the | President, He was a member of the fire- side Cabinet of cronies and friends which | lias had so much influence with Grant, em. bracing Mr. Childs, of Philadelphia; Bishop Simpson, Mr. Borie, ex-Collector Murphy and others, Therefore Mr. Jewel's appoint- ment was doubly fitting, pleasing to the President and to the party. Moreover, he was an amiable, yielding gentleman; true to the party, not enough of a reformer to be factions, and just the man to be on good terms all around and help the administra- tion. To see him, therefore, kicked down stairs by the President who had honored him, and the friend who had rejoiced in his society, is one of those problems which may well excite our wonder. Laying aside any question of personal dif- ferences between Mr. Jewell and the Presi- dent there is another thought. What right has the President to summarily dismiss from his Cabinet any member, and especially a gentleman of the standing of Mr. Jewell? Are we to understand that this is possible in a republican government? If Mr Jewell, like General Belknap, had been robbing the poor soldiers on the Plains, the President might have accepted his resignation ‘‘with regret.” But no one supposes anything of the kindy If Mr. Jewell had been in sym- pathy with the opposition, if his opinions had undergone a change and he was no longer a republican, we can understand why the President for party reasons would have removed him. But no one stands higher in the confidence and the respect of the party. A President is pérmitted a wide latitude in the nomination of his Cabinet officers ;_ but there is a limit, Something is due to party, to public opinion, and to the self-respect of men in public life. Thus, when during the adininistration of Mr. Lincoln a strong feel- ing arose against Senator Cameron as Secre- tary of Wer, Mr. Lincoln sent him on a foreign mission, signifying that, while he deferred to political reasons, he had still confidence in the patriotism of his Minister. But in Mr. Jewell’s case we see only the wanton removal of a high officer to satisfy an upexplained whim of the President. | The more we study the act the more we see in it the worst ieatures of Cwsarism. We question if there is a ruler on the globe who even a suggestion as to his motives, without | dismisses from his Cabinet a gentleman who was deemed worthy by Connécticut to be Governor and President. More than all, the Senate submits to this and passively can- firms Mr. Tyner without even asking the President why he removed Mr. Jewell. Mr. Jewell made a mistake in resigning | his office, and this mistake will shield the | President trom technical criticism. We can understand how an honorable man would hasten to leave the office he was no longer desired to hold, even if it were in the Cabi- | net, but Mr. Jewell must now see in his cooler moments that he was precipitate. As | we understand the story he called on the President and was grimly received. Then cepted. Without asking the reason he wrote | out his resignation. Of course that ended the matter, and the President may answer any criticism by showing the letter which Mr. Jewell wrote. What Mr. Jewell should have said was this:—*'Mr. President, I came here to oblige you. I resigned a high mis- sion, and journeyed thousands of miles in obedience to your summons. I did not come here as an unknown adventurer, without | even a State reputation, like my brother Robeson and my ex-brother Belknap. I was not struck by lightning, as it were. I came | with an honorable name, with party ap- proval, and I brought to your Cabinet dignity and strength. I am here, not as your staff officer, but as a leader in your party. It you wish me to leave, well and good; but you must give me a reason for leaving. If my character is questioned I must defend it. I owe an explanation to my friends and to the country. You are not the Shah or the Sul- tan to remove Cabinet officers as you would your eunuchs--and I am not the man to sub- mit to such treatment.” We regret that Mr, Jewell did not take this ground. It would have made at once this issue of personal government. He would have found Senators in both parties willing to back him. The contest might have been ungenial, but it would have been a battle for personal inde- pendence, and would have done Mr. Jewell honor. We had a good deal of personal govern- ment under Jackson, but nothing as flagrant as the removal of Jewell. When Jackson wished to rid himself of certain Ministers who would not allow him to influence their social relations he was compelled to change his whole Cabinet. The scandal that arose from that bas always been a stain upon Jackson's fame. But here we have from President Grant a series of acts in utter violation of the spirit of the constitution. Officers in the Treasury have been stricken down, faithful prosecuting attorneys like | mopyle in the history of Greece. | show ourapprecis | Navy Club has taken action. Dyer have been removed, the most popular member of the Cabinet—Colonel Bristow— has been frozen ont, and now Mr, Jewell follows him. Yet all this time the President does not say a word. He has driven every journalist from the White House, and so we do not have the vague and occasional con- solation of an “interview” as to his pur- Poses. A subservient Senate confirms every act, and there is no one in all the repub- lican majority with manhood enough to rise and denounce these violations of republican government, We concede that General Grant is a great soldier; that he has ren- dered noble services ; that he has an illus- trious name. But this gives him no right to be our Cwsar or our Bonaparte. Where in the career of Cwsar or Bonaparte can we find such flagrant violations of the spirit of republican governmentas are now seen daily in Washington? Where is the constitutional monarchy that would for a moment dare to strike down honored citizens, right and left, and not deign to give a pretext for its course ? | We repeat, if there are reasons for the dis- missal of Bristow, Jewell, Pratt, Dyer, Yar- yan and the rest, let them be known. If the President has an intelligent reason—one that commends itself to the country—we shall be satisfied. But we are not satisfied to have our government administered on Ottoman principles, an irresponsible Sultan at the head, sustained by a subservient Senate of political eunuchs, gorged with | patronage, and not daring to question the absolute will of the supreme chief. The reason assigned for these extreme acts of authority on the part of the President is that he was concerned in the Whiskey King and the Indian frauds, and wishesto punish the prosecutors of Belknap and Babcock. This is the motive assigned by the Presi- dent's enemies ; but we have too much re- spect for General Grant to accept it. But is he not doing all he can to confirm this ter- rible impression? Will not the country think that this silent, swift vengeance upon Dyer and the rest is only susceptible of one explanation? Our complaint lies with the Senate and the House. The President is by no means an irresponsible officer. He is as much a servant of the people as Yaryan, and entitled to no more consideration. duty of the Senate, who advises with the President upon all of his appointments, to know why these changes are made. It is the duty of the House to pro- tect the people against these constant aggressions, these daily exhibitions of personal government. We are tired of this manifestation of Cwsarism in its worst form. The republicans in the House and Senate assume ao terrible responsibility in consenting to these tyrannical freaks. It is natural that a man so stolid and selfish as Grant should care nothing about the party. The party to him is a sucked orange, and so he treats it. The leaders must end this business, or else the fair, auspicious cam- paign of Hayes will fall into night, and the people will rise against him as the only as- sailable representative of a Cesarism which alarms and offends the nation. The Monument to Custer. We print this morning the list of subscrip- tions that, have thus far been received at the office of the Heraup for a monument in honor of General Custer and his brave men who died on the Yellowstone : Heory Hilton... x J. 0. New York Herald 1,000 00 m4. BA Clara Louise mek eet wide T 500 } 100 Musgrave & Co 50 00 Lloya Aspinwall, 25 00 Lovell Hill, o 200 8. 10 10 2 o 33 The best answer that can be given to those who think we are a hard, material people, in whom all sense of patriotism and valor is dead, is to commemorate in some fitting way the valor of Custer and his men. A deed like this on the Yellowstone will shine out in our history with the splendor of Ther- The courage of Custer was as high as that of Leonidas. He was sent to a hard duty. He was bidden to pursue and destroy a foe which had lived on our frontiers, killing women and children. He knew the terrible alternative. He knewthat he must rout and kill the Indians or they would kill hii, and, if they had the opportunity, with all the re- finements of torture. Yet, in spite of this, duty commanded and he rode into the | grave. Custer’s death has all the romance, all the beauty of a high achievement. It has no parallel in our history, and few, indeed, in the history of other nations. If we would cherish this spirit, if we would bid our children emulate this example, if we would encourage bravery and self-denial, let us ion of Custer and his men by building » monument to their fame. Already the Henarp has $2,285 45 as con- tributions to the fund, The Army and In Wash- ington a Custer.Monument Association has been formed. The work is one in which the poorest may join, for none are so poor that we carnot respect and venerate courage and duty and self-sacrifice. Let us add another trophy to our Centennial garland by showing the world what we think of Custer and the brave‘men who perished with him in the service of their country. How Mvccu or a Victory was the demon- stration of Mr. Kelly's friends at Tammany Hall last night remains to be seen. Tramp- ling out the opposition of ‘the demo- erats who censured Mr. Schell and Mr. Kelly may do very well once or twice, but cannot be continned long. Mr. Kelly, who was so eulogized last night, has led his party here to two defeats, which in any organization directed by com- mon sense would have insured his overthrow before he had the opportunity of making his champion blunder at St. Louis. The de- mocracy of New York have created in the per- son of the Tammany ‘Boss a Frankenstein that they seem powerless to control. He may be defeated, he may make himself and them ridiculous, but they cannot unmake him. And yet if he were dropped on some snow-clad peak of the Sierras to cool we can- not believe that New York would miss him. He thinks differently, but let his friends try the experiment, e It is the | | Governor. The Canvass for Governor. Much will depend in the Presidential can- vass upon the New York nominations for There is a good deal of quiet manwuvring among the politicians on both sides, The friends of Tiiden are so gratetul to Dorsheimer for his services at St. Louis that they propose to make him Governor. But Dorsheimer is modest and young and new to the party, and feels that some older man who was not so strong for Tilden should run. The democrats have many interests to conciliate in this State, and all their nomina- tions will be made toward thatend. One plan is to nominate Horatio Seymour. Mr. Seymour once held this office, and has even a higher rank in the party than Tilden. He may naturally object to enter this canvass after declining that for the Presidency. He cannot wish to be a mere strengthening plaster for Tilden’s back, as he would be if he ran for Governor. But, on the other hand, New York is to be the battle ground, and if Seymour can win a thousand votes more than any other.candidate he will be pressed to run. Judge Church will also be urged, and perhaps Clarkson N. Potter or Henry C. Murphy. A good deal will depend upon the wishes of Governor Tilden and his plans for the canvass. If he proposes conciliation he will select the candidates for all the offices, State and municipal, from the men who opposed him at St. Louis, and this is the true policy. He will need every influ- ence to carry New York. His opponents are able and wary, and in nominating Mr. Wheeler have given their ticket an especial strength in the northern counties, ‘The republicans have a different problem. The party went to Cincinnati to nominate Mr. Conkling; but the opposition from New York was so strenuous that he was defeated, not being allowed to poll his full vote. | More than all, they would not allow him to | select the second name, but took Mr. Wheeler, who was in no sense the Conkling choice. Now the question arises, What will be done in New York? Is the policy of Cin- cinnati to be pursued at Saratoga? Are Mr. Conkling and his friends to be ruled out of the party here, as they were in the other con- test? It is understood that Mr. Conkling’s own choice is Hon. A. B. Cornell, formerly Speaker of the Assembly. Mr. Cornell bears a name that will always be honored in this Commonwealth and we have yet to heara word against his character or fitness. But he isa Conkling man—the especial friend and champion of the Senator and all the braves are up in arms and adorning them- selves with war paint and making ready for the warpath. Here comes Silver Tongue Curtis from Staten Island, Bald Eagle Husted from Westchester, Sitting Bull Schultz from the Union League, Spotted Tail Fenton from Chautauqua, all ready for his scalp. Cornell, gonfident in the aid of his chief Red Cloud, from Oneida, cealy awaits the onset. The republicans, it may as well be said, cannot carry New York without the active, enthusiastic support of Mr. Conkling. He is a positive clement. His opponents have won everything and the question they will be called upon to answer at Saratoga is “Can they afford to destroy Conkling?” The Senator may eliminate all personal questions from thé canvass by presenting some name for Governor like that of Secre- tary Fish, Senator Morgan, or Mr. Evarts— some name that will be above even passion itself. But he is a fighting man—strong, prond and self-reliant—and if his opponents mean to war upon him at Saratoga as they did at Cincinnati they will have war to their hearts’ content. The Old South Church. The Old South Church, which never did any harm in its life, but, on the contrary, has a much better record than either Mr. Hayes or Mr. Tilden, now stands like a criminal under sentence of death. Old age is its sole offence, and this year, when Amer- ica is honoring her antiquities, it is strange that this ancient glory should be an excop- tion. The very fact that it is old should save it. Of new buildings there are plenty, but capital and enterprise cannot create his- torical monuments, unless they do like the man in the comedy who built what he was pleased to call ‘new ruins” on his estate. Philadelphia might as well tear down the State House as Boston destroy the Old South Church. ‘The Bostonians are not themselves respon- sible for this proposed vandalism. The peo- ple know the value of the old church, and are working hard to obtain a reversal of the decree of death. The committee appointed’ to get subscriptions for the purpose are act- ing with energy and zeal. It has addressed a letter tothe Standing Committee of the church, asking for time to complete the fund, and proposing to take a lease of the building for three or six months, and to pay a fair per- centage on the market value. Guarantees of this payment were obtained in two hours—a very encouraging sign. The Grand Army of the Republic has come to the rescue of the church, and many of its influential members have had a letter sent to Geperal Horace Binney Sargent, Commander of the Depart- ment of Massachusetts, requesting him to make an appeal to all the posts in the State. All the neighboring towns unite with Boston in the protest. Quincy, Stockbridgé, Marblehead, Milton Hill, Mattapoisett, Sax- onville and other towns have their subserip- tion books and liberal contributions have been made. The friends of the Old South Church now believe that they can save it, and the country cannot understand how they can fail. Boston is patriotic and rich enough to raise the comparatively small sum needed and understands that she holds the pbuilding in trust, as it were, for the whole nation. Progress, we know, requires that sentiment shall make way for mercantile in- terests; but is that progress which would ob- literate our few great historical monuments? We received. these memorials as legacies from the glorious past, and it is our duty to bequeath them to the future. A Frven Nest.—We have many com- plaints in reference to the excavations at Tompkins square and the nuisance thus en- tailed upon the inhabitants on the east side. This is one of the questions of public health, like the Harlem flats, which are con- stantly arising in New York, but which should have no place in a well governed city. We suppress yellow fever and auar- sulina for cholera and take pelea aie tokeep our ports healthy. But we allow heedless people to generate typhus, diph- theria and diseases as fatal as cholera or the yellow fever. This is what is now doing at Tompkins square. We trust the city au- thorities will at once suppress this nui- sance. We wish there were some way to in- dict our municipal rulers for manslaughter in permitting this criminal interference with the health and happiness of the people. Our Riflemen’s Prospects. The selection of the rifle team to shoot the return match with the Irish riflemen marks another step in the preparation for the fall contests. It results in placing three new names upon the list of our first class rifle- men, crowding out oneof the old team who would have secured a place had he stood on his old score—Mr. Yale. ‘This result is not, however, particularly regrettable, as the young men who have secured the chance of higher rifle honors have undergone a most searching test, and will doubtless hereafter justify their fine records in the late competi- tions. The difference in the teams only amounts to three names, and the shooting force of the return team is, if anything, stronger than that of the Centennial. Below we give in tabulated form the result of the two selections. So many of the Centennial team resolved to stand upon their scores that the difference in the figures is not very great, but we ar¢ pleased to note that the tendency of all the shooting is to go higher above the ‘‘centre” average. Return Match Feo, Centennial Team. Total out of possible. 12,000 points, .... 9,858 Eqnal to 82.15 per cent Score of first eight out of possible 8,200 points 8,000 points...... 6,666 Equal to 83.175 per cent, Equal to 82.33 per cent. Having advanced thus far with their organ- ization and proved conclusively that there exists in this country the finest material for long range marksmanship we hope to see team practice vigorously pushed forward. With co-operation and direction we expect to see the fifteen selected riflemen of both teams increase their average at least three per cent. It will require the hardest work to do this, for our riflemen have been peculiarly fortunate in their weather heretofore, and only by steady practice through the nine weeks remaining can they hope to hold their average in face of ‘‘ugly” atmospheric condi- tions. On days similar to those on which the competitions were carried on we think our riflemen could beat any foreign¢eam so far heard from, but under conditions‘similar to those of the gusty days so common in Great Britain and Ireland it might give our riflemen all they could do to keep level with their antagonists. We shall watch the prac- tice of the teams with great interest. Total out of possible 12,000 points 9,8 Equal to 81.75 per cont. Score of first eight out of possible Tue Rerusiicans aNp THE Sznate.—Is there no republican in the Senate brave enough to say tothe President that he shall not send Hayes and Wheeler over the Niagara rapids ? Hanns Orr tHE Sovrn.—In this canvass one demand should be made by all who love their country, irrespective of party senti- ment—Let Grant take his heavy hand off the South. Of our soldiers we may say to him as Richard IIL said to Stanley:--‘‘What do they in the south when they should serve their country in the west?”. Why should Mississippi be strongly garrisoned while troops are wanted to fight Sitting Bull in Da- kota and all that region which is now threat- ened with a long, cruel and possibly a dis- astrous war? Senator Bayard in a recent debate showed how Mississippi has suffered under one of the worst State governments ever known, and how much moderation and wisdom are wanted to enforce the much needed reforms. The views of Mr. Bayard are not extreme in this case. Missis- sippiand the whole South, indeed, are orderly enough, and a Presidential campaign is not the time when large bodies of troops should be stationed in any State when they aro needed to fight the common enemy. There is a dividing line between caution and rash- ness, and we hope the administration may find it. Morton's Cuance.—-Even a detective like Yaryon has his rights as well as Grant. Senator Morton is brave enough when the murders of the negroes are under diseus- sion. He should show some syimpathy for the white men. A Question For Senators.—How can any self-respecting republican—such a man as Senator Edmunds or Senator Frelinghuy- sen— support an administration which sup- ports Robeson in the Navy Department after it is known that he allowed the Cattells to fatten on the government and dismisses Jewell to please_ the Tus DEpResson oF or ‘Trapx. in Great Brit- ain appears to grow more and more marked, and the outlook for employers and em- ployed, unless the latter make large concessions, is gloomy indeed. Eng- jand has for many years commanded the markets of the world for iron, cot- ton and woollen manufactured goods, and a sudden check to consumption from universal hard times must press heavily upon those employed at these trades in that country. At the same time competition with the English factories and iron works has long been growing in Belgium, France and America, and England, to hold her posi- tion, must undersell. With all her marvel- lously perfect machinery she must produce more cheaply than at present or lose her trade. Hence the present difficulties between master and man. O ror an Hour or Heyny Cray!—What a chance a great man has in the Senate! What an opportunity to’ arraign the Presi- dent for his repeated and shameless viola- tions of the people's will ; for his tyranny in reducing the alministration to a mere per- sonal machine! What a splendid chance for Rozcoe Conkling! But our noble Senator has been honored by Grant. He, like his colleagues, has been given many high offices. So, while he may think what, as an honor- able man, he cannot but think, he is silent, Position of Mr. Schurs. We do not see that there is any good rea son for the severity with which Mr. Cari Schurz is treated by several prominent jour nals that support the St. Louis ticket. Since it has become known that he will go into the canvass on the Hayes side he is assailed as a renegade reformer, and pas- sages from the address of the Fifth Avenue Conference, written by him, are quoted and a strained interpretation put upon them, with a view to convict him of inconsistency. His recent political course is quite as con- sistent as that of a majority of public men, All true friends of a sound currency justi- fied Mr. Schurz, last autumn, when he returned from Europe to speak on the re- publican side in the Ohio canvass. He has always been a strennous champion of hard money, and he abjured in no part his avowed principles by advocating the elec- tion of Hayes against a wild inflationist like Governor Allen. Throughout that canvass the chief point of democratic assault was the Resumption law, fixing January, 1879, as the date for specie payments. Mr. Schurz defended that date in his speeches as the one valuable feature of the law, admitting that the means provided for its execution are insufficient, but contending that the pledge to resume at a definite date obligates the government to supply the means of doing so. .The St. Louis platform de- mands a repeal of that part of the law which fixes the date, and Mr. Schurz could not have supported such a platform without retracting nearly all he said during the Ohio campaign. So far as the currency question is concerned, consistency bound him to support Hayes again this year, if he was to take an active part in the Presidential canvass, The natural place of Mr. Schurz is in the republican party, with which the greater portion of his public life is so closely iden- tified. Hg became estranged by his dislike of President Grant, but the party will soon be rid of Grant, and Mr. Schurz has doubt- less convinced himself that he can do more for reform as a republican under such a President as Hayes than he could as a dem- ocrat under Tilden. Mr. Schurz is under no sort of obligation to the democratic party, and owes it no fealty. All the publica trusts he has been honored with have been conferred upon him by the republicans. On the expiration of his term as Senator from Missouri the democrats coulfl have attested their zeal for reform and a sound currency by re-electing him, but they cared more for party than for principle. He had nothing to expect from the democratic party, and is pretty sure to recover his former standing and influence among the republicans if Hayes is elected President. It is quite in the ordinary course of things that_ he should return to the republican party. But it does not appear that he will carry any considerable portion of the independent Germans with him. A strong predilection for Governor Tilden is manifested by Ger- man citizens under such leaders as Mr. Ottendorfer and Mr. Hassaurek, and if his forthcoming letter of acceptance should ba bold dnd courageous he will stand a good chance for receiving a majority of the Ger« man vote. The Southern States. The republicans in North Carolina have opened their campaign. North Carolina is one of the test States in the Union, because of its peculiar population and the delicate shades of difference between its politicians, Before the war North Carolina was generally a whig State, and this whig element gen- erated a powerful Union party, which troubled the Confederacy during the war and was relied upon by Mr. Lincoln in the work of reconstruction. In most of the Southern States the party lines have been the old resident whites on one side, the carpet-baggers and negroes on the other. In North Carolina there has always been a powerful white party, composed of old set- tlers, who remained true to the republican platform. The republicans have taken a man of this kind for Governor in the person of Judge Thomas Settle: The Judge be. longs to one of the pioneer Carolina fami- lies. He was President of the Convention which nominated Grant and Wilson, and is now, we believe, on the Supreme Bench of the State. He has the reputation of an elo- quent and accomplished man, and in put- ting him at the head of the ticket the North Carolina republicans mean to show that one Southern State at least shall not go demoe cratic by default. We are glad to see old residents of the South like Judge Settle acting with the re- publicans. What we have always dreaded in the South since the war is the formation of parties upon color lines or war lines. No good could come from such division; and, ins deed, most of the evils of which the South- erners complain may be attributed to it, We desire to see in the South all idea of color, or nativity, or political feeling during the war, driven out of politics. The cry oj “carpet-bagger” has, we have no doubt, prev vented hundreds of thousands of white men—honest, worthy men—from going inte the South. They would have gone with alacrity into warmer climates and richer fields; but unléss they became democrats or turned upon all the associations of home they were apt to be received with a shotgun. So with the negro. We believe if there had been more of the spirit of conciliation toward the negro the democratic party might to-day have the best share of his vote. We trust also to see a lively and earnest canvass in the South. We dread nothing more than the restoration of a sectional party in the Union, God knows we have had enongh of sectionale ism, and we deplore its return. Therefore, when we read the democratic calculations about carrying all the South on the color question, as a matter of course, we deplore them, not because we object to the demo- crats winning, but because any victory based upon prejudice or hatred of race is a mis. fortune. The fact, therefore, that the republicans in North Carolina have found as a candidate an old resident, a man of distinction, wha * is neither a carp *t-bagger nor a sealawag nor a negro, is a matter tor general congratula- tion. As to the issue in this canvass we have nothing to say. We do not care whether Judge Settle is chosen Governor o#