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Scnvuyter Conrax did not have the genius or the courage of Blaine. Sweeny can enjoy the delights of it in Paris for the next four months without any fear about inconvenient juries and their troublesome verdicts. His seven million suit has gone over to October. How Dogs Bristow, as f a Secretary of the Treasury, compare with Alexander Hamil- ton or Albert Gallatin ? PreMonrtions oF THE Cominc Stor are settlmg overthe grain markets of Europe, showing that the ‘iron rain” will have its 5 on prices toan extent that anything “Old Probs” might bring out cannot equal. Bo far prices are unaffected. Tre Attantic axp Jersey Crry Yacnr Ciwns hold their annual regattas to-day, and, if the weather prophets are not at fault, will have a favoring breeze. An auspicious opening for this magnificent sport will do niuch to make the interest in it through the season as keen as could be desired. Bvaine Was StRoxe in one point—-when he appealed to the sense of fair play, which is peculiarly an American trait. ‘Tux Frencn Wonrkrxamen who are to come here as delegates from the masses of French labor will probably leave on the 17th inst., that their contents must be fatally damaging. It was eafer for Mr. Blaine | to face the reality than to suf | | fer under the license of conjecture which was inevitable so long as the | letters were concealed. His frantic efforts | signs of consternation he exhibited at the j they been submitted to tho committee the | : letters would have been deliberately exam- | Blaine are condemned by his own statements | those things which shun the light ‘‘avoid- so that they will arrive here before the Fourth of July. Let our American working- men give their brethren from the sister Re- public a rousing welcome. When princes come here they are looked after by our officials and social leaders. Here now is a chance for our workingmen to show they are equally ready to act with dignity and cour- tesy to the representatives of their order. Suppose THs Frrenxps or Bristow, as a _ candidate for the Presidency, tell us what there is in his record as Secretary of the Treasury, outside of the whiskey suits, to excite our enthusiasm. Tne Pnrosrry or Srmaxer Kerr in the case of the appointment of Greene to a lieu- tenancy in the army is thoroughly es- tablished ontside of the very careful but emphatic statement of the gentle- man himself, There has been no doubt about Greene paying the money to Harney, and there is equally no doubt that Harney kept it. The willingness of Harney to make a little capital in the Custom House by telling scraps of the story he afterward related to the committee is quite intelligible with a man of his mental calibre and moral character, and his unwillingness at first to be dragged into an investigation from which he would prob- bly come out in bad plight makes clear why he should call men lio «stood «as close to his beloved | Darling as Bliss and Davenport ‘damned rascals” when they urged him to go in and “ruin the democratic party.” So far as the Speaker is concerned the case is closed en- tiséiy to Mr. Kerr's credit ; but with Harney, who evidently obtained Greene's money under false pretences, the end should be different, The friends of the beloved Dar- ling—Bliss and Davenport—even if the law cannot reach them, have received an ap- ‘t from Mr. Harney which may | the case on its merits, is not calculated to possibly strike the public as exact, Letters—A Tamultuous Day in Congress. Mr. Blaine did well to read in “the House yesterday the letters which have created such a stir. The desperate and discreditable means by which he got possession of them and his stubborn refusal to surrender them to the committee led the public to surmise for suppression compelled the public to | form an unfavorable ‘opinion, and it was natural for Mr. Blaine’s rivals in his own party, as well as his enemies out of it, to imagine the worst. No conceivable con- tents of the letters could have done him 80 much injury as the impression made by his tricky attempts at concealment, which jus- tified the inference so widely drawn that he would be disgraced and ruined by their publication. His reading them in the House relieves the anxiety of his friends, and creates a reaction in his favor by disclosing the actual nature of the cor- respondence, which is not so fatal to his reputation as his extraordinary conduct led the country to suspect. Before examining the letters it may not be out of place to consider the strange course of Mr. Blaine when he learned that they were in possession of Mulligan, and the prospect of their publication. That part of his conduct betokened something very different from conscious innocence. If he could have prevailed on Mulligan to make a voluntary surrender of the letters and to suppress the fact of their existence he would have buried them forever from the public knowledge. Finding this impossi- bleghe durst not let them come to light through the committee, but determined to read them himself with extenuating glosses and explanations to break their force. Had ined, and obscure points in them would have been cleared. up by the tes- timony of Mulligan, who had a per- fect knowledge of. the transactions, Mr. Blaine did not think it safe:to let the investigation proceed in this regular course. He dared ‘not let the correspondence go forth to the country without his exculpatory glosses. This would be a singular line of conduct if pursued by aman strong in the sense of his own innocence. Such desperate efforts at concealment as were made by Mr.’ in his first personal explanation in the House on the 24th of April. He said, on that occa- sion, with great emphasis :—‘‘My whole con- , nection with the road_has been as open as the day. If there had-been any- thing to conceal about it I should never have touched it. Wherever conceale ment is desirable avoidance is advisable; and I do not know any better test to apply to the honor and fairness of a business transaction.” Mr. Blaine has not thought it safe to apply this ‘test of honor and fairness” to his own transactions. He has given incontestable proofs tt “concealment is desirable” in relation to things he has done, and the pub- lie will accept his correct inference that in ance was advisable.” This sound maxim of his condemns his own attempts to tamper with witnesses and suppress evidence relat- ing to his railroad transactions. The attempt of Mr. Blaine to rouse party feeling in his favor by ascribing these inves- tigations to democratic hostility growing out of his speech on the amnesty question is artful but sophistical, It is in conflict with facts and with his own statements in the personal explanation he made in the House on the 24th of April, when he assigned a republican origin to the assaults on his character. He then said :— “Emissaries of slander have visited the editorial rooms of leading republi- can newspapers from Boston to Omaha, and whispered of revelations to come that wero too terrible even to be spoken of in loud tones.” Most certainly it was not democrats that went to republican papers with these damaging stories about Mr. Blaine. The meeting of editors in Cincinnati, several months ago, to consult about these stories, was a meeting of republicai™editors. Mr. Harrison, who was the author of the first re- port, is a republican, who derived his im- pressions from Mr. Rollins, another republi- can. Mr. Atkins, who published, a week or two since a private letter of Mr. Blaine, relating to a railroad transaction, is a republican, and Mulligan, who brought these letters to Washington, of which Mr. Blaine got posses- sion by forfeiting his word, is also a repub- lican. In the face of these notorious facts it will not strengthen public confidence in Mr. Blaine’s fairness and sincerity to see him ascribe these assaults on his character to democratic malice. His own letters, which have put him on the defensive, are not of democratic origin, nor were they brought to the public knowledge by democratic malig- nity. Neither Atkins nor Mulligan acted by democratic inspiration. Mr. Blaine's at- tempt to prop up his falling reputation by appeals to party feeling, instead of meeting make a favorable impression, when it is so notorious that the chief exposures have come from republican sources, and that Mr, Blaine himself assigned them a republican origin in his fitst personal explanation six weeks ago. Mr. Blaine made a telling claptrap point against Mr. Knott, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, in his speech yester- day, by accusing him of concealing a cable despatch from Caldwell received last Thurs- day. The despatch was probably sent by Binine’s instigation and procurement, and in view of Blaine’s habit of tampering with witnesses by getting possession of them be- fore they appear before the committee, with a View to influence their testimony, Mr. Knott may have felt that he was justified in withholding the despatch from Caldwell until he could ascertain whether it had resulted from a characteristic attempt of Blaine to get beforehand with the committee. When a witness arriving in Washington is seen and tampered with be- | fore he testifies there is a chance of bring- ing out the real truth ona cross-cxamina- ——— — tion ; but if Mr. Blaine communicated with Caldwell in Europe, and procured a cooked | statement to be sent to the committee, it was proper enough for its chairman to try to find proofs of that fact before admi‘ting such a suborned statement as evidence. The occasion is too grave for claptrap and theatrical display, and Mr. Blaine does not help his case by taking it ont of the hands of the commit- tee and manipulating it in his dexterous way before the House. Other accused per- | Sons make their defence before the tribunal charged with the investigation, and are con- tent if they have a fair opportunity to face their accusers and confute them by the | | ordinary and regular methods. Mr. Blaine appeals from the committeo to the House in the midst of the investigation, thereby con- fessing that he has no hope of vindication | by the regular tribunal appointed to ex- amine his case. A day or two must elapse before it will be | | safe to forma judgment as to the effect of Mr. Blaine’s explanation on his Presiden- tial chances, certain, that it gives his ardent sup- | porters a colorable ground to stand upon in continuing to urge his claims, It may, perhaps, enable him to hold the delegates who were expected to vote for | him. The prospect of his gaining any addi- tions to them is slender enough us the mat- | ter now looks, It is too evident that Mr. Blaine has been largely mixed up with rail- road transactions and other speculations, and the new facts which have been brought to light within the Inst week may justify o fear that the republican party would run ao great risk in nominating o candidate against whom similar revelations might be made in the course of the canvass, and keep the party on the defensive throughout the Presi- dential campaign. experiment than a political party would wish to make. It is possible that Mr, Blaine may succeed in vindicating his character to the satisfaction of fair-minded men; but as the Cincinnati Convention is to assemble only a week from to-morrow the time is too short for dispelling all doubts respect- ing a candidate who has resorted to suck. ex- traordinary methods to suppress evidence. The republican party is not so poor in can- didates that it needs to stake its success on the ability of Mr. Blaine to clear his reputa- tion from the suspicions which have gath- ered around it. . Tuere Wounp Bz the same objection to Bristow as President that there would have been to Jonathan Wild as Lord Mayor of London. . . “Square” Denial. In an article in the Sun, in which is succinctly stated the eommanding position of Mr. Washburne as a candidate, we find the following :— There was one accusation agalost Mr, Washburne, that ten thousand dollars wero paid improperly in Paris from the Transcontinental Railway funds, and that his action there was influenced thereby; but, if true, it is at variance with the general tenor of his life, and it is to be hoped he can deny 1 more squarely than ho has yetdone. It he can, he should do it immediately. Apparently our contemporary has forgot- * : ten the emphatic and straightforward dec- laration..on this subject made by Mr. Washbyrne in response to the original story as published in the Sun,’ which dec- laration was printed in the Hxmatp of February 12, 1875, having been cabled from our Paris office. It is as follows:— Pants, Feb. 11, 1875, To tnx Eprror o tHe Heravp:— Regarding the charge of the New York Sun that I re- cetved $10,000 for my official influence in getting the Fremont bonds placed on the Paris Bourse, it 1s, t0 the last degree, false and atrocious. I never received a dollar and was never offered a dollar in my lite for my official influence in this or any other matter, These bonds were placed on tho Paris Bourse a month bvelore larrived in France, in the spring of 1869 | exposed their fraudulent charactor and advised the State Do- partment about thom. Sy correspondence was called for by Congress and printed, The partics who put the donds on the market were furious with me for giving information as to their true character, and Fremont published a pamphlet on the subject arraigning me for discrediting a great American enterngise. KE, B, WASHBURNE, To deny an accusation ‘more squarely” than that would seem to be difficult. This event presents the man, moreover, in his real character. As soonashe got to Paris he found a fraud to assail, and he assailed it, Mr. Washbarne’s Ir Is Verx Evrpent that the impeachment of Belknap, will be a failure. The process is too cumbersome. No good can be gained by it. Even if successful it is the destruc. tion of a man who is dead beyond resurrec- tion already. The Republican Roll irk. We print this morning an important con- tribution to the deliberations of the republi- can Convention at Cincinnati. It embodies the result of the labors of several reporters who have been inquiring into the prefer- ences of the delegates from New York State to thé Convention on the question of the Presidency, The opinions of overy delegate are frankly ‘given, The result shows that out of the seventy delogates all but two are in favor of Mr. Conkling. Mr. Curtis will under no circumstances vote tor the New York candidate. Mr. Hoyradt, of Colum- bia, says the same thing. Mr. Prince takes the curious ground that he will vote for Conkling if he thinks the Senator will not be nominated. In other words Mr. Prince will compliment the Senator but not sup- port him. He will have some trouble, al- though he is an astute man, in explaining this eccentric record. We congratulate the delegates upon their courage and sincerity. Mr. Conkling is the true leader of the party. The Empire State should give its candidate an imperial support, and we trust the dele. gation will stand by their favorite first, last and all the time. 7 cali in New Tue Suatrened Nerves of the Ninth ave- nue car horses are among the latest argu- ments against rapid transit. Anything which can demonstrate the possession of nerves by those sad brutes should, we think, be hailed with joy by the horse car companies. If it is established in the solemn inquiry now in progress in the Court of Common Pleas that a railroad overhead develops anys thing in the shape of spirit in the New York car horse we expect that Judge Sedgwick, in the public interest, will order a steam road to be built over every horse car track in the city. It is, however, somewhat dispiriting to see the necessities of a great city so trifled with and the time of the courts taken up in listening to inquiries into the nervous gys- tem of the average Ninth avenue car horse, But this much is already | It isa more hazardous | England and Europe. Alexander of Russia wore at Berlin an Austrian, a Prussian and a Russian decora- tion ; and he said to the Austrian Premier that he ‘based his polities” on the relation- ship of those three Powers, as symbolized by the association of the three orders. This | was apparently not a mere phrase, not an idle attempt to tickle the Austrian vanity with the notion that it was a Power of the same consequence as Prussia or Russia; but | the expression of a purpose, the enunciation of a policy as to what Powers should be deemed of consequence and be counted with | inthe settlement of the future of Turkey | in Europe. It informed Austria that Russia and Prus- sin would not settle the case without agree- | ment with her as a third party in interest, but that they would not perhaps exclude | other Powers, but act on their own views of the feasiblé despite the opposition or hos- tility of other Powers; and it gave notice to | Austria that ifshe was not prepared to accept | what they would concede on this basis she | must cast her lot in some other camp. ‘This declaration claimed that no others had any standing inthe case, It recognized the nec- essary difficulties of drawing France into a | foreign war, and the fact that England, by calmly looking on in 1870 and 1871, bad as- sented to the calamity which resulted in her own isolation, and left her without any other capacity to make her will felt in Continental complications than such as must always be associated with her natural naval strength. This, therefore, was the position of the northern Cabinets with regard to England early in the month of May. They had re- solved to proceed on the assumption that England was not even a counter in the game, and now suddenly they find their advance stopped by her presence, and their well considered programme seems indefinitely set aside by the occurrence of events sus- ceptible of no other explanation but that they wtre contrived in the interests of British diplomacy. Indeed, it is already thought that by these events England has recovered in Europe the prestige that seemed to have departed with Palmerston, and the habit of speaking of apparently successful strokes as brilliant ones is followed in this case. But the happiness of this return to the former foreign policy of England may be better judged when its results are known. If Eng- land is compelled to withdraw from the position thus boldly taken in order to avoid un unequal war, or if accepting the war England should find it calamitous, this late return to an obsolete policy will not have many admirers, i Neither Russia nor Germany would be averse to a war in which they could have England on the hip, for Russian would like to settle on any convenient occasion that rivalry of Eastern pretensions which must Yend in a collision some day, and Germany, with an ambition to become a great mari- time Power, woulde be pleased to cripple the nation that stands between her and the sun- shine in that particular. It is not likely that England would be averse to any war, come when it may, in which she could have her enemies at a disadvantage ; and the likeli- hood of war, therefore, must turn altogether on the view taken in the respective Cabinets of the relative strength and the probabilities, of success. So far as the facts are known to the world the calculation of probabilities is not such s can greatly reassure England. In the Crimean war England, France, Turkey and Italy fought Russia for a year, and not greatly to their satisfaction. But now the Russia that then so stoutly resisted them single handed is sustained by Germany, the greatest military Power of the world, and by Austria ; and what has England to sustain her? Only Turkey. Neither France nor Italy can help her. If France should ever enter the alliance a Prussian demonstration on the Rhine would compel her to keep at home every man she can raise, andas she has much to lose and nothing to gain she will not movo a finger in the case. It is re- ported that England counts on Austria, All who count on Austria are apt to find that they need to count again. Austria is com- prlled to be on the side that is strongest, and that is evidently the side of Russia and Prussia. She sympathizes with the English policy and would help England to secure peace ; but if war is to como she must stand on the other side, in order to be one of tho Powers that divide rather than one of those that are divided. If there isa war, though England could pun- ish her enemies on the sea they would pun- ish her wherever else they could get at her, and her Turkish policy would suffer igno- minious defeat. It seems, therefore, ineredi- ble that England can persist in the attitude taken a moment after war shall appear as the certain consequence of that attitude, and that is the direction in which events drift. With an almost hopeless war in prospect as a certain consequence of her defiant attitude, and with a ministerial crisis as an equally certain consequence of the abandonment of that attitude, it may be seen that the Premier who indulges in a brilliant policy does not lie on a bed of roses. Tnose Wxo Surronr Bristow as an anti- administration candidate do not reflect that he is the only candidate who is a part of the administration. The Sunday Liquor Law Farce. Recorder Hackett’s charge to the Grand Jury on the subject of the recent attempt of .the Mayor and Police Commissioners to en- force the Sunday Liquor law by the imme- diate arrest of all persons found selling beer or liqnor on the Sabbath will be read with much interest, The Recorder declares that if the law makes it » misdemeanor to sell intoxicating liqu rs on Sunday he shall exact the full penalty for its infringement in any case that may be brought before him in which a conviction may be obtained. At the same time he protests against the use of the police as decoy ducks and spies, first to induce a violation of the law and next to arrest its violators, In the event of the commission of a misdemeanor which does not involve a breach of the peace, and which cannot be otherwise stopped or re- | dressed, an arbitrary arrest is warranted, as it is in felonies, But when a warrant can be obtained, and when the parties can be readily found and are responsible for their disregard of the law, a citizen should EW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 6, 1876.—TRIPLE SHEET. not be seized, dragged off to a station house and locked up by the poli As Recorder Hackett says, if this system of arbitrary ar- rests for a supposed misdemeanor is to pre- vail then »ny citizen may be seized and | dragged off to a station house at any hour of the day or night for any alleged offence. and the Mayor in this matter is calculated to | bring all law into contempt. At Gilmore's Garden, where thousands of persons congre- gate, the farce was enacted on Sunday last of arresting a few dummies who were hired for the purpose, while the reguiar waiters of the garden were left un- molested, and beer and liquors were served in such quantities as the demand required without let or hindrance. Nota call for ‘‘drinks” was unattended to or un- filled during the entire evening, and the bogus enforcement of the law only made the police authorities appear contemptible. The Tammany officials have made a mistake in this matter. They should either have en- forced the law by legal warrants or should have allowed it still to remain a dead letter on the statute book. As it is, they have placed themselves in the position of encour- aging the ‘violation*of the law in some in- stances, while in others resorting to illegal and unjustifiable measures to compel its ob- servance, Bristow's Weak Porst as ao candidate is the impression that he used his office to break down Grant, hoping to rise on the ruins of an administration which had ex- alted him end of a President to whom he owed his advancement and his power. Let Us Give Grandfather Feter a Chance. “The Spirit of Seventy-six” thanks the Henarp ‘for its presentation of the fact that New York has a candidate forthe Presidency in the person of glorious old Peter Cooper.” This correspondent, with an elaboration of thetoric that does credit te his enthusiasm, enumerates tho virtues and achievements of Mr. Cooper, and calls upon all who honor a blameless life to rally around the standard of “Cooper, Conservatism and Reform.” The fact that a political convention pre- sents the name ofa citizen like Mr. Cooper for the Presidency shows an elevation of tone not often seen in our politics. It brings back the days when we had a Livingston and a Rufus King in public life. Grandfather Peter's financial opinions stand in the way of his genoral accept- ance as a candidate. But it looks now as if the demand for government reform would transcend all other questions. In that event Grandfather Peter would sweep the country. How the noble old commoner would hustle the whiskey thieves from office ! What a short shrift he would give to the Caseys, the Babcocks and the Belknaps! What ahard time it would be for his relatives! In fact, when we remember that among his rela- tives are A. 5. Hewitt and Edward Cooper the public will see what self-denial would be required from our old Dandolo. The ad- ministration of Peter Cooper would strengthen the public service. The canvass of Grandfather Peter is not far advanced. But the campaign is still young. “Furthermore, the New York news- papers have not done their duty by this venerable and illustrious citizen. ' ‘This is unlike the generosity characteristic of the press. Instead of wasting our efforts on country statesmen and scheming politicians let us rally around this fine old citizen, and now that the has accepted the nomination for the Presidency see that his claims have proper consideration. Bristow Brossomep too soon as a candi- date for the Presidency, There was not enough sunshine in the St. Louis business to nourish him. The Outlook at Cincinnati. We shall have to wait a day or two before we know the effect of Blaine’s parliamentary demonstration upon his canvass, Is it pos- sible that his eloquence and pluck will rally his followers? We do not think so. Mr. Blaine, at his best, is'not an available candi- date for the Presidency. No party can go into a canvass with a leador they must de- fendz At the same time Mr. Blaine will bea power in the party. His attack on the Judi- ciary Committee will give him a prestige with the States which go to Cincinnati in his interest, The question now is—‘‘How will {he use that power?” And it is a question the answer to which will have a decisive ef- fect upon Cincinnati. Mr. Blaine has an outlook in three direc- tions, Ile may take up the banner of Conk- ling, and, by an act of magnanimity which would be memorable in political history, give New York the nomination and command the new administration. Or he may throw the victory to the West and nominate Wash- burne or Hayes. Or ho may have a candi- date of his own—a Great Unknown—who would be to him what Lincoln was to Seward. All our information points to an alliance between Washburne and Blaine. The reln- tions of the two men have been intimate and confidential. Blaine would be Washburne's trusted adviser and in his Cabinet, most likely, Failing in Washburne he might support Hayes. There are positive in- fluences against Washburne that Hayes has not developed. The railway land grabbers and subsidy beggars, the jobbers like Jay Gould, the specn- lators like Tom Scott, are all opposed to Washburne. Jay Gould knows that Wash- burne, as President, would as soon bury his right arm in burning coals as sign a land grant bill or any scheme for building up his railway. This influence is, unhappily, pow- erful in our politics. It will array itself against Washburne, as soon as he is_promi- nent, to defeat him as a candidate or as a President. It may go to Hayes or to Hart- ranft as a forlorn hope. But still the railway jobbers do not own the country, and their opposition may be an advantage. As the field now stands Conk- ling leads as the favorite, with Washburne closing on him.and Hayes coming to the front. But appearances mean nothing, and it would not surprise us to see the Great Unknown manifest his presence and his power, The action of the Police Commissioners | The Rifle Team. The competitions for places on the rifle team which is to face the formidable teams from Ireland, Scotland and Canada will be resumed to-day at Creedmoor, and out of the twenty-four best shots érom last week's- | trials we should certainly get twelve men for team and reserve equal to any riflemen in the world. It appears that the vote of the joint committee of last Friday does not give unmixed satisfaction to one or two earn- est spirits, but the logie of the objector, whose letter we published yesterday, is weak in one important respect, which was | that the chances of a day's shooting may displace some of those who won honors last week and so break faith with them. The converse side is much stronger—namely, that | the compact of the committee is with Ameri- can riflemen in general to produce the strongest possible team, and, if some of the sixteen guined their places by the unfavora- ble operation of these ‘‘chances” on un- doubtedly strong shots, it is well to give the latter one opportunity to redeem themselves, We think that at least nine names out of the final twelve will be found among the first sixteen of last week, and if the addi- tional eight secure three of the places it will be the outside, Let the whitedisks wave! Turopore Tomas is to be allowed to play in Philadelphia if he furnishes Yanke~ Doodle music. “Wanted, Fifty-four Votes.” A democratic newspaper sums up the democratic canvass for the Presidency in this sentence :—‘‘We need only fifty-four votes to elect the next President.” This calculation is based upcn the theory that all the Southern States will vote the democratic ticket at the next election, Even in Louisiana and South Carolina, where the negroes are so numerous and where the republicans should certainly expect to have a majority, this result is almost con- ceded. It would not be wise, perhaps, to enter into all the causes of this radical and in some respects unnatural change “in the political temper of the South. But it is acalamity. It presents two sections of the Union one against the other, as before the war. When the war was over it was the hope of every patriot, North and South, that all sectionalism had been buried in the bloody fields of Virginia and Missis- sippi; that there would never again be a Presidential contest with one section am rayed against another; but now, in the third canvass since the close of the war, we enter upon the fight with the South a unit, and with no hope of breaking that unit. It Would be a blessing to our politics | if this Southern question were to be elimi- nated, and we had issues which would ap- peal to us as Americans and patriots, and not as citizens of one section or another. We see no such prospect, and can only wait and hope. é < A Conrzsponpent thinks this is a good time for a Centennial ticket, and names— For President. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, of Massachusetts, For Vice President. JOHN JAY, of New York. This would be a great ticket. The objeo- tion that both Adams and Jay come from the both Grant and Colfax came from the West. Such a ticket would meet the approval of Grandfather Peter, who would undoubtedly withdraw in its favor, and whose retirement would clear the canvass, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, ‘The Sultan hold only one pair, or in Northfeld, Mass, Abdal as was, and no joke. bein St, Louis June 17. The Lower California beds have been exhausted The cx-Sultan cat his thi ot life with a pair of scissors. ‘ The subdued ery the world ovor.is, “What sbali we invest in”? Eastern insurance companies are reducing rates of interest on loans, Cinctonatt finished a May festival of masie which was financially unsuccessful. Governor John MeKnery of Loutsiana is not likely to re-enter politics, but will practise law, We impatiently wait for the 11th ot July, when Brie. tow will be 44 For 11, 44 are magic numbers. _ It may be interesting to come of the people to learn that hemp and democrats are usually raised in Kon. tucky. i While one hymn book is good enough for lovers it “takes two to supply thom with music after they are married, Legal minds that have undertaken to discuss points ot evidence inthe Bible have not made a popular im- pression. ‘Mr. Ramsdcil, a Washfngton newspaper correspond- ght, 1s anaounced as a now membor of the big Bonanza firm of Flood & O’Brien. “ “There are,” says Grote, “two distinct points of view from which morality must be looked at—as it con- cerns the individual agent, and as it concerns the ob- serving and judging public,” Nothing surprises a country gentloman more than to step into acity clock store to sct his watch aod dis- cover that out of a bewildering array of a hundrod hands no two paint to the same hour or minute. Henry Watterson explains That the Bates & Locke circular was no more an impropriety than usually at- taches to the electioneering zeal of partisans who seck to pregs the claims and proclaim the mertts ol their fa- vorite, Professor Bain, speaking of msthotic emotions, re. marks:—‘'In all matters of art the interest of person- ality exceeds every other, aud the supreme charm of the curved outline is relative to the human.iorm ag adapted for love.”” Admiral Portor is enthusiastically devoted to the technique of the navy. He is so far a worthy successor of Farragut. He is always opposed te the manner of the powers that be. Greeley, in his history, speaks about Porter and cotton, A Rutland (Vt.) jury decided that a keg of lager which contained six per cent of aleohol was not intoxi- cating, because a physiemn showed that cider two years old contained cight por cent of alcohol. In New York State the inhabitants don’t permit hquor of any kind to become two years old. Dr. Volkelt suys:—“Dreams, While originating ip bodily sensations, are not the results of association, It ts not the idea caused bya physical impression which calls up another idea to form the dream; the dream-imagmation at once in one act syinbolizes the physteal affection to the vision of the slecper."” ‘ Clara Morris ts now in Danbury, to rogain her health, anda friend who ts her companion writes :—*Miss More ris ix doing ber best to promote a cure, if outdoor exer- cise 18 going to do it, We are up at six in the morning, walk three miles or more before dinner, drive many * more mites before tea, ride the rost of the evening, and All ap any extra time with eating and drinking.” Frederick William Robertson's posthumous volume contains this pasenge:—In tho darkest hour through which a buman soul can pass, whatever else is doubt ful, this at least iz certain, If there be no God and ne future state, yet, even then, it is better to be generous than seifish, better to be chaste than licenticus, better to bo true than falec, better to be brave than to be ® coward,” Enst would be answered by the fact that~