The New York Herald Newspaper, June 1, 1876, Page 6

c: party machine pretty tightly on his record, Donference Gen’s friends and foes, To boil down the } a ingenious, but oven if this summary of ¥ NEW YOKK HERALD, THURSDAY, JUNE 1, 1876,-TRIPLE sHExr. NEW YORK HERALD| BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic aad must be addressed New Youn aria and packages should be properly Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA UFFICE—NO. 112SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. ARK THEATRE. UNCLE TOM’S canine ats Pr. M, Mrs. G. C. Howard. hy BOWER MAID OF THE W. QHATH, ats lM. bel Lees a MARILLE VARIETIES, SP. M. Matinee at 2 elke HUMPTY DUMPTY, ats Pio THEATRE, VARIETIES, FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE. PIQUE, at SP. M. Lobe THEATRE. FARIETY, at 8 P.M. HOWES & CUsiL Performances at 2 P.M. and 8 I 8 CIRCUS. SAN FRA MINSTRELS, usP.M. CENTRA N, ORCHESTRA, QUAR' ‘Ss, at 8 P.M. GILMOR GRAND CONCERY, a! Ga E. William J. Florence. THEATRE. TONY PASTOR'S NE VARIETY, at 8 P.M. UNION EB THEATRE, DONSCIENCE, at 8 P R, Thorne, Jr. atSP. M. BOOTWS THEATRE. BIJ0 N'S TESTIMONLAL, at 1:30 P. M, y HER ‘rom our “repo 's this morning are that the weather to-day wili be warmer, cloudy and threatening, with probable storms tovard night. Norice to Country NEwspEaLErs.—For prompt and regular delivery of the Hznaup by Jast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Watt Srneer Yxstrrpay.—Stocks were stronger. Gold opened and closed at 1125-8, with intermediate sales at 1121-2. Invest- ment shares, government and railway bonds were in the main stendy and firm. Foreign exchange was nominally lower. Money on call closed at 3 1-2 3 per cent. Postage jree. A Mager or Punic Orrniox.—A great many people on reading .in another part of the Heratp the simple story of the life and death of Mr. Bloss, of the Cincinnati Enquirer, will wonder that they never heard of him before; but his articles were widely quoted, and, as a true journalist, he found his satisfaction in this and the growth of the opinions he held. Quvrsec has now learned its severe lesson from making tinder boxes by the hundred for the first fire in a dry season to seize upon. . It is, it appears, illegal to build wooden houses within the city limits, but the suburb which suffered belongs to an old part of the town, and the author- ities probably were little encouraged to en- force the law in view of the mass of wooden buildings already standing. They now have an opportunity to enforce it tosome purpose. ‘Tre Crry Transrr Ficut progresses in the courts, and ‘‘a cloud of witnesses” has ap- peared in the interest of rapid transit as op- posed to the pretensions of the street railroad companies, who claim that the dummy en- gines of the Elevated Railroad impede traf- fic in the streets and sicken as well as frighten the ‘street car horags, We are of opinion that the directors and stockhold- ers of the several city railroads feel much more indisposed and alarmed at the pros- pects of a speedy realization of our great want—rapid transit—than the overworked horses. Whena street car is loaded with one hundred passengers, instead of twenty-two, the horses are made sensible that any other system of transportation would suit them much better than that for which their kind owners employ them, Tue Presprrenun Guxerat Assempry ad- journed yesterday after a fortnight’s labor to meet next May “in the city of Chicago. A great good has been accomplished in the union of the churches North and South, and hereafter we hope to hear of these geographi- cal distinctions no more as implying any difference of faith or practice. The Presby- terian Church has benefited by the session, and it is only to be regretted that on so sol- emn an occasion Mr. Talmage, who always wears the cap and bells, did not forbear from making a speech full of circus puns upon the names of several of the brethren. “Beware of the vidders” may be funny in Pickwick, but applying it to » member of the General Assembly and to so dignified a gentleman as the Rev. Samuel Weller savors of ® coarse mind. We are sorry some one did not gag Mr. Talmage. Tax Democrats or Wrstenn New Yonx are somewhat divided in their opinions of Mr. Tilden as Presidential candidate. The interesting interviews with prominent members of the party in Buffalo which we publish elsewhere bring this contrariety of opinions within very clear lines. It would seem that the Governor holds tho | his present power and his prospects, and that thio opposition to him is quite unorganized, although very bitter where it is felt. The | “masked battery” opinions on the Albany are worthy of note, both by Til- flemooratic opposition to personal hostility the ocnference is just the question of the material voting power it may represent is something to be considered outside of its ‘moral character. We commend our Buffalo letter to studious democrats. New York and the Presidency. It is a noteworthy fact in our political history that the State of New York, a great Commonwealth whose pre-eminence is recog- nized in the conceded title of the Empire State, a Commonwealthwhich contains one- eighth of the population of the United States and ranks still higher in wealth, resources and enterprise than it does in population, a State which includes the commercial em- poriums of the country, the great centre of exchanges both for our domestic and foreign trade—it is remarkable, we say, that this most powerful and popnious of all the States has never but once had an elected President of the United States. Martin Van Buren was the only citizen of New York elected to the Presidency during the eighty- seven fears the government has been in ex- istence, and he served but a single term. It is true that Mr. Fillmore acted as President for the unexpired part of General Taylor's term, but this was an accidental, not an intended honor to the State. The po- litical importance of New York has always been recognized, but the country has at- tempted to pay it off by giving it a large share of the Vice Presidents. In seven dif- ferent elections a citizen of New York has been chosen for the Vice Presidency— namely, Aaron Burr in 1800, George Clin- ton in 1804 and again in 1808, Daniel D. Tompkins in 1812 and 1816, Martin Van Buren in « 1832, and Millard Fillmore in 1848, In the twenty-one Presidential elec- tions New York has had just one- third of the Vice Presidents, and it has had the same proportion of successors to the highest office by the death of the in- cumbent. Of the three such vacancies a New York Vice President has filled one, which shows that accident has given the | State fairer treatment than the deliberate political action of the people, Some of the other States and sections have fared better, and some have fared worse. The New England States, whose aggregate popu- lation is less than that of New York, have had three Presidents, two of the three having been from Massachusetts. Citizens of Virginia have been chosen to the Presidency in six different elections, and another of her citi- zens who was elected Vice President filled the highest office during nearly the whole of Harrison’s term, who died only a month after his inauguration ; so that Virginia has had the Presidency for twenty-cight of the eighty-seven years since the organization of the government. Moreover, two of the Presidents elected from other States—Harri- son and Taylor—were Virginians by birth. It used to be said with a pardonable senti- ment of State pride by the F. F. V.’s that Virginia is ‘“‘the mother of Presidents,” which sometimes took the form ‘‘ mother of statesmen ”—by no means interchangeable expressions in these latter days. The reason why New York has not been a mother of Presidents is not that it has failed to be a mother of statesmen. We have not fallen behind our sister States in the pro- duction of men capable of filling and adorn- ing the highest station. We will mention only three as specimens of a greater number. De Witt Clinton, Silas Wright and William H. Seward were at least the peers of any of the public men of their time. Two of them—Mr. Clinton and Mr. Seward—were ambitious of the Presidency; the third, Mr. Wright, who was called by his contempo- raries ‘the Cato of American politics,” never exhibited symptoms of this infirmity, al- though he would have made as able and vir- tuous a President as any man who has ever filled the office. We have alluded to these eminent men merely to show that although New York has had but one elected President it is not because she has lacked men worthy of the position. Considering that men like Polk, Pierce and Taylor have been elevated to that high office the exclusion of great statesmen like Clinton, Wright and Seward, proves that New York has not been slighted because the ability of her citi- zens was not equal to their numbers, wealth and enterprise. Of late years New York has had even more than its proportion of Presidential candi- dates, the empty honor of a mere candida ture being easily conceded when there is little or no chance of an election. All. the democratic candidates have been taken from New York since the beginning of the civil war; but in those three elec- tions the republican party was so power- ful that the democratic nomination was only a title to political’ martyrdom. No republi- can nomination has ever been given to New York, although in 1860 New York hada stronger claim than any other State in the Union. In that memorable year nobody could successfully dispute the pre-eminence of Mr. Seward among the statesmen of the republican party. “Eclipse was first and the rest nowhere.” And yet Mr. Séward, who had done more than any other fifty men to create and establish the republican party, who was recognized both inside and outside the party as its directing head and foremost representative, who had been one of the most popular of New York Governors and one of the ablest and most influential of New York Senators, was set aside and the nom- ination given to a citizen of Illinois, who, at that time, ranked below at least a hundred men in the republican party in political ser- vices and public estimation, although by o good fortune which could not have been foreseen Mr. Lincoln proved to be a wise and capable President. But in the light which then existed the’ rejection of Mr. Seward was o great injustice to him and to the Empire State. He bore his disap- pointment not merely in a patriotic but a heroic spirit; but it is none the less true that New York and its candidate were shabbily treated, and it is also.true that no reparation has ever been made for that signal injustice, The time for repairing it has now come, | and the republican party will make a mis- take if it continues to ignore the great im- portance of New York. For the first time in twenty-five years « Presidential election will . turn on the vote of New York. Without New York neither party can have any hope of electing the next President. In 1852 Pierce would not have been elected if New York had given its electoral votes to Scott. In 1856 the vote of New York was given to Fremont, and yet Buchenan was triumphantly elected. In 1860 Lincoln's election would have been.-| sure without New York, as ;phis ro-clection also was in 1864. In 1868 Grant was tri- umphantly elected, although the vote of New York was given to Seymour. If the Greeley ticket had been successful in New York in 1872 it would have made no difference in the result of the canvass, But this ycar it is universally admitted by poli- ticians of all parties that no man has any chance of an election without the votes of the Empire State. It will not be safe, there- fore, for either the Cincinnati or the St. Louis Convention to disregard the wishes of its party in the State of New York, There are many States which are absolutely sure for the republicans and many others which are absolutely sure for the democrats, no matter who may be the candidate. The nom- inee on each side must be selected with refer- ence to the few doubtful States, and with ref- erence especially to the State of New York, which will be the main battle ground of the canvass. It is as true of one party as of the other that if New York is lost all is lost. Senator Conkling’s chances for carrying New York would be excellent, and if his claims are overruled at Cincinnati it should be for reasons of great weight. He will be sup- ported by New York and Pennsylvania in the Convention, and, if the support of Ohio is added, with Governor Hayes as the candidate for Vice Sonthern delegation will more than suffice to carry Mr. Conkling through. Blaine’s nomination is impossible for various reasons which we need not now dwell upon. Morton's chances and Bristow’s are so slen- der that no competent judge believes it pos- sible for either of them to succeed. It is as | good as certain that Senator Conkling can- not be defeated except by some candidate whose name has not yet been made promi- nent, But whether Mr. Conkling be nominated or rejected it remains equally true that the candidate must be selected with reference to his ability to carry New York. Excepting Mr. Conkling there is but one man whose chances would be really good for rescuing New York from the demo- crats. Mr. Washburne would not enlist State pride like Senator Conkling, but he would have some important compensat- ing advantages, especially if Governor Til- den should be his democratic antagonist. Mr. Washburne would be a truer and more genuine representative of the reform issue than any other citizen of the United States. He was a reformer before reform became a political hobbyhorse. During his long ser- vice as amember of Congress his reputation rested on his unflinching opposition to every description of jobs and subsidies. He did his strenuous utmost to crush the Crédit Mobilier scheme in the egg before it was hatched as an unclean and voracious bird. There was never any job, nor any sign or symptom of a job in Congress while Mr. Washburne was there against which he did not ‘‘set his face like a flint.” His strenuous, stubborn opposition to jobs and subsidies, which was the distinguishing feature of his Congressional ‘career, is not exposed to any suspicion of self-seeking mo- tives. He fought the battle for economy and against corruption when the tide ran in the other direction. Such an early, cour- ageous, persistent, dyed-in-the-wool re- former would carry off the palm on this issue because he has given such indubitable, proofs of sincerity as will command the confidence of the country. If, therefore, Senator Conkling’s claims should be rejected the only safe thing for the republi- can party is to nominate Mr. Washburne, who, besides having an unequalled” reform record, would receive the unanimous Ger- man vote in consequence of his noble pro- tection to German residents during the siego of Paris. The English Derby. “Put not your trust in favorites,” would be a racing apothegm as full of bitter sugges- tions the day after the run as Strafford’s saying was with his head upon the block. Princes do, however, reward the super- serviceable, and favorites sometimes win, so that the courtier’s faith has its occasional set off against the cynic’sincredulity. Then the courtier calls the cynic a disappointed slave, just as successful authors, from Racine to Disraeli, say that crities are authors who have failed themselves. The victory of Kisber, better known as the Mineral colt, on Epsom Downs yesterday in a field of only fifteen horses stands midway on the favorite question, He was third favorite, and among a large number of entries it is something for the newspaper prophets to have even named him; for it has happened year after year that some obscure horse at long odds in the betting has led the flashing mass of silk clad riders and. satin coated steeds that canfe finely thundering down from Tattenham corner past the grand stand to the winning post. The winning of the Derby favorite is, as a rule, bad for the pro- fessional betting men. They are generally long-headed men who make their “book” so as to give odds on every horse entered to all takers, and they caltulate the chances of profit more on the relations of the entire field to each other than specially on the merits of any single horse. The gentlemen sports and the public generally fix, on the contrary, their fancies on particular animals, and naturally seek those that are highest on the lists. The professionals, therefore, stand to loso most if the favorite wins, for a “book” so perfgctly calculated as to guard against loss, no matter what horse wins, is regarded as an impossibility. The failure of Petrarch, the first favorite, to win, there- fore, throws a heavy loss on the amateur bet- ting men, from Lord Dupplin down, while the victory of the Mineral colt reduces the profits of the professionals considerably. It is now ten years since the winner of the Two Thousand Guineas won the Derby and the St. Leger, the three great three-year-old events, That was the Lord Lyon year, and it was as fatal to the betting men as the Hun- dred Days to the French. The year before the French horse Gladiateur had swept the three events in magnificent fashion, and the public faith in the prophets and tipsters was just wrought up to that point that, in 1867, the bookmakers were able to recoup in a sea- son their losses of the two previous years. The moral of it all is that there is no “sure thing” on the turf, Lord Dupplin, the owner of Petrarch, bought him at a fancy price early in the season, because he was thought to be in the way of his lordship’s other horse, { President, - the | Kaleidoscope. With Petrarch he won the Two Thousand Guineas, but when we look at the result in the Derby it reminds us of the dipping of young Achilles in the Styx, whose invulnerability did not extend to his heel. Or perhaps the promise of the jug- gling fiends to Macbeth, who paltered with him ina double sense, would be better to the point. There is only one way to be sure of winning, and that is to hold all the cards. The Change in Tarkey. Some Frenchman, happitr in his phrases than in his faith, summed up an experience of many new governments which repeated the old errors in the phrase, ‘‘T'lus ga change, plus c'est la méme chose ;” or, change them as we may, they are the same at last. And this, we are convinced, will be the experience of the world with the change in Turkey, though we note that it is interpreted in some quarters as a fact of good augury for reform in that country. Apparently this interpretation is founded in a too literal acceptance of the official announce- ment of the change of sultans, The phrase as to “the will of the people” is taken as the statement of a fact. In truth, however, the will of the people of Turkey was no more felt fn this change and had no more relation to it than the will of the people of Coney Island, If even a mob shouted against the Sultan in the streets of Stamboul it is well enough known to everybody how that could be managed; but between a crowd of roughs in the streets of a dirty city and the people of an Empire that stretches from the Balkan to the | Persian frontier there is a perceptible differ- ence. Tammany Hall can organize a dem- onstration in the streets of this city that will howl reform against any frantic ten thousand Moslems the world ever saw; but if by any conceivable circumstance such a demonstration could change our govern- ment would it be fair to say that the change was produced by the will of the American people ? Tammany Hall would say that, of course. But would anybody else? Would Massachusetts or California, Wiscon- sin or Texas assent? They who arranged the deposition of the Sultan have ahnounced it to the world in a phrase that is in the style of the political slang of the time, for all in these days must move in the name of the people. But there must be a robust optimism in those who are imposed upon by such a pretence when it dates from Constan- tinople. “Palace intrigue” is an acknowledged part of the unwritten law of non-constitutional countries, and Abdul-Aziz has only fallen under the ban of that inevitable limitation of absolute governments, In countries wire the sovereign authority finds such support in the surroundings that it pr8vails against all regular endeavors to limit it constitu- tionally, where it puts down parliaments and councils—stamps out laws, customs, traditions—prevents, in short, the growth in the State of any political body that divides the supremacy with it, there it is found that the “palace intrigue” always comes upon the stage sooner or later as the ex- pression of a will hostile to the Sovereign’s will, In short, irregular limitation or conspiracy cannot be prevented. In Russia this limited supremacy has ope- rated so constantly that that government ‘was said to be “a despotism tempered by as- sassination.” It was said of a Russian em- peror that he walked to his coronation pre- ceded by the murderers of his father, fol- lowed by the murderers of his grandfather and surrounded by thove who subsequently murdered him in his turn. Russia and Turkey are alike in this unpleasant particular. The Sultan has been put aside by a palace in- trigue, to which the heir apparent was per- haps a party, and which has had the sup- port of the softas. Are the authors of that intrigue inspired by any aspiration toward reform in the government? This, while conceivable and possible, is unlikely. Indeed, the supposition is only possible on the assumption that the authors of the intrigue are possessed of far more tal- ent than is known to exist among the Otto- man princes ; for they must have held Eng- land in one hand and Moslem fanaticism in the other. No intrigue could have suc- ceeded in presence of that fanaticism that was known to be allied with the endeavor to reform—that is, Christianize the country— and no promise of reform could be made that did not start with a pledge to put down the fanatics as the only serious obstacle. If the present Sultan stands on a bargain made with England he is not likely to stand a great while; ond unless he does stand on such o bargain his accession does not mean reform. We cannot, therefore, thoroughly see on what the English journals found their joy in the matter, unless, indeed, England's hand has been in the unmaking of Abdul- Aziz, and that there is a secret, pledge of some kind between the English and the men now in power at Constantinople. Before, however, any Power can reap advantage from the change of names we must seo which way tends the promised change in the administration. The Fourteenth Day’s Bulletin, Fourteen days from to-day the Convention which is to name ono of the gentlemen who will, in all human probability, be President of the United States, will assemble at Cin- cinnati. But fourteen days remain for the politicians to make their combinations, A busier fourteen days will not be known for a hundred years. As we have said, this can- vass will not only determine the govern- ment of the country for the next four years, but tho political tendencies of the coun- try for the next generation. it is a canvass for power and for the reorganization of par- ties. New men are to come into authority, not only in the republican but in the demo- cratic party. Whatever is done at Cincin- nati and at St. Louis there will not bea continuance of the Grant Empire and no restoration of the Bourbons. The domo- erats and republicans plan to win. The democrats have won the South, and their game is now to carry the country. The republicans can hardly hope to keep all of the North, and their problem is to save enough of the Northern and Western States to carry the election. As it now looks on this, the fourteenth day preceding the day of strife and triumph, the Conkling hosts lead the ad- vance. As our Albany correspondent, in a most intelligent and interesting letter printed in Tuesday’s Hznaxp, showed conclusively, Mr. Conkling’s strength is gaining m his own State. He will go to Cincinnati with a unanimity of support such as no New York statesman has curried into a conveu- tion sinee the days of Seward. Unlike Seward he will not have an antagonism like that headed by Mr. Greeley, but a faint opposition from some followers of Mr. Curtis, an opposition that even now loses heart and consistency and will probably melt before the Convention is called to order. The common sense of the republican party sees that in Mr. Conkling and in him. alone the courage of that party will find ex- pression. As a candidate the more the country sees of Mr. Conkling the more it likes him. It likes his zeal, bis frankness, his pride, his stainless name. It is a most significant fact that although the fierce light of hundred torches of investigation has been beating -upon him not o stain has been seen. The more his character is studied the brighter it appears. The serious question is, Can he keep his pace? Will there be any break in favor ofa Great Unknown? Can Mr. Blaine keep his legions to do his bidding atter they have furled his flag, as furl it they must, in the presence of these undying scandals? We do not consider Mr. Blaine seriously in the field. No prudent party will dare to nominate a candidate whose canvass will be an apology. The canvass now lies between Conkling and the Great Unknown. The Great Un- known’s colors, so far as we can distinguish them, are Galena lead, and look marvel- lously like those of Washburne, of Illinois. Rapid Transit as a Step in Civiliza- tion. This edition of the Henazp will be car- ried as far as San Francisco in a special train that left New York at midnight. This train will be under the patronage of Messrs. Jarrett and Palmer, the well known theatri- cal managers, who take Mr. Barrett, the tragedian, and several actors of their troupe to play in the tragedy of “Henry V.” in San Francisco on Monday evening. If tho schedule time is preserved the train will arrive at Pittsburg, Pa., this morning at ten, at Chicago this evening at eight, crossing the Mississippi during the night, reaching Omaha at ten to-morrow, Salt Lake about noon on Saturday and San Francisco at noon on Sunday, allowing the actors time to re- hearse their parts and be on the stage armed for the dreadful fray at Agincourt on Mon- day evening. It seems almost incredible that a train should cross the American continent in eighty-four hours. Yet the feat is possible, allowing this train a much slower rate of speed than is permitted to the fast trains on English and Continental railroads. The mail trains from London to Dover and from Dublin to Queenstown go at a rate auch faster than our adventurous voyagers will attain on their trip. So that even if there should be some delays, on account of grades or other obstacles not anticipated, the trip could be made. All railroad travel now looks to swift time. In ten years we shall go from New York to Philadelphia in as little time as was neces- sary a short time ago to. go from New York to Peekskill. The time is coming when it will be as much a custom to have the Hrenatp in Chicago on the evening of publication as in Washington and Albany. The enterprise of Messrs. Jarrett and Palmer is another evidence of the fact that private energy and skill are the real pioneers in all works of progress. It was the Henatp which taught the government what could be done in the way of fast trains as far as the Mississippi River. The same principle is carried as far as the Pacific Coast, We wonder how long it will take a citizen of New York to go to San Francisco in the second centennial year of our national life? This is a question which the imagination dare not trust itself to answer. Tue Poisonine or Tur Cump Edna Ein- stein, through tho mistake of a druggist’s boy, who gave laudanum in a prescription where simple syrup was called for, belongs to a class of regularly recurring blunders which, for public protection, should be pun- ished as crimes. The utter ignorance thus shown by the boy Faber throws a remark- able light on the carelessness of people in a business which demands knowledge and ex- actness. Medicine is generally given ata time when the system will least withstand the effects of powerful drugs wrongly ad- ministered. The difference in color, con- sistency and smell between the tincture of opium and a solution of white sugar in water would strike most ‘people sufficiently to prevent 9 possibility of error, and that such an ignoramus should be left in a posi- tion to play with human life is a severe com- mentary upon the law and its enforcement. Wethink the elder Faber equally at fault with the son. InPEACHMENT 48 A PunisemENt.—We are afraid that the experience of the impeach. ment trial in Washington will be like that of Warren Hastings—an argument in favor of the abolition of impeachment. With lawyers as shrewd as Carpenter, Blair and Black; with a Senate containing fifty Senators at least willing to talk for a week on any given theme, it will take a year to try Bel- knap. Might there not be some other tribu- nal for this class of offences? The English found it expedient to remove election peti- tions from the House of Commons on the ground that the necessities of legislation and the asperities of politics made it almost im- possible for a safe judgment to be formed, Might we not do the same with cases de- manding impeachment? Tue Henatp Prepicts stormy weather during the next twenty-four hours, with a decided increase of temperature and strong easterly winds. Local thunder storms will probably precede the decided change, which is approaching over the Mississippi Valley and the lower lake region. In the Western States the weather indications promise vio- lent winds, which will be felt more or less on the lakes. An area of great barometric depression manifested itself yesterday morn- ing between the Rocky Mountains and tho Missouri River, the centre being then near North Platte, where the barometer fell to 29.14 inches, with o steop gradient eastward. The decision of the Senate that it has jurisdiction in Belknap's case may not per- haps have as far-reaching consequences ag might seem to follow. It settles the ques- tion that a person out of office may be im- peached and tried, but it does not decide that no lapse of time can operate as a bar. Secretary Belknap resigned to escape im- peachment, which was imminent at the time he offered his resignation. This is very much as if he had re signed after articles of impeach-- ment had been found, or had resigned during atrial by the Senate, It stands to reason that a culprit should not be per- mitted to slip his neck out of the noose when it is beginning to tighten upon him, But it does not thence follow that persons who have long been out of office by the ex- piration of their terms, or by removal, or by resignations having no reference to impeach- ment proceedings, would come within the jurisdiction of the Senate. If any such case—like the impeachment of Will- inms or Delano, or the impeachment of the secession members of President Buchanan’s Cabinet—should come up, the question of jurisdiction would be debated anew, and it is probable that a claim to juris. diction would be relinquished. Belknap’s resignation to avoid impeachment brings his case within the rule, or at least very close to the rule, that an officer cannot escape by re- signing while proceedings were pending against him, The decision of the Senate must be interpreted with reference to the immediate case before it. ‘The opinion that those Senators who voted. against jurisdiction will necessarily vote for acquittal in the trial is quite unwarranted. Mr. Belknap’s guilt or innocence must be decided on the evidence, and the Senators who voted against jurisdiction areas much bound by the evidence as if they had voted the other way on the preliminary question. They aro in the position of a jury which must accept the decision of the court on points of law. They are bound to surrender their individual ‘opinion on the point of jurisdiction and to give their votes. on the trial precisely as they would if no question of jurisdiction had been raised. Tur Mysrentovs Movements of the law- yers who have for the past week bit their quills in wiseacre silence when questioned about the intentions of the so-called rela tives of the late A. T. Stewart, ended inn open and bold attack on the mill- jonnaire’s will in the Surrogate Court. yesterday. The petition of the con- testants recites that undne influence was brought to bear on Mr. Stewart, which ro- sulted in the exclusion of these weeping blood relations from any pecuniary benefit in the old gentleman's death. It also recites’ that certain formalities were over- looked in the reading of the will, such as not summoning the heirs or the Attorney Gen- eral or his representative. The Surrogate has issued an order to Mrs. Stewartand Judge Hilton to show cause on the 15th inst. why. the will should not be set aside. We cannot wonder that the great estate has been- marked out by the lawyers as fair game, par- ticularly when each of the contestants ia a Turney. A Porst vor Mn, Bratxz.—In the pres) ent aspect of the canvass we do not regard Mr. Blaine’s prospects for the republican nomination as promising. Nevertheless we do not see how the republican journals that oppose the ex-Speaker can with consistency urge the developments made before the Con- gressional Committee as a bar to his nomi- nation while at the same time insisting that the Washington investigations are all a political trick invented by the democrats for the purpose of smutting the republican ad- ministration and the republican party. Of course this is a matter for the republican politicians to settle among themselves, only we make the suggestion for their considera. tion. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Brigham Young !s failing tast, General Butior will defend Winslow. Moody spent Sunday with Farwell at Chicago. Victor Bugo disitkos music, especially that of the Piano, Stuart, Robson isto enact a leading partin Bret Harte’s new piay. Wendell Phillips calls Senator Morton the Jonn A. Andrew of the West, A Providence hotel is called an elephant simply bo- cause it has but one trunk, Baraboo, Wis,, would not permit a prize fight, which is good for a Baraboorous country. ‘When a Turkish phys‘cian enters the Sultan’s harem he is surrounded by three eunuchs armed to the teeth. In rural Maino there are churning matches, a gir) and a boy to exch churn looking down to. see if the butter is coming. Longfellow has two daughters and two sons, and there is no truth in the popular idea that one of the daughters is withcut arms, Some one called Emerson the pelican of the wilder ness and Holmes the sparrow of the house top. Holmes still looks like a school boy. George Elrot:—“Often the grand moanings of facee’ as well as written words may lie chiefy in the ‘Wapres sions of those who look on them.” Tho Dotroit Free Press thinks that what is goud for Detroit is good for New York, quoting ‘‘what is sauce» for tho goose 1s sauce for the yander.”” Tho whole of the ground not occupied by bones tm the catacombs, under the city of Paris, is occupied in growing mushrooms of peculiarly fine quality for the table. . Sentiment is a wasted, uscless thing. A New Hamp. shire pig in his pen recently rooted up the root of all evil m a box contaming $300 cash; yot next fall he will be made into linked sweetness, A Boston man says that General Banks has more in. fluence with appointments made by the administration than is possessed by any fepublichn, and that ho will have the same influenced if a democrat is elected Prost dent. The Prince and Princess of Weles will roside during the Ascot race week at New Lodge, Windsor Forest, the seat of Madatno Van do Weyer. It is probable the Prinee and Princess will take up their abode there for several months daring the summer, A mau on Chambers street stopped and raid:—“How beautifully that mocking bir sings!" His compantos asked, ‘What if it werea man filing «tin gutter?” Answer—“I’d shiver.” It was a file ata tin gutter, and he did not shiver, St. Louis Republican:—“ Whatever espersions map ‘De cast upon the man with musical boots, he cannot ‘ve charged with dishonesty. He coulda’t rob a hen roost m the Dismal Swamp without waking up the whole neighborhood” Danbary News :—“A sick bed is a good place for observation, We learn somo things there which we could not very well nequire clsowhore, Une of them ir that two women whispering in the next room can be” plainly heard, while you might lay thiere and yell at the top of your voice without makiug ciiher or even both of them together bear you. We don’t sh td ww understand this, but we know it ta an.” ae, ae