The New York Herald Newspaper, May 13, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, in the Four cents per copy. ave dollars per year, or one dollar per | wonth, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henarp, Letters and packages should be properly ed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS ‘THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING, UNION SQUARE THEATRE. CONSCIENCE AT'S POM. Matinee ab 100 P.M 0. ‘Thorne, Jr. EAGLE X VARIETY, at 8 P. SL Mati PARK THEATRE. ' BRASS, at 6 P.M. Matines at 2 P.M. Mr. George Faw- cott Rowe, CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIES, TRE. PM at8P.M. Matinee at2 P.M. OLYMPIC THEATRE. HUMPTY DUMPTY, at 8 P.M. Matinee at 2 P.M, PARISIAN VARIETIES, at 8 P. M.° Matinee at 2 P. M. BOWERY THEATRE. HERO, at 8 P. M. KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS, at8 P.M. TRIRTY-FOURTH “STRE VARIETY. at 8 P.M. M 2 A NEF Fa OPERA HOUSE. P.M. TRE, |. Pique Matinee at 2 FIFTE BROUGHAWM’S BE. Pr. Davenport. G DER VEILCHEN BROOK MAUD MULLEK, at 8 THEATRE. Charlotte Thompson, THE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. } CENTRA ORCHESTRA, QUART TLMOR: G GRAND CONCERT, at WALLA LONDON ASSURANCE, Lester Walluck. RooT! STAR OF THE NORTH, THEA’ LA CAGNOTTE, at 5 P. } TONY PaSsTOR's NEW THEATRE. PLEMEN WITH SUP SATURDAY, MAY 13, T. "From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be warmer and clear or partly cloudy. Nortce to Counrry Nerwspxauers.— For rompt and regular delivery of the Henaup y fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to Ahis office. Postage jree. Warn Sreexr Yesrenpay.—Gold opened and closed at 112 3-8, with sales in the in- terim at 1121-4. Money loaned at 3 per cent. Stocks were irregular and feverish and business was dull. Foreign exchange quiet. Investment shares were firmer and government and railway bonds steady, Mr. Orrennacu has no reason to complain, of his reception. The American people have given a warm welcome to the composer to whom they owe so much pleasure. Amone tHE Latest echoes of the great Brooklyn scandal will be noted the argu- ment of counsel before the Supreme Court, General Term, at Poughkeepsie yesterday on the appeal in the suit of Moulton vs. Beecher for malicious prosecution. Next To Stantey the greatest traveller of i the day is the Emperor of Brazil. He has trossed the Continent twice in three or four weeks, and is now off again for New Orleans. If there is any man who could go “around the world in eighty days” it is His Majesty Dom Pedro. A Srxcunar Case of long-deferred justice is narrated in our columns to-day in the surrender of Hallinan for the killing of his comrade, Russell, in 1871. This offence hardly seems to be murder. Hallinan acted in passion, and apparently repents not only the quarrel, but his own flight from the law, Nong or THE Gov: s who attended the Centennial celebration made as fine a dis- play as did Governor Rice, of Massachusetts, who was attended by the best military organ- izations of the Commonwealth. The recep- tion given to the Boston Cadets by the Seventh regiment yesterday was worthy of both cities, Tue Sex or rue Sratve or Linerty.—The dreadful complaint is made by the Woman Buffrage Convention that the erection of a statue of Liberty on Bedloe’s Island would be an insult, because it is proposed ‘‘to tepresent Freedom as a majestic female form in a State where not one woman is: free.” Very well, Miss Susan and Mrs. Blake, As the Legislature is unlikely to extend the electoral franchise, the oniy way to avoid this inconsistency is to make the statue of Liberty a man. ‘Tur Cenrenniat.-—-What is to become of the million of people who will be idle in Philadelphia to-morrow? The doors of the Exhibition will be closed against them, and they will have to wander aimlessly, like the Peri outside of Paradise, some of them, per- haps, to seek dangerous pleasures, when, with a more liberal policy of the Centennial | they would have found | Commissioners, healthy amusement and instruction. We do not believe that this policy can last. Public opinion will compel the commission to give it up. Spxaxer Husrev's estimate and conclu- sions about the State Legislature, as printed in another column, will, no doubt, be read with interest. General Husted talks shrewdly about his fellow members, and, while he | floes not underestimate them, he at the same time gives us a pretty clear idea of the char- seter and precise value of the work per- formed. In his review of the Legislature the Speaker affords a great many details, and tells some of the secrets from which aprung much of the legislation of the late session. As political essay it will be of sonsiderable value, prblished every | NEW YORK HERALD § internal Disse of the Democratic | Party—Governor Tilden’s Prospects. Governor Tilden is the only democratic | candidate who is perceptibly gaining in strength. His most conspicuous rival is | making no progress, the minor rivals are a8 yet hardly in the field; but the advance of | the New York candidate is steady and his | friends are not merely confident, but sanguine. Yet their exultation is premature. | They must await further developments before | it is safe to feel quite so triumphant. If they | should, after all, be disappointed, it will not | | be the first time in political affairs when | “the vigor of the war has not come up to the | sounding phrases of the manifesto.” Gov- | ernor Tilden’s supporters ought not to forget | the fate of some former New York candi- | dates who went to the national ‘conventions | of their party buoyant with hope ‘and came back shorn.” Governor Tilden will not go to the Convention with so strong a support as | Mr. Van Buren had in 1844, when he was | beaten by Polk ; nor with so many auguries | in his favor as Mr. Seward had in 1860, | when the cup was dashed from his lips by Lincoln, Mr. Van Buren had a clear major- ity of the delegates in 1844, but was defeated | by the two-thirds rule. Mr. Seward had also a majority at Chicago in 1860 on the day the delegates assembled, and had a ballot been taken on that day he would have re- ceived the nomination. Its postponement to the second day gave time for combina- tions against him, and the receding tide of that fatal night left him aground and de- stroyed his chances for the Presidency for- ever. These unexpected reverses to strong and sanguine New York candidates are a theme for instructive, or at least pensive, meditation. It is not safe for politicians to ‘halloo before they are out of the woods,” There is another historical lesson which | Governar Tilden and his friends might lay | to heart, not without profit. We refer to the wreck of the democratic party in the famous Charleston Convention of 1860. Doug- las went to Charleston with greater strength than Mr. Tilden is likely to carry to St. Louis, On one or two ballots he had a decided majority of the Convention; but the inevit- able two-thirds rule stood in the way, and his friends pushed him with such stubborn | zeal as to split and ruin the party, which has floundered in a bog from that day to this in vain struggles to plant its feet once more on solid ground. To the New York delegation, acting asa unit in favor of Douglas, that disastrous result was chiefly due. Had the stiff and obstinate New York delegation con- sented to withdraw him the party could have been saved and the civil war avoided. The party was sacrificed in 1860 to the irre- pressible ambition of one strong man and the persistence of the New York democrats | in supporting him. Many of the New York delegates saw the folly of such a course and would have yielded; but the instruction to vote as a unit enabled the majority to over- rule them and to cast votes against Douglas | as if they were votes for him. The New York delegation to St. Louis is instructed to vote in the same way, and devotion to an in- dividual may again destroy the hopes of the party if the warnings of history are set: at naught. 7 There are such dangerous causes of di- vision in the democratic perty that it can- not afford to admit a new element of dis- cord founded on obstinate personal preten- sions. The great schism of last year, which was attended with so much bitterness and such fierce recriminations between the | Western and the Eastern democrats, and has kept the party at a deadlock in Congress during the last six months on the most important question of+the time, is a dif- ficulty of sufficient magnitude without the added embarrassment of an utterly selfish personal contest. The nomination must, of course, be given to a hard money demo- erat if the party is to succeed ; but among the hard money statesmen some can be ac- cepted by the West with less sacrifice of feeling than others. Harmony would not be promoted by an attempt to force upon the West the most distasteful hard money man of them all. There are many West- ern democrats who have the same sort of re- pugnance to Mr. Tilden that Southern demo- erats felt toward Mr. Douglas. If he is | pushed at St. Louis in the same stiff, un- yielding spirit as Douglas was at Charleston it is not impossible nor very improbable that the consequence would again be a revolt which would rend the democratic party in twain. In 1860 there were other democrats | holding Mr. Douglas’ views on slavery who might have been nominated without a bolt, as there are now'other democrats that hold | Governor Tilden’s views on the currency who would be accepted without much grumbling by the West. But it may not prove an easy task to drive the hard-money | wedge butt end foremost. It is to be hoped | that Mr. Tilden cares too much for the suc- cess of his party to divide it at St. Louis as Douglas divided it at Charleston, It is not likely that the two-thirds rule will be rescinded. If the attempt is made | the vote on that question will disclose an | unexpected opposition to Mr. Tilden, at the outset of the proceedings. On that ques- tion, as on all others, the New York delega- | tion will have to consult in order to ascertain 1 | with the Tammany Ring or the Canal Ring. | State. .| order | of his ‘failure to get the requisite two- | for its turf is oyen to all. | another State to try their skill against our on which side the majority lies, and every | vote in that delegation to sustain the rule | will be considered as hostile to Tilden. Not | knowing how much concealed opposition to | him there is in the delegation his friends , will not dare to risk the experiment. They | will let that question go by default, and | even if they should not the other States will | maintain the two-thirds rule. Absurd as | it would be in a convention where each del- | egate voted according to his individual | | preference it is not quite absurd when a bare majority of a delegation casts all its votes. The unit rule is as preposterous as the two-thirds rule, and one of these ab- | surdities may operate as a corrective of the other. The unit rule may give a candidate | a false and factitions majority by counting as for him a multitnde of votes that are really against him, If of the seventy New York votes thirty-six should be in favor of ‘Tilden and thirty-four opposed to him, he would nevertheless receive them all under the unit rule, by means of so false a count he might get an apparent ma- jority of the Convention when, in fact, the real majority was against him. The small‘ | States will not consent to have their votes | | ing character. | very many estimable men, military and swamped by this fictitious mode of counting, and will justly insist on maintaining the | two-thirds rule unless the unit rule can be abolished with it. It is safe to conclude that the two-thirds rule will be continued, and that it will lie as an obstacle in the path | of Mr. Tilden. It does not yet appear whether the de- clared hostility of Tammany will help or harm him. If the opposition in his own State were confined to Tammany Mr. Tilden would have reason to congratulate himself that it has been so openly proclaimed. Tammany is a political stench, No New York candidate can be injured by having it published that this foul smell does not taint him. But, unfortunately for Mr. Tilden, the democratic opposition to him in this State is not confined to Tammany. It includes some prominent democrats who have never had any complicity either | There are many of the New York delegates who are his seeming supporters, but are waiting for an opportunity to turn against him. There are several who do not disguise their hostility, and who will go to the Con- vention with an avowed purpose to defeat him. The'Tilden forces at St. Louis will be weakly led by Mr. Dorsheimer and other politicians who have no great skill in the game, and anti-Tilden forces will be led by practised schemers like Mr. Kelly, Mr. Littlejohn, Mr. Schell, Mr. Beach and | other delegates who are veterans in | the art of manipulating political con- ventions, They will magnify and make the most of the party dissensions in this One of these hostile delegates is the Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, who will call the Convention to and inaugurate its proceedings. Another of them is the man who fought Mr. | Tilden’s battle when he was nominated for Governor. Another of them has been twice | elected to the second office in the State and is a popular favorite with the New York democracy. The anti-Tilden men in the | delegation are astrte and experienced | manipulators who are capable of giving the | Tilden men a great deal of trouble, and they | will have all Mr. Tilden’s rivals for allies. It is for Mr. Tilden to look at all these ob- stacles and these elements of opposition as well as at the brighter side of the picture, and to consider what he will in- struct his friends to do in the event | thirds vote. Will he follow the ex- ample of Douglas at Charleston, and split the party, or will he relinquish his personal | hopes to secure the success\of his princi- | ples? He cannot afford either to cause a! bolt or to hold the Convention at a deadlock | until it ends the contest by taking up a nobody or a semi-inflationist. While prose- cuting a vigorous canvass for himself he should conduct it in so considerate and ; generous a spirit as not to prevent the suc- cess of Mr. Thurman or Mr. Bayard, if the West will more easily reconcile itself to one of these sound statesmen than to the New York candidate. All personal claims should | be subordinated to the harmony of the party | and the success of correct principles, Free Turf. The ideas of the new President of the De- partment of Public Parks on the growth of grass must be derived from careful study of the century plant rather than from any ac- quaintance with the lawns which are under his protection. As they have been com- pleted for nearly twelve years it is fair to suppose that the grass has arrived at a state of decent maturity. In the original plan of the eight hun- dred and thirty-eight acres, which have cost the city twelve million dollars, or a daily rental (including the cost of maintenance) of twenty thousand dollars, were included the green, a meadow of fifteen acres for military parades, and the “playground” (sad misnomer!), a lawn of ten acres for match games of cricket and other kindred sports. These lovely spots were duly laid out and are now covered with adult grass ; but no warlike foot has ever profaned the smooth turf ofthe one, while the poor cricketers, who are sadly put to it to find grounds within a reasonable distance to practise their manly sport, gaze with longing eyes upon the playground asa just right of which they are cruelly deprived. Hyde Park in London contains less than four hundred acres, but it has been very appropriately called the lungs of the city, The Guards hold their ‘‘trooping” evolutions there, children play and their nurses flirt all the day tong without being warned ‘off the grass” by a grim, gray guardian or a detestable sign. It is time these tiresome regulations which make the Park pedestrian an object of suspicion to be carefully watched should cease, and the Commissioners might wisely begin at once by throwing open the whole Park to the public without reserve. In the long, hot days that are coming the children will be very well contented with less flowers and more fun. Then let the cricketers into their playground, so that the members of the English club who are coming over to play need not be hustled into i own elevens; so we may in time escape from the grave decorum which pervades the place and prevent the stranger from mistak- ing it for a cemetery. Messieurs the Com- missioners, you have an opportunity of doing good and becoming popular at the same time. Do it at once! Tur War ws Centra Amenica. —The news from Central America which appears in the Henaxp to-day is of an interesting and excit- It details the commencement | and progress of a severe war struggte be- tween the States of Guatemala and San Sal- vador. Many battles bave been fought and civilian, have lost their lives. What it is all about is specially reported in the Heranp correspondence, dated at the headquarters of the Guatemalan army. From this it will be | seen that the populations of the sister con- | federacies, instead of endeavoring to develop their territorial resources, have permitted themselves to be drawn into an interstate contlict through the machinations of politi- ciuns and the interference of the clergy in | tate affairs, the most prominent causes of civic turmoil all the world over, ‘A Reminiscence. We are told that history repeats itself, which means simply that similar causes pro- duce similar results, Hence the wisdom of recalling and studying the past for the pur- pose of aiding our judgment in the future. The lessons of experience are too often neg- lected ; yet, if properly learned, they make us wise, and are apt to save us from grievous mistakes, There are so many points of sim- ilarity between the political situation in New York in the Presidential campaign of 1860 and the Presidential campaign of 1876 that a glance at the events of the former year may be productive of good. In 1860 there was a local democratic organ- ization in New York disputing the prestige of regularity with Tammany Hall and ruled by the one man power, as Tammany ia ruled to-day. Fernando Wood was at its head. The leader and his followers were opposed tothe nomination of Douglas for the Presi- dency, and went to the State Convention of the party at Syracuse to resist the election of delegates by that body in favor of the Senator as the democratic candidate. Mozart and its leader, however, did not exercise any great influence, because it was known that they did not represent the democracy of the city of New York. Yet their open opposition to Douglas indicated that he was not the unan- imous choice of the democracy of the Em- pire State. There were far more important elements opposed to Senator Douglas’ nom- ination, represented by such men as Daniel 8S. Dickinson, Edwin Croswell, Erastus Corning, John C, Mather, David L. Seymour, Clark S. Potter, Elijah Mather, Delos De Wolf, and others throughout the State. The Albany Regency, headed by Dean Richmond, were favorable to Douglas, and were, as the result proved, determined to force his nom- ination. The State Convention met, and’ Daniel 8. Dickinson, Edwin Croswell and their asso- ciates received consideration from it, They were assured that the Convention, which had at the commencement been rabid for positive instructions to the New York dele- gation to vote for Douglas first, last and all the time, would be contented if the resolu- tions should ‘show the respect and admira- tion of the democrats of the State for the Senator’s course. Mr. Croswell, Erastus Corning and others who acted with them, were put upon the list of delegates to Charleston, and then the following resolu- tion was adopted by the State Convention:— Resolved, That the delegates to the Democratic National Convention aro hereby instructed to enter that Convention as a unit, and yote as a unit, in accordance with the will of a majority of the members thereof; and in case any one of the members shall be appointed a delegate by any other organizati and shall not forthwith in writing decline such appointment his seat shall be ro- garded as Vacated, and tho delegation shall procce 1 10 fill the same, as it is hereby also empowered to supply vacancies by death, resignation or utherwise, The New York delegates went to Charles- ton under these instructions. When there it became evident that a large number of them and a powerful representation from other States—from another section, in fact— were opposed to the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas. The New York delegates alluded to fought and protested in their delegation. but were compelled to vote as a unit on the floor of the Convention, their votes being controlled by the Douglas ma- jority in the delegation. The struggle came in the Convention. The Hxnaup’s Charles- ton report,jApril 26, 1860, said:—“It is evi- dent that New York holds the balance of power, and when it casts its vote as a unit it will probably determine the nomination.” New York had then thirty-ono votes, instead of seventy, as now. Editorially the Heratp warned the New York Douglas democrats that if this power should be remorselessly used to force a nomination the result would be the destruction of the democratic party and the defeat of the nominee; but that if used to secure the nomination of a conservative and acceptable candidate the party would be saved and its success assured. The Convention adjourned to Baltimore, and the determination of the majority of the New York delegation to force the nomination of Douglas was made evident. They pre- ferred to risk the disruption of the party and defeat with their favorite candidate than in- sure success with any other. The Hzraip on Tune 23, 1860, said:—“The general fecling is that the democratic party is finally broken up, and the blame will be attributable to the Albany Regency, who will have to face the music in New York State. Deep and loud are the curses which are uttered against them by the minority of their own delegates and by thousands of democrats here.” The New York delegates, holding the controll ng vote, could have nominated Hunter, of Vir- ginia, or Breckinridge, of Kentucky, honor- able, conservative men, and have saved the party; but te madness was upon them. By their vote, cast as a unit when there was no unity among them, they nominated Douglas, The party was destroyed—the candidate was | defeated. May not Governor Tilden and his dele- gates study the almost forgotten story of the Democratic National Convention of 1860 with advantage? owes Governor Tilden’s Policy. Governor Tilden may prove to be the choice of the democracy of the United States at the St. Louis Convention after the repre- sentatives of the several States have com- pared views and deliberated on the question of the candidacy. If so it will, of course, be incumbent on those democrats in New York who do not desire to see Governor Tilden nominated to forego their personal preju- dices and combine to insure the election of the party nominee. If the Governor cannot conciliate the opposition in this and other States it will be better for him to forego his personal ambition and to use his best efforts to insure the selection of a candidate as un- exceptionable as he himself would be if he could command the earnest and sincere sup- port of the Convention. Before the Conven- tion nominates Mr. Tilden or anybody else it should assure itself that its candidate is acceptable to the democracy of his own State. In a long canvass divisions and distractions at home must necessarily impair a. candi- date’s strength elsewhere and would be likely to work irreparable mischief to the party. There is at present a decided opposition in this State to Mr. Tilden's nomination, It reaches beyond any local dissensions and embraces many of the most efficient and reputable politicians in the democratic ATURDAY, MAY 18, 1876.—WITH SUPPLEMENT. party. It must be removed or the nomina- tion of Mr. Tilden would be suicidal. Pos- sibly it may be conciliated, but if it should be found impossible to remove it Governor Tilden has only one wise course open to him. He must not force his own nomina- tion, even if he should be enabled to do so, for that would mean the defeat of his party, the sacrifice of reform and the continuance of the republicans in power. His honorable rélein such an -evyent will be to so use his strength as to secure the adoption of his own views and the carrying out of his own policy by some other trustworthy candidate. He can nominate Tharman or Bayard and in- sure the services of the three representative reformers of the three sections in the next administration. If he should neglect to use his strength at the proper time for this patriotic object, in the hope of at last forcing his own nomination, and should thus allow the Convention to make its selection over his head, the candidate may be one who will represent neither the sound financial views nor the earnest reform sentiments of the Governor. Mr. Tilden would, in such a case, be responsible for the defeat of his party or for a democratic triumph that would reflect no honor upon the victors and confer no benefit on the nation. Grant and Custer. General Grant's friends are coming slowly to his defence concerning the removal of Custer. They claim that if the President had at first sent Custer to his command the country would have said that he was trying to get him away from the Congressional committee. They also say that, as Terry organized the expedition, he ought to com- mand it. There are a few republican organs willing to say that the President did not, as commander-in-chief and of his own motion, degrade Custer. But the fact that these friends.and organs say that if the President did disgrace Custer from private motives he is a lunatic, only intensifies the outrage and does not explain it. To be sure, there was some momentary palliation of the offence, when it became known that General Sherman indorsed the President's action; but it must be remembered that Grant and Sherman have recently become very good friends. The attempt to call Custer a dime novel hero, seeking sickly notoriety, will not excuse General Grant. ‘The case is not one depending upon Custer's private character, even if that description of him were true. Behind all the rubbish of the case there is only one peg upon which the President can hang the smallest excuse. If he disgraced Custer because the latter did not properly report to the War Department what he knew of frauds ; if Custer had exceeded his duty in saying that he had refused to entertain the Secretary of War at the fort; ifhe thought that Custer had been foolish in his silence and in his plainness of speech, there might be some palliation of the President's offence. But it must be remembered by the President's excusers that Belknap is under charges of cor- ruption which are popularly believed to be true, and which there has not been any at- tempt to disprove; that Belknap was Custer's superior officer; that to report corruption to the government and to his superior was for Custer to report to Belknap himself; that the action of army officers is hedged round by strict military rules, and that Custer was asked by the Congressional committee for a plain expression of opinion, with which his duties and character as a fighter had nothing todo. The story of Custer’s refusal to en- tertain General Belknap has been grossly exaggerated. Mrs. Custer gave Belknap a lunch, and Custer only refused from a post trader a basket of champagne for the Secre- tary. In his testimony he simply said that his personal opinion of Belknap was such that he did not wish todo more than plain etiquette to his superior absolutely de- manded. Surely this was no military of- fence. The only excuses by the President’s friends which are worthy of any considera- tion are the two, that first Grant wished that Custer should remain to give full testimony, and that, second, General Terry, having or- ganized the expedition, was absolutely neces- sary under pressure of emergency as the commander. Ncither of these excuses has groundwork. The expedition camnot yet start. Custer had given his testimony, and the order of disgrace was sent after he left Washington. The excuse that Grant would have | een criticised for sending Custer away | from Washington isa new one, Is it his | duty to supply witnesses for the impeach- ment trial? Cheap Cabs. The cab business in New York has long been an imposition on the public, Rates of fare have been from time to time regulated by ordinances of the Com- mon Council, but these have never been ob; served by the drivers and proprietors of ; hacks, and when an opportunity for impo- sition has offered the law has been violated with impunity. The idea of a hackman being punished for extortion has grown to be an absurdity. Yet New York offers a better cabs than any city of its size in the world. The horse car lines, through mismanage- ment and abuse, have become public nuisances. If cabs could be hired at reason- able fares to carry passengers distances of ! from one to fonr miles in the city they would | be liberally patronized by hundreds of per- sons daily who are now compelled to ride in the street cars. A line of light cabs, run at cheap fares, in New York, would make the fortune of the proprietor. The principal obstruction to such an enterprise has come from the hack proprietors, who do not possess enough sense to know that the little business they do is attributable to the high fares they extort. If cabs could be hired at anything like the rates prevailing in En- ropean cities they would be liberally patron- ized. There is no necessity to run expensive coupés and carriages for the ordinary trafiic of the city. There isa fortune in store for any capitalist who will start cheap, light cabs in New York and run them at reasona- | ble fares. The only question is, Will the | District Telegraph Company or some other | party be the first to start the enterprise ? Rarm Transit was again before the Supe- rior Court yesterday in an argument on the right of the Elevated Railroad Company to carry its tracks over a corner of the Battery | Park to South ferry. { i } t inducement for the establishment of cheap | oc pce eal On Thursday evening Secretary Bristow was presented for election as a member of the Union League Club. There were 118 votes cast in his favor and 12 against him, 10 black balls being sufficient for rejection. This exclusion of a leading member of the Cabinet is disgraceful. It has caused much comment, not favorable to the club, and thero is considerable conjecture as to its purpose. Politically Mr. Bristow’s rejection has née effect, unless as it may react to his benefit . Twelve men have no power to ruin the prospects of a Presidential candidate, though they have the legal right to ostracize him from their society. They represent, not the club, but merely twelve individual votes, controlled by purposes they did not choose to explain. It is fairto say that the moral and the numerical influence of the Union League Club of New York was preponderatingly thrown in favor of Mr. Bristow’s member. ship, apd that it, as a body of considerable influence in politics, should be acquitted of any intention to insult the Secretary of the Treasury. The responsibility of his rejeo tion is with the twelve unknown members who, using their undoubted rights, threw their ballots against him. The election of Mr. Bristow to memben ship of the club would have had no political meaning. Hundreds of the members might be glad to have him as a fellow memba without being willing to support him as¢ Presidential candidate. What could the Secretary of the Treasury expect from the fact that he was admitted to the mere social privileges of a number of gentlemen assem- bled for pleasure and improvement? The club is, doubtless, divided in respect to the Presidential nomination, and as an elected member Mr. Bristow’s position would have been not.a particle better than that of Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine, Mr. Morton, Mr. Jewell or General Hayes. The club could cheerfully receive him as a’‘member without at all sustaining him asa candidate. But we consider it unfortunate that a member of the republican Cabinet, should be thus kept out of the leading republican club in the country. The Extradition Treaty. What has. become of the extradition question which was® raised by the re- fusal of the British government to sur- render Winslow? It ought to be satis- factorily settled by the joint action of the United States and England. The Extra- dition Treaty between the two countries was adopted in 1842, but in 1870 an act of Par- liament forbade the extradition of criminals unless it was well assured that they would not be tried for any other offences excepting those of which they were formally accused. Here is where the present difficulty had its origin. The government of the United States could not admit that the provisions of the treaty could be modified by cuange in the municipal law of England, while the British govern- ment claimed the right of legislation in mat- ters of the kind. The dispute should not bé hard to settle. Neither country wishes to be @ place of refuge for the fugitive criminals oi tho other, and the legitimate result would appear to be a revision of the treaty. Mt. Fish will probably receive a despatch by steamer about the middle of next week from the British government, and wo trust it will be satisfactory in its nature as it will be doubtless amicable in its tone, A Suanpenzn Justix Puxwsxep.—We pube lish to-day a report of a trial for slander in the. Marine Court, in which a fitting punish- ment was awarded to the defendants. We need more of this’ kind of retribution in many circles, where the chief amusement appears to be malignant libel and defamation of innocent persons. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Blaine 1s forty-seven. Genoral McDowell is on his way to California, Parton has shaken the dust of Massachusetts off his Oxford ties, Tho Norwich Bulletin editor will not take any great unknown in his, Caucus Senator-elect Barnum, of Connecticut, has @ felon on his hand. New York city banks hold thrce-tourths of the cols of the national banks. Professor Seelye is spoken of as the Great Unknown, Yo; he $s too good a man. William Walter Phelps and wife will next week sail for Europe, for a tour ot several months. Miss Laura Spence, of Georgia, is six feet two and @ half inches high. Her beau has to take a step laddor to go up and court her. ‘The Iatest gossip 18 to the effect that a majority of the Senators favor tho idea that the Senate has juris. diction in the Belknap case. Because some of the Northern journals did not hke Lamer’s sick poem the Baltimore Gazette pays them off by abusing Whittier’s hymn, Provincial newspapers emphasize the fact that ex- Governor Wise, who is now attracting public notice, signed John Browa’s death warrant, W. D. Kowells, the amateur angel with a big mus tache, says that the mission of the Shakers is to rescue the sons of pie and daughters of the dougbout Why condemn Doorkeeper Fitzhugh for writing “bigger” with one g, when Wendell Phillips once com- plaimed that the democrats spelled negro with twog’s? Bonaparte believed in fatalism. It seems that he was right, if we estimate the Beecher-Bowen case, with its human blunderings and its ever-approaching dénoue- ment. s Toor Soathern families—and perhaps you do not | realize how many of the old Southern iamilies are piti- ably poor—are boiling out hickory nut meats for salad dressing. Cyrus H. McCormack, of Chicago, is spoken of ag democratic candidate for Governor of Illinois, We hope he may reap the bearded grain at a breath, and the flowers that grow between. f The girls of Mount Holyoke (Mass.) Seminary usually marry missionaries; but the town at which they are educated is not celebrated for its local virtues, The town and the seminary are two different things, ‘The Utiea Herald says that the law of newspapes growth 1s toward centralization ; that a poor newspapot gets little support for its mere opinion; that no one takes a paper out of charity; and that people always buy the most and best for thor money. Our Utica namesake, which is itself a great journal, undoubtedly was thinking of the New York Henarp ~ ‘The Baffalo Republicaner (German) strikes the idee that true reform must begin at primary meetings. It 18 only too trav that the professional politician does al! the hard but successful work of politics at primary meetings, and that becanse tho result, months after- ward, is not nice the lazy citizen, who warms bis heels at the fire o’ nights, gets up and growls, The Augusta (Ga) Chronicle says that “it will be re- membered that General Palmer was Governor of Iili- nois atthe time pf the Chicago fire. General Sheridaa placed the city under martial law, and some of his soldiers killed Coloncl Grosvenor. Governor Palmer attempted to have General Sheridan and the soldiers | who Qid the killing indi¢ted for murder, but public | opinion was against him and the Grand Jury refused to find bills against the parties, Governor Palmet leftin disgust a party which countenanced such conduct, and ‘went over to the democracy.” | |