The New York Herald Newspaper, April 21, 1876, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, yiblished every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. = All business, news letiers or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- ed. )FFICE—NO. 112SOUTH JE OF THE NEW YORK Al . 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. WOOD'S MUSEUM. REBEL TO THE CORK, at 8 P, M. Oliver Doud Byron. Matince at 27. M. LYCEUM THBATRE. VAUDEVILLE, at 8 P. M. THEATRE COMIQUE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. WaLt. TWINS, at 8 P.M. Le: BOO’ TENRY V.,at8P.M. George Rignold. BROOKLYN THEATRE DAVID GARRICK, at 8’. M. Sothern. TONY PASTOR'S NEW THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P.M. Matineo at 2 P.M. UNION SQUARE THEATRE. VEBREOL, at 8 P.M. C.R, Thorne, Jr. EAGLE THEATRE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. Mins Minnie Paliner. PARK THEATRE. BRASS, at 8 P. M. George Fawcett Rowe, CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIES, oteP.M. OLYMPIC THEATRE, UCMPTY DUMPTY, a1 GERM. THEATRE, LA SCANDALE D'HI sP.M. PARISIAN VARIETIES, w2P.M. heal BOWERY THEATRE. ON HAND, atSP.M THIRTY-FOURTH 5ST FARIETY, at 8 P.M. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, FAUST, at 8 P.M. Phitharmonic Rebearsal, at 2:30 P, M. OPERA HOUSE, HOWE & © at2 P.M, and 8 P. M. STADT THEATRE, DIE ZWER WARSEN, ut 8 P. M. GLOBE THEATRE, TARIETY, at 8 P. M. JAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, at 8 P. MW CHICKERING HALL, JONCERT, at 8 P. M. ASSOCIATION HALL. YMC. AL, at8 P.M. CIRCUS, ET. 21, 1876, From our reports this morning the probabilities tre that the weather to-day will be warm and partly cloudy with possibly rain. Noir to Country NzwspxsuEers.—For wrompt and regular delivery of the Hezaww Sid mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Watt Srreet Yesterpar.—Stocks declined sharply, especially some of the investment securities. Gold receded from 113 1-8 to 113. Money on call was supplied at 3 and t percent. Foreign exchange was firmer. Porrrzio Diaz has not yet succeeded in making any advance, and it is thought prob- able that he will soon have an opportunity to try conclusions with the government forces, whether he will or no. Dom Pepno has started by this time on his journey west of the Missouri River, which he crossed yesterday morning. He saw some wonderful things at Omaha, and, no doubt, heard an eloquent denunciation of the pretentiousness of the village of Council Bluffs, which is to Omaha what St. Lonis is to Chicago. Tue Pracvx in the Orient threatens an ad- vance which is more to be dreaded than any fanatical Mohammedan rising. The habits of the natives, the squalor in which somany thousands live, their utter ignorance of hy- gienic laws, maken spread of this horrible disease over all Asiatic Turkey almost cer- tain. Mn. Sanronv’s Horse Pareaxness ran his first race on the English turf yesterday at Newmarket. It was in the International Handicap, and the American representative finished fourth; not a very creditable position, but as he was short of work and carried the top weight, 126 pounds, his de- feat is not a disgrace. Maitland with 82 pounds up, won the race. Tue Iwicrants.—The Legislature should not fail to provide the sum asked to con- tinue the operations of the Emigration Com- mission until such time as Congress passes the requisite laws to provide for the care of future immigrants on their arrival here. The faith of the State is pledged fora certain time to the immigrants landed here within the past five years, and that fact alone should decide wavering legislators to support the bill asking an appropriation of $200,000 for present use. Tae Supreme Court 1m Pozxrrics.—The (act that Judge Davis, of the Supreme Court, isa member of the Supreme Court, should debar him from any consideration as a can- didate for the Presidency. We. could have ao precedent more unfortunate than to have the Supreme Court a preserve for Presiden- tial candidates. The ambition of Chase dis- honored the office. How much finer Chief Justice Waite appears than either Chase or Davis when he declares that under no cir- cumstances will he become a candidate for the Presidential or any other office while he holds his present position. Waat Can Me Cuntw Do?—If Mr. Cur- tis does not vote for Mr. Conkling at Cin- cinnati how can he defend himself in the eyes of honorable men? He is the officer of a convention which charges him and his col- leagues with the duty of ‘‘presenting” Ros- oe Conkling to the Convention as the choice of the republican party of the State for Pres- ident. How can he ‘‘present” Mr. Conkling’s name and at the same time vote against him? How can he go to the Convention and pot vote for him? These are questions that Will be asked after the Convention, and we nave enough confidence in Mr. Curtis as an honorable gentleman to feel that he will be im 0» position to answer them. SEE st as NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, APRIL 21, 1876,—TRIPLE The Presidency—The Aspect of the Canvass. The canvass for the Presidency begins to develop many peculiar aspects. There | never was a canvass where there were so many strange and bizarre features of politi- cal interest. In the first place, the political conscience of the country remained dead- ened on account of the evident design of the President and his friends to secure a third term. This question, which began as an ap- parition and was so treated until the evi- dence became so strong that there could be no doubt, prevented that preliminary discus- sion of men and principles which always precedes a canvass. In past times there was nothing so interesting in the progress of an administration as the shaping of its policy either for the succession orto name a suc- cessor, In the natural course of events the second term of Grant would not have been under way before we should have had in the republican ranks that generous and open discussion as to the succession which would have cleared the skies politically and made the determination of the result an easy and almost a foregone conclusion, But with the apparition of the third term the republican party seemed never to take up the Presidency without feeling as one in a panic. Devotion to Grant was made a test of loyalty. Wherever the party machinery was strongest there was it expressed with the most enthusiasm. Even as bold man as Conkling, when questioned as to his views on a third term, would not answer the ques- tion, but allowed the opinion to go forth that in the event of the nomination of the President he would feel bound by his party fealty to support him. Other leaders, like Blaine and Morton, would say nothing, tak- ing refuge in their dignity and exclusiveness. ‘The fact that not one of the leading members of the party would say a word to make it im- possible for him to give the President as hearty a support a third as asecondtime only made this question of Cmsarism more and more prominent. Consequently the party came to the verge of the canvass without ex- pressing an opinion. Beyond a vague sense of uneasiness in the minds of the honest masses of the party lest there might bea precedent which would bring ruin upon the Republic and in time transform our institu- tions, even as those of Rome and France were transformed, the movement against a third term never took root. It was living until the infamy*of Belknap, coming swiftly upon the disclosures in the case of Babcock, and the results of the investigations into the various departments of the government, made athird term impossible. This was only a few days ago, comparatively speaking. The party sud- denly awoke to the fact that the canvass for the Presidency was impending, and that there was no one to lead it. Grant beingsuddenly stricken down by his own friends, no one was left behind him. Then came tumultu- ous discussion, men hurrying hither and thither seeking a leader. Blaine busy in the East and West, strong as Speaker and as a leader of the popular branch of the gov- ernment, adroit, able, amiable and untir- ing, he had carried Iowa and Maine, with a reserved strength in Virginia and elsewhere. Morton, the ablest: and boldest of the ex- treme radicals, had run the West by his heresies on the currency and the negroes of the South by his fervor in their behalf. Ohio showed State pride in naming her Governor Hayes, while Pennsylvania, under the lead of Cameron, had given a complimentary vote to Hartranft, which was simply a sug- gestion in behalf of his nomination to the Cabinet should the republicans win. The feeling against corruption surrounded Bris- tow, who assumed a sudden sentimental prominence as one not afraid of the thieves— @ young and bold man who carried with him for the moment the hearts of the young men who admired pluck and of the old men who wanted reform. All this time the party had no leader. It was only a scramble, as is well expressed by the Sun in an able article elsewhere printed. It was then that the Hzraup, giving voice to the honest judgment of the true party men, pointed out to the leaders in New York that to be logical they should nominate Roscoe Conkling. There were twenty candidates, but Conkling had more merit than all of them combined as a party leader, and much more claim to the consideration of Grant as the one man in the Senate who never failed in his devotion to the administration. There was a protest from some men like Mr. Curtis, but the sense of New York was in favor of Conkling. Pennsylvania came into line in his favor as a second choice, which, with General Hartranft, means really the first choice. From that moment Conkling’s strength has advanced. New Jersey will support him, and so will the South, after Morton, and the Pacific States. As the can- vass now looks Conkling is therefore the fa- vorite, All the tides of victory run toward his keel. When we say that Conkling is a Grant man we exhaust our resources of con- demnation. He does not lie, neither does he steal. He never runs away from a friend oran enemy. Even ina time of universal defamation of character no one has whis- pered a suggestion against the honor and purity of Conkling. If he is a Grant man what are all of the other candidates ? Which of them has ever said a word against Grant? On this record they are equal. The party is a Grant party. It is weak as he is weak, and strong as he is strong. No man can be nom- inated who will not represent Grantism as fully as Mr. Conkling. No one will, per- haps, represent Grant as strongly, because out of the multitude of aspirants for the Presidency Grant has selected Mr. Conkling as the one man he delights to honor. Conkling is strong, but is it the strength that wins? Can he keep the pace? Just now, to borrow the language of the turf, we should say ‘Conkling ahead, leading by a length ; Blaine next, slowly widening the breach ; Morton in the rear, with a chance of being distanced; Hayes, of Ohio, stealing ahead, and cries from the multitude that the favorite or the dark horse will win.” Can Conkling keep the pace? Here is the West to be considered. We can understand Iowa pretending to go for Blaine, or Missouri for Conkling. We can understand these great Commonwealths coming into the Convention and saluting the leaders of the party from the East and giving them a complimentary vote. But we expect no sincere support from the West for any Eastern candidate. The Western people are politicians. They are much more American than we of the East, more representative of the temper and genius of our people. For the past genera- tion the legend has found favor in the West that the Mississippi Valley should rule the nation. The Western leaders have never waived that pretension. We had Grant and Colfax from the West seven years ago—as we have Grant and Ferry now. A larger part of the great offices of the country are held by Western men. They have the lust of power. They never forget their section in their quarrels, It was Sherman, in his let- terto Grant when he assumed command of the army, who advised him to go to the Valley of the Mississippi as the seat of em- pire. So that with our divisions in the East, with men like Curtis in New York, only too willing to sacrifice State pride to their own temper; with the Western men pulling together for their own special meas- ures—for soft money, cheap transportation and every possible scheme to bind the na- tional government to their support—there is the danger, so faras Mr. Conkling is con- cerned, that the dark horse may come from the West. The Western States are divided, but not enough s0 to give the East the least advantage. The Eastern States are divided hopelessly, and there is not one of the fac- tions who would not cross the Alleghanies in a moment and sell out their votes to the highest bidder. It may be asin 1860, Then the East asked the West to give it a Presi- dent. We only received a Seoretary of State. Therefore, although Conkling keeps ahead, and although since his nomination by the independent press of the country, under the lead of the Hzrap, he has made a brilliant and astonishing canvass, the re- sult is as much in doubt as ever, and sagacious bookmakers looking over the field would give odds in favor of the dark horse. It would be well, therefore, for those who have the special interests of Mr. Conkling in keeping to remember this. He should not lose the fruits of victory by an effort to win the impossible. There is no reason why he should not take the advice we have given Mr. Tilden on the democratic side, and see that the man who wins is in sympathy with himself and the administration, It was in this respect that Seward was wise. He went into his canvass with as much enthusiasm as Mr. Conkling. He had the youth and courage and zeal of the party with him. He was 80 loved and honored that when he was beaten there was asense of profound grief throughout the republican States. But he saw the dark horse gaining on him. He saw defeat, and his representative, with unsur- passed skill, so managed the defeat that in the end it was victory. Seward went into the administration as its Prime Minister. For eight years he was the most powerful man in the country. If he had thrown away his chance he might have fallen into some such position as that of Bates or McLean or Fre- mont. But he held the party, and in time governed the country—more powerful, per. haps, as the Prime Minister of Lincoln and Johnson than if he had been chosen Presi- dent and failed in the terrible ordeal of the war. Mr. Conkling’s friends have a right to exult over the pace of their favorite. As the race looks now he may win. But the killing pace sometimes destroys the winning pace, and if there is to be a dark horse to the fore let it be one that wears the colors of Conk- ling and Grant, whose success will not be their defeat. Our Yankee Emperor. Dom Pedro is a true Yankee Emperor. Considering that we have the Monroe doc- trine on our side we may claim Brazil as an American nation and feel as much pride in her institutions and rulers as our own. Dom Pedro is the first Emperor we have seen on this imperial soil, where all are emperors. We are proud to note in him the go-ahead American traits. How much he is at home among the sovereigns! He rides in a common hack, pays his bills, hears mass on Sunday morning, in the evening goes to hear Sankey sing, and follows him, line by line, as earnestly as Thurlow Weed. When the Cabinet, witha band of music, go down the Bay to receive him he tells them in true American fashion that he does not want to be “received.” He lands like any free American emperor, and, before cross- ing the river, pays his ferriage. In- stead of going to Washington to be dined and danced by Boss Shepherd and the leaders of our modern society he hurries to California, resolved to make the most of his time. He is an emperor of regular and tem- perate ways, as all Yankee emperors should be. He rises early in the morning, studies Sanscrit, practises in English and translates the “Star-Spangled Banner” into Portu- guese. How much better our Yankee Emperor behaves than some of his foreign cousins ! He does not go waltzing around all night, shooting bears and tigers and sticking pigs during the day, but keeps right down to useful work. When he goes home he will know more about the United States than two-thirds of the members of Congress. In the meantime we trust His Imperial Highness will have a good time. We beg that his fellow emperors wherever he goes will give him a royal and fraternal welcome. The result may be that when he returns to Brazil he may proclaim the people to be all emperors in their own right, even as we all are here. Assassination 1N Porrrics,—Our tendency to destroy one another in politics is a blunder and a scandal upon our insti- tutions. Politicians should know that it stands to reason that the fall of any leader is a reflection upon the general sense and dis- cipline of the party and its fitness for power. More than all, it should not be forgotten that every “revelation” about a public man is welcomed abroad, and especially in England, as an indication that we are all going to the devil; that there is no virtue in a republi- ean form of government; that we are thieves, or at the best receivers of stolen goods, and that the end must be chaos and repudiation. No patriot cares to give his country this reputation—to be the cause of its shame and mockery. One way to bring it to an end is to stop this business of assassination in politics, which seems espe- cially to animate the republican party and its leaders, The Latest Exposure. The importance of the recent painful | revelation at Washington is exaggerated by | | the democratic press, for there was, at least, a pretext of legality in the payments made to Davenport from the Secret Service fund in connection with the New York elections. Instead of denying the facts (denial is im- possible in face of the receipts given by Davenport to Whitley) the inoulpated parties will admit the expenditure of money and attempt to justify it. What success they will have is a question which the public will be better able to decide when it has seen the testimony of Davenport, who has asked to be subpoenaed. In the present state of the evidence it looks like a very bad case. It is difficult to understand why there should have been any necessity for concealing any- thing honestly done, to prevent il- legal voting in this city. Davenport, as federal supervisor of elections, received pay for his services, according to law, as did also his deputies and assistants, and, as the government was entitled to theirtime for which it paid, it is dificult to imagine on what ground they were entitled to so large an amount of extra compensation. When Davenport appears before the committee he should be made to tell in precise detail to whom the money was paid and for what purpose. If he is unable to produce vouch- ers or accounts explaining his expenditure of every part of the sums he received the conclusion will be irresistible that it was illegally and dishonestly applied. It looks, at present, as if the prevention of fraudulent voting was a pretence for screening unlawful interference with the elections. The fact that the Attorney General was unwilling to furnish the money without direct orders from the President shows that Mr. Williams was treading on unsafe ground, for he could have had no hesitatiop in discharging the duties of his office according to law. The absence of any record of these transactions in the Attorney General’s office is another strong circumstance which militates against the innocence of the expenditures. Until Davenport furnishes a bill of items the whole afiair (to characterize 1t mildly) looks ugly and suspicious. The most painful and mortifying feature of this malversation is the directness with which it is traced to the President. Many other scandalous threads have been followed until they reached the persons by whom the President was surrounded and to whom he gave his confidence ; but the proofs stopped short of his personal knowledge. But in this case the evidence is conclusive that he was not merely a direct accomplice but the moving author. Unless a detailed statement of the purposes to which the money was ap- plied can be produced, and unless those purposes are shown to have been legal and proper, a blot will remain on the character of the President which not even the splen- dor of his great services can efface. But fairness to him requires that the public judgment be held in suspense until it is seen whether proper vouchers exist for the expenditure of the money, and until the President’s own explanations shall be heard, if he chooses to testify before the committee. The monstrous accumulation of scandals of the same kind since the investigating committees have been at work is producing atemper of the public mind of which no- body can yet see the ultimate effect. Every- body perceives whither such exposures tend, but nobody can foretell with any precision when the final crash will come. During the memorable winter and spring of 1861 the busy preparations of the South occupied public attention without any apparent effect on political parties, but when the first gun was fired on Fort Sumter the effect was elec- tric, the pent-up feelings of the North ex- ploded with overwhelming force and the tide of feeling swept down all obstacles. There is something similar in the terrific operations of nature. Descriptive writers tell us. that an avalanche in the Alps is slowly loosened by the superincumbent weight of snow, and when, at last, it is ready to fall so slight a disturbance of the atmosphere as is caused by the discharge of a ‘pistol detaches the stupendous mass and precipitates it in overwhelming ruin upon the valleys below. Political forces often operate in the same sudden way. His- torians trace the first French Revolution to an accumulation of causes which had been in quiet operation for the preceding half century. The sudden dethronement of Louis Philippe is another case in point, ‘When a vast masa of combustibles have long been accumulating and drying everything may seem secure until a chance spark falls among them and starts a devouring confla- gration, Chicago, to all human appearance, seemed as secure on the afternoon preceding the great fire as at any period of its history, although two months of dry parching winds from the prairies had converted its struc- tures and its wooden pavements into tinder ; but the accidental upsetting ofa lamp ina stable suddenly swept away the city ina whirlwind of fiame. The republican party is becoming a similar inflammable mass which any accidental spark may kindle and consume, This recent exposure may not be “Mrs. O'Leary's cow,” but the combustibles are dry and ready, and from some source the fatal spark is pretty sure to come. The Indiana Democrats, That portion of the hard money press which professes to exult over a recantation by the Indiana democrats of the mo- netary heresies is not dealing sin- cerely with its readers. The platform adopted at Indianapolis day before yester- day is exposed to all the objections which the same hard money organs have constantly fulminated against what they deride as “Sherman's sham,” 1aeaning the law requir- ing specie resumption in 1879. That law has been assailed and denounced by the journals that profess delight with the Indiana plat- form as an egregious false pretence, on the ground that while exacting specie payments in 1879 it makes no practical provision for attaining that result. The Indiana platform deserves this denunciation in its whole ex- tent and severity, and a great deal more. While making an empty declaration in favor of gold and silver it not only fails to point out any means of putting the currency on a specie basis, but stultifies itself by decrying and opposing all measures which lead in that direction. ‘We oppose,” SHEET. Do the jubilant organs aforesaid believe that we can have specie payments without a contraction of the paper currency? They have too often exposed the folly of such an expectation and have too ably and decisively refuted the sophistries put forward in its favor to be entitled to any indulgence when they affect to believe that the Indians plat- form isa recantation. “Sherman's sham” is statesmanlike in comparison, for it does not erect a barrier against the contraction of the paper currency. Besides declaring this op- position to the only means by which specie payments can be reached the Indiana demo- crats demand the substitution of greenbacks for bank notes and denounce in unmeasured terms the law requiring resumption in 1879. It isa platform to which even the late Mr. Pendleton would not have objected when he was on the stump last year making speeches for Allen, This self-stultifying platform is framed in the interest of Governor Hendricks, who is the champion hard money man with rg money principles, The convention which adopted such an idiotic jumble of self-con- tradictions may appropriately say that Thomas A. Hendricks “is our unanimous choice for the Presidency of the United States.” . Russia and Austria. There are so many reasons why both Aus- tria and Russia should contemplate with uneasiness the coming of the time when they must determine between themselves pre- cisely what distribution shall be made of Turkey in Europe that it is not strange that for some years past Russia, notwith- standing her inherited impulse and tra- dition, has contemplated the persistency of her neighbor with patience, while Austria, though dreaming of a future possession of the whole Danube Valley, has gone far to sustain the crumbling power at Constan- tinople. For to either Russia or Austria it is preferable to have the Sultan on the Bos- phorus and the Lower Danube than to have any disposition inimical to their respective interests made of those important points, since the Sultan can easily be removed any day that a fortunate opportunity is found; but to change a settlement made with the assent of all the great Powers would be diffi- cult and dangerous. But the time seems to have come when something must be done. ‘Turkey has not mastered the Herzegovinan revolt by ordinary means and cannot so mas- ter it. It drifta and spreads over'the whole country; and a threat has been made and its fulfilment seems imminent, that the Porte will arm the Moslem population, raise the shout of Mohammedan fanaticism and thus make a final endeavor to stamp out the re- volt and Christianity together. Probably it is already impossible for the Sultan or any political power in the land to control the elements that move toward this solution. From the moment that such a course is en- tered upon the immediate end of the Otto- man Empire north of the Bosphorus is inev- itable. Diplomacy has been very active in its efforts to provide for this contingenoy, to construct a scheme that would satisfy the various parties in interest. It has not succeeded. In the condition of the various European money markets may be seen an expression of the appa- rent hopelessness’ of the attempt. Politi- cal secrets come out only on the Bourse in Europe. Here, where printing is safe and the press is energetic, few facts of any moment in politics fail to get promptly into print; but in Europe the press does not discover the secrets or dares not print them, These secrets are known, however, to the great diplomatists, to their confidential sec- retaries, to the princes of royal families. They do not tell them, but they buy and sell on the Bourse in the direction in which they know that the news will send securities when the story comes out, for they are in many cases not above the temptation to in- crease their wealth. They are watched by keen operators who follow their lead, and so the market gets its tendency. It is not, therefore, an expression of the guesses, sur- mises or fears of the financial world, but of the knowledge’ of men in the diplomatic secret. Hence the gravity of the recent con- dition, Austria has demanded more than is thought proper for her in Russia, and has very likely secured the support of Prussia. Prussia has endeavored to obtain the Rus- sian assent to Austria’s demands, and has perhaps won over the Czar; but the Czar has found the nation so restive under his hand, the old Russian party so obstinate, conces- sion so surrounded with peril, that he has hesitated, and has even thought of abdica- tion. In such circumstances abdication would mean so deep and thorongh a need for a new policy that the act of retirement would be only an evasion of the great Rus- sian political specific, assassination. Evi- dently the case is of the most serious char- acter, and the storm is one that even the Prospero at Berlin seems unable to conjure. Tzx Tuovsaxp Dottars 1x SILVER ‘were paid out yesterday at the Sub-Treasury in redemption of currency to that amount. At this rate it will be quite sn week before the coin will be seen by the horse car conduc- tors. A week later it will be seen sporadi- cally in the lager beer saloons. In ancther week it will drop in the plate at the churches; in a month it will be at the corner groceries; next it will reach the bootblacks, and in three months people will be complaining that the confounded thing is wearing holes in their pockets, and then people will put away a million or two of paper currency, just as people during the war kept silver dollars under glass cases, Never satisfied ! Tux Ixprans in Wyoming are at their old work of attacking wagon trains, committing nameless outrages upon the women and kill- ing the escort, and a story from the Black Hills makes it evident that with the advance of the season we shall have plenty of trouble with the Sioux. The inrush of the gold seekers gives them at the same time provo- cation and opportunity to rob and murder. Tar Exrnaprrion Cases in England drag on. Unless the English government decide to grant the writs it is to be feared that Winslow will escape afterall, The prisoners should, in all fairness, be delivered up to us, and the desirable modifications in the | say these pretended converts, “the contrae- | ‘language of the treaty be made afterward, | tion of the volume of our paper currency.” | Theréis no pretence in England that the treaty has been unfairly interpreted by the United States heretofore ; and making Eng. land a sanctuary for forgers is surely not the. design, though it may be the result, of Lord Derby’s stickling, = *” Another “Reform” Movement—The Gathering of the Saints, We have received a circular from several respectable gentlemen who propose to hold aconvention for the purpose of organizing the republican party ‘against corruption.” ‘The names signed to this circularare among the best of our citizens. It is impossible not to view with respect any communication coming from Carl Schurz, Theodore D. Woolsey, A. H. Bullock and William Cullen Bryant. We haven movement of this kind every year or two. Somehow it never comes to anything. A few names of eminent men are signed to “a call,” the meeting is held, speeches are made, and the affair passes inte the hands of professional politicians. This was the case with ‘the Citizens’ Associa: tion,” which flourished in the days of Tweed, Peter Cooper's honored ‘name was signed tc the multitude of addresses of the association as “President.” A list of worthy citizens was published from day to day as ‘‘mem- bers.” But the whole machine was captured by Sweeny, the working members were shoved into offices and allowed a share of the plunder, and the con cern went to pieces. Mr. Cooper and his distinguished colleagues had too much to do to watch the ‘‘Association,” and the underlings ran it as a tender to Tam- mony Hall and ran it for a couple of years before it was discovered to be a mask for Tweedism. So with the independent re- publican movement which began under the auspices of some of those who sign this circular. It opened with the fairest prom: ises, and proposed to “reform the country;* but it had not fairly embarked before some of the loudest voiced leaders went back ta Grant, and the movement, with a few excep- tions, fell into the hunds of disreputable political adventurers. We fear it must be said of our sainte in politics that they are ready enough to set “‘movements” on foot, but they do not follow them up. No political party ever succeeded without votes, and votes are cast in this country not by respec- tability but by numbers. Wheaa dozen saints assemble in s hotel parlor a+.’ resalve that they are the real saints, thet govern- ment should be ‘‘reformed,” and that the only way to reform it is to put them all in office, they forget that there are sav- eral hundred thousands outside who also like office and who know now to arrange primaries and see that the ‘‘machine” is in order. If the saints could only vote thetm | selves into office there would be no trouble, But when we talk to the rank and fila of parties about Adams and Schurz and Bry- ant, the rank and file answer promptly, “All right; but what is to become on us? What are we to do? We need om little places just as much as Schurz and Bullock. If we don't vote for places what da we vote for? We are willing to have things reformed, but we want the government to give us salaries while we are reforming, just as it does to the saints.” This view of reform is low and coarse, we are afraid; but what are we to do about it? The facts are geological in their vastnes« and immovability. Third party move. ments are intrigues and come to no good, mainly because the men who take charge of them aim only for offices for themselves an@ a select circle of friends. ‘They propose a party in which they shall have all the offices and the people do all the voting. ‘The best way to reform politics is to educate the people, punish corraption, organize reform movements in every township and Assembly district, and see that the minor municipal elections are swayed by the best influences, Political reform should begin in the town. ship. No mere man can reform the politics of this country without reforming the whol« rank and file of each party. Therefore, while we respect the motives of the worthy gentlemen who propose this new ‘reform movement,” we see no way in which we can encourage them. The lines are drawn fo1 this fight. They are republican and demo cratic. There is no middle ground, and any movement in that direction is an intrigue. Prey ey OR ere Fear ov Investigation at Avpany.—The Legislature is almost ready to adjourn aftes having done some injury and very little good. Beyond the Annual Supply bill not a measure of any public importance has been passed, while a number of bills which were in the puble interest were either adversely reported or smothered in committee. The lobby was more than ever a power at Albany this year, and a good many members go home to their constituents like bad servants without a character. Worst of all, none of those whose integrity was questioned seem desirous of saving even what little repnta- tion is left them. There is the Assembly Railroad Committee, for instance, and Killian, the self-constituted champion of “No seat no fare.” They were determined upon having an inquiry into the allegations that were made against them, but it was found impossible to compel them to keep their word. Did West, Whitson, Worth and the rest fear the issue, that they dared not make it? Ifthe people of this city and State con- strue this fear into a confession of guilt they can only thank themselves for the attitude in which they are placed. Ortstoxs ox Poxrtics are usually more sentimental and less mechanical if the West than they are in the East. In Southern Illinois, the “Egypt” of the civil war, it ap. pears from the remarks of the Cairo Bulle. tin that though Judge Davis is wanted as @ democratic candidate for the Presidency, there would be much faith in General Hane cock, because, while he is a military man, he has all the instincts of a civilian, The Utica Observer, of this State, which repre- sents much severe common sense in the democratic party of the East, wishes that the party, having come recently into partial power, should have a reasonable time ip which to make a criticisable record. It hints that St. Louis must coax the opinion of the East with » hard money candidate, Onlix