The New York Herald Newspaper, March 29, 1876, Page 6

6 NEW YORK MERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every | Four cents per copy. | ke in the year. welve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic | Jespatches must be addressed New Yonrx Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. t Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO., 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA, Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms AMUSEMENTS THIS APTERNOON AND EVENING. | BOWERY THEATRE, THE WONDER LAND, at SP. M. BATRE. |. Fanny Davenport. THIRTY-FOURTH ST RA HQUSE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. Matin eo at 2 P.O VARIETY, at 8P. . AN VARIETIES. PARI VARIETY,at 82.0. BAN FRANCISCO MINST ATRE. BOO’ FULIVS casaR, ut sr. ans. OLY?! VARIETY, at 8P.M_ Matin TWENTY-THIRD CALIFORNIA MINSTI WOOD'S MUSEUM. KIT, at 8 P.M. Matineo a F. RELT OPERA HOUSE, ats P.M. LY! VAUDEVILLE, at 8 Palmer. TONY VARIETY, at 5 P.M. GER DER FRAUENADO G WALL. 8 P.M. MARK TWAIN'S CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIES. VARIETY, at 8). M. TIVOLI THEATRE. VARIETY, at 8 P. M. DAY. MARCH 29, 1876, are that the weather to-day will be threatening, with rain, Tue Heraxp by Fast Maw Trarxs.—News- dealers and the public throughout the country will be supplied with the Datry, Weexiy and Sunpay Henaxp, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this office. Watt, Steerer Yesrerpay.—Stocks were more active and lower. A sharp drive was made at Lake Shore, Erie, Michigan Central, St. Paul preferred and Northwest preferred. Gold closed at 114—a gain of 1-8 percent. Money loaned at 21-2 and 3 per cent. Gov- ernments, railroad bonds and investment securities were stead. Tur Oxrorp Crew is likely to win the University race again this year, if the betting is any criterion upon which to base a judg- ment of the result, “SximmisninG.”—O'Donovan Rossa in- forms a reporter that there is now no Fenian movement on foot, but that money is raised to keep up a system of. ‘‘skirmishing.” It would be interesting to know what share of this “skirmish” fund goes to Mr. Delmonico. Some or THE Newsrarers report the com- plaints of General Sherman over his pro- posed recall to Washington. If Sherman is needed in Washington let him have his headquarters there. If he does not like the transfer he has the remedy in his own hands, Tue Dinect Caste Company's Report will attract much attention in view of the opinion of Sir William Thomson and Mr. Bramwell that the recent breaks in the cable were the result of violence. If this opinion is correct a skilful detective ought to be able to unravel the mystery, at least to the extentof showing by whom the act was committed. Some or THE Newsparers chronicle the fact that Dr. Russell will represent the Times atthe Centennial Exhibition. Dr. Russell will be welcomed here. His letters during the war were fair and kind, much more so than was ever credited to him. He told the truth then and he will tell the truth now. This is all that the country cares to have done by any journali: One Reason Wuy we pay six per cent for our money abroad is that we have fallen into a habit of universal slander. We degrade ourselves, defame our country, trifle with pur credit, call upon the world to see what rascals and knaves we are, and then marvel that the world should take us at our word and charge us more for money than nations | without a half of our resources. We shall strengthen our credit when We protect our self-respect. Mexican Apvices continue to be of an alarming character, revolution and anarchy are again imminent. Not only is the Lerdo government threatened with over- throw, but the state of chronic revolt from which Mexico suffered for so many years seems about to be renewed. It is unfortunate that a resort to arms is the first thought of the dissatisfied Mexican politician ; for the pountry cannot expect to be prosperous and happy while the disorders consequent upon these constant émeutes are allowed to disturb the people. and Wur Dogs tue SexaTe Fam to pass the | bill for protecting witnesses who testify be- fore committees of Congress? The personal assurance given to Marsh and his wife by the President extends to nobody else, and the fact that they needed such assurances | before they could safely return from Canada isa warning to other witnesses that they | would run a risk by telling the truth. The | investigations in Washington are obstructed by this cause, and the Senate should at once remove the obstacle by passing the Mouse pill, 9 | his From our reports this morning the probabilities | The Campaign for the Presidency—The Opportunity of Grant and Conkling. There are two facts in the coming canvass | for the Presidency which no politician who has any care for the future of his party will overlook—namely, the importance of Gen- eral Grant and Mr. Conkling as the dom- deney. | for, whatever importance we may give to Mr. Curtis and his mutiny, there is no doubt that the vote of the Syracuse Convention the State. The republican party cannot es- think. Mr. Curtis represents himself and a few friends of Mr. Blaine. The general drift should name the President, and that demo- cratic and republican candidates alike should come from New York. We support Mr. Conkling as the republican nominee from a feeling of State pride, because we hold genius and his courage in high because we think he would do honor to the State and the nation; | because he is too proud and _ too brave to lie; because he will never, whether he loses or wins, stoop to conquer. Wesup- port him for the republican nomination because we think a citizen of the Empire State would do much more for the country than one from a narrower and less enlight- ened section. We should like to see repub- licans and democrats alike take citizens of New York as candidates for the Presidency. Rich as New York is in men who are com- petent to preside over the destinies of this nation, we never were so rich as now. In our centennial list of candidates there are five republicans and four democrats from New York alone. Therefore if our demo- cratic and republican friends will only remember what they owe to New York, and that we have chims which should not be | esteem ; why the canvass should not be so directed that whichever party wins the Empire State will have imperial recognition. As it now stands Mr. Conkling controls the republican organization of the State. The President controls the republican or- ganization in the country. With the State of New York behind him if Mr. Conkling cannot take the crown he can bestow it. That solid, compact vote at Syracuse makes him the master of the Convention, in con- nection with the power of Grant over the office-holding vote of the South and of States like Pennsylvania, From what we hear, the venerable leader of Pennsylvania politics, nator Cameron, means to throw his influ- ence in fayor of the fittest man for the Presi- dency, and that a long service in the Senate | has convinced him that this man is Roscoe Conkling. It would be characteristic of Senator Cameron, in whom old age has | ripened judgment and tempered ambition, and who has always believed in manliness in politics, to throw his will in favor of the manliess man now in the ranks of the republican organization. Whatever we may say during the campaign, and however we may deplore and condemn the doings of the administration, we cannot fail to see that the two command- ing figures in the republican party are Gen- eral Grant and Mr. Conkling. ‘They are the Neaoleon and the Ney of the party. They have never failed each other in any emer- gency. Wherever Grant had a point to carry there was Conkling willing to aid him. Even now the prominent argument against Mr. Conkling at Syracuse was that he had been too warmly the friend of Grant. That isa quality that General Grant will not be apt to forget. If Grant can eliminate from his mind the remnants of his ambitious dreams for the Presidency there is no reason why he should not give to Conkling some- thing of that enthusiastic support which he has received from that Senator, and by de- claring him the candidate of the administra- tion nominate and elect him, as Jefferson did Madison and Jackson Van Buren. Some superficial thinkers say that the Presi- dent's support would injure Mr. Conkling, and that the fact of his being the choice of the President would destroy him before the Convention. Nothing could be more absurd than this reasoning. General Grant, as is seen in the New Hampshire election, is the strongest man in the party now even in spite of Belknap. We may regret this and wish it were otherwise ; but we are dealing with facts as they are, and not sentiment. General Grant will hold the Convention at Cincinnati in his hands. There may bea few stragglers like Mr. Curtis, but the chances are that before the Convention meets most of them will be over with Dorsheimer and Bigelow in the democratic organization looking out for State Prison Inspectorships and other humble places on the State demo- cratic ticket. The mass of the republicans will be with Grant, and his help, so far from injuring, will strengthen any man he con- cludes to support as a candidate. The main danger will be from the apathy of Grant and the over-confidence of the | friends of Conkling. All this time, while re- | publicans are quarrelling here over this man and the other, we see the star of Morton in the West and of Blaine in the East. There are no two men in the country who have | more skill and courage and resolution, more | of the knowledge necessary to control States and conventions than Mr. Blaine and Mr. Morton. We now see how skilful was the Andersonville speech of Blaine, and how strong Morton has made himself with the lower strata of the party by the course he | has taken on finance and the South. The danger is that unless Grant and Conkling unite their forces we shall have some third | man nominated; some man like Blaine, who will represent the baser elements of the | party, baser even than Grantism; for, | bad as that is, it has never descended into demagogery. These are the nominations we are anxious to avoid, not merely for the | sake of the party, but of the country. So far as New York is concerned the nomina- tion of Blaine or Morton means the surren- der of the State to the democrats. This will ensue unless some man can be found by the republicans who will unite all the strength cause negative, strength of never having any vs, which does not belong to either of them. Now, the way for Conkling and | } Grant to prevent the nomination of any such inant republican candidates for the Presi- | Mr. Conkling controls New York ; | represents the will of the party throughout | cane it, whatever its leaders may say or | | of public sentiment is that the Empire State | forgotten or overlooked, there is no reason | of Grant and Conkling, and the higher, be- | share in the party combats of the past seven | | man is to take up one who will unite their positive and negative strength, some one on our centennial list. If the President and | Mr. Conkling were to support such a man the nomination would be made, and it would be a nomination which no democrat that we have seen thus far can beat. Plainly, then, the duty of the President | and his faithful Marshal, Conkling, is to unite their forces and see that they are not | destroyed in detail. Morton or Blaine, and especially Blaine. They are eager, quick, untiring, and have within their grasp many elements of victory., | Grant and Conkling can make the candidate and the canvass. Let them unite their forces and settle the question, so far as the republi- cans are concerned, by naming a good man, one worthy and available; for, after all, | availability will go further than ability in the selection of a President. Unconstitationality of the Enforcement Act. Had the decision of the Supreme Court, | before the republican party lost control of the House of Representatives, Congress | would forthwith have passed a new bill | which is now adjudged void. The Court fully admits that Congress may pass a law for insuring the civil cal equality of the negroes. If the | republican party had sooner known that by attempting too much they had accom- | plished nothing it would have been in | their power to substitute appropriate | legislation for the unconstitutional law which they enacted. the Supreme Court, coming when it does, | not only annuls the Enforcement act, but | puts that provision of the constitution in | abeyance which authorizes Congress to pass | laws for the protection of negro equality. After the unscrupulous abuses of leg- islation practised by the republican party under color of that authority, and which the Supreme Court has condemned, the democrats are not likely to consent to any further legislation on the subject. The negroes, for the ensuing two years at least, will have to depend for protection on the State governments. There will be no further interposition of federal authority supported | by federal bayonets to support their rights | or redress their wrongs. This important decision marks the beginning of a new era in the political relations of the negro race in our Southern States. If the Southern governments should be just, humane and considerate, they can easily detach their colored citizens from the repub- lican party and virtually annihilate that party throughout the South. The negroes will be likely to class this bogus Enforce- ment law with the broken Freedmen’s Sav- ings Bank. They will feel with keen resent- ment that their rights have been no safer than their money in the custody of the re- publican party. Finding their hopes disap- pointed, their confidence abused, and that they must, afterall, depend for protection and prosperity on the communities with which their lot is cast, they will be disposed to co- operate more cordially with their immediate fellow citizens than they have ever been since their emancipation. They have nothing to depend upon now but their own industry and sobriety and the justice and good will of their neighbors. If the whites act with sense and moderation the undeceived ne- groes will hereafter give them no trouble, Pat It in the Platforms. The politicians are so apt to overlook the true interests of the people that the latter must employ every means of pressing their rights on the attention of the former. The most feasible means of economy is the re- funding of the six per cent bonds at a lower rate of interest, but as no party capital is to be made out of such a measure it is slurred over and neglected by the demagogues in Congress. The people must, therefore, in- sist on its being put in the party platforms and that all the candidates be pledged to promote it. It is worth altogether more than the fussy, cheese-paring economies which have been proposed in Congress this winter for party effect, and several of which are calculated to cripple the public service. Secretary Bristow has no doubt that he could sell four and a half per cent bonds if Congress would extend the period of redecm- ability from fifteen years, as now prescribed, to thirty years, and at the beginning of the session he asked Congress to make that amendment in the law. An act for that pur- pose ought to have been passed within five days after the meeting of Congress. In the sixteen months preceding the Secretary’s .annual report he had refunded $178,548,300 of the national debt, and if Congress had given him the means of proceeding at the same rate $44,637,000 might have been re- funded in the four months that have since elapsed. A saving of one and a half per cent interest per annum on that sum would amount to $667,000 a year, or nearly twenty- seven times the proposed reduction of $25,000 in the salary of the President. It is the duty of the people to protest against such penny-wise, pound-foolish economy, It is foolish to ignore | declaring the Enforcement law unconsti- | | tutional been rendered at an earlier period, | | | avoiding the objections made against that | | | | | and politi- | But this decision of | multitude of remorseless land sharks has NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 239, 1876.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Decision in the Emigrant Cases— Duty of the State of New York. We print the text of the opinion of the Supreme Court in support of its recent | decision that the statutes of New York and | | Louisiana requiring the payment of head | money from emigrants are repugnant to the" | constitution and void. Of course no more | head money will be paid, and the Commis- sioners of Emigration are without resources for maintaining their organization. The | decision leaves all their other powers untouched except that of raising money to pay thei# expenses ; but the value of a mill is as effectually destroyed by drying up the stream which turns it as by breaking. its machinery. What the Legislature ought to do in this emergency is a serious question. | Shall the Commission of Emigration be given up? Assuredly not, in our opinion, until Congress shall have acted on the sub- ject and have replaced the State regulations by something equivalent. The protection of our taxpayers against an inundation of for- eign paupers and the protection of emigrants against extortion and swindling alike re- quire that the commission be maintained in some way until Congress creates a substitute. The Court declares that the head money is a tax on the emigrants paid in higher rates of fare. Ifsuch a tax is unconstitutional it is not inequitable; it saves every emigrant | more money than it costs him. Before the commission was established they were sys- tematically victimized by hosts of cormo- | rants, consisting of runners, truckmen, | keepers of emigrant boarding houses, swin- | dling ticket agents, pimps of grogshops and | | worse resorts; and the efficient protection given them by the commission against that proved an average benefit to the emigrants equal to at least five times the amount of head money collected, The best thing Con- gress can do is to readopt the New York system and make it uniform in all the | ports of the United States. When this is done the shipowners who have brought these suits and caused the State law to be annulled will find that they have paid heavy counsel fees tono purpose. We dare say they are equally ready to spend money upon lobbyists at Washington to defeat legis- lation by Congress, and herein lies the chief danger. As New York is the State chiefly interested it is be hoped that our Legislature will take hold of the subject- with prompti- tude and vigor. The Supreme Court concedes that until Congress acts a State may adopt regulations for protecting itself against emi- grant paupers, and we trust that our Legisla- ture may go to the extreme limit of its power and make the shipowners see that the cheap- est thing they can now do is to let a proper bill pass through Congress unopposed. Our State law requires the owners or con- signees of ships bringing emigrants to give bonds for reimbursing to the cities and counties of the State the expenses that may fall on them for supporting the emigrants if they become a public charge. The head money is a mere commutation for such bonds, but the requirement of the bonds is not de- clared unconstitutional except as a means of forcing the payment of the head money. The obvious thing for the Legislature to do is to repeal the head money commutation and require the bonds, enforcing the penalty on owners or consignees in every case of failure to give them. If this be done the shipowners will find that they have jumped out of the frying pan into the fire, and be willing to seek relief in the reimposition of head money by the authority of Congress. Another thing which the Legislature should at once do is to memorialize Con- gress, setting forth the history and advan- tages of our Commission of Emigration, and praying for the adoption of a similar system by federal legislation. A strong memorial, drawn up with ability and unani- mously passed by both branches of the Legislature, would bring the subject promptly before Congress in such a way that it could not be ignored. Meanwhile, until federal legislation is secured, the Emigration Commission must be supported by an ap. propriation from the State treasury. Mr. Watts’ Car Bill. Mr. Watts’ Car bill, introduced into the Assembly on Monday, is as open to objection on the part of its friends as was the famous Killian bill; but it will not do for the Rail- road Committee to smother or destroy it on that account. It can be amended when it reaches the Committee ofthe Whole, to meet the wants of the public, if the Railroad Committee cannot be induced to perfect it before it reaches the House, and no excuse for an adverse report will be tolerated. The lobby is not to be considered in this matter at all. ‘his is a case where the rights of the people must be re- spected, ‘and every member of the Assembly will be held to the strictest ac- countability if he fails to respect them. By their course on the Killian bill many mem- bers have already done great injury to their reputations, and the reports concerning the means used to influence the action of Killian and the committee have not lost in effect because none of these statesmen has yet had the courage to demand an investigation. The Watts bill will be another test of the and to insist that the political platforms pledge both parties to the prompt support ofall reasonable measures for lightening the burden of the national debt by refunding it at a lower i Generat ScHenck gave a history of his connection with the Emma mine before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs yester- day. He denounced Lyon's story as untrue, and told how he purchased and paid for the stock held by him; but, accepting his ac- count of the transaction in its most favor- able light, the showing is not a good one for a man in his position. He may have taken no active part in the sale of the mine, but he allowed his name and the credit of his position to be used for the promotion of the scheme. Even if the whole transaction was an honest one he erred in this in a way that will long be remembered against him. Eyouisn Rircemen are apparently averse | | to a trial of skill with the Americans, We should be sorry if there isno English team ‘at the International match at Philadelphia, and we trust the present intention will be _ abandoned. There is no reason why Eng- land, Ireland and Scotland should not be | represented by separate teams, motives which actuate them, and no eva- sion can satisfy the public if either the committee or the Assembly repeats the action on the former bill. This measure must be allowed to come before the House for discussion and amendment, and if this ig not done the people of New York can have only one opinion of the men who so arro- gantly and persistently refuse to accord to the metropolis that consideration to which it is entitled. More than this, Mr. West and his committee cannot complain if people think the committee corrupt, should it a second time give occasion for the serious charges which followed the defeat of the Killian bill. A Sap Srony or Surpwreck and loss of lifo is reported from the Arabian Sea, the steamer Jowad being lost, with all on board— five hundred in number—chiefly Persian pilgrims. The last few months have been terribly disastrous to steam vessels, and, in most cases, the loss of life has been very great. In former years the loss of a ship like the Deutschland, or this steamer, the Jowad, would have produced a profound impression wherever the story was told, but now these disasters are so common as scarcely to occasion remark, Extradition Cases—Jadge Decision. Many recent events have given occasion the extradition of criminals, With several | countries of Europe we have no such treaties, and these, by the facilities of steam com- munication, become the easy harbors of | whole classes of men who, for the sake of example, should pass some years breaking stone in our prison yards. With England our treaty is entirely inadequate, and as a great extent of territory subject to English | law is contiguous to our border, this is, for | any criminal who can get twelve hours’ notice, just as if we had no laws except for the punishment of the seven crimes named in the treaty of 1842. But instead of having the extradition laws extended to other cate- gories of crime we are likely to have them re- stricted. Instead of improvement in this point of the administration of justice we | seem in a fair way to lose altogether the bene- | fits of the treaty actually in existence for the mutual surrender of criminals by our own and the British government. Judge Bene- dict’s decision, rendered yesterday on the plea against jurisdiction in the case of Lawrence, seems likely to so far strengthen the case of Winslow in England that we may contemplate as im- minent the consequences that no criminal will hereafter be surrendered to us by Eng- land until a new treaty can be made. It is argued on behalf of Lawrence that he must be tried for forgery, and for forgery only, as that is the crime he was charged with in the pro- ceedings on which he was surrendered by the British government, and they deny the juris- diction of the Court astoany other offence. In fact, their position is, that except for the one offence for which he was delivered, this man is, in the eye of the law, in the same position | as he would be if he were physically in Eng- land, without any treaty for his surrender. But the Judge denies the validity of this view and holds that the Court cannot go be- | hind the possession of the man, and, having him in its hands, may try him for any offence. As this is declared to be the law by a competent authority it must, we suppose, beaccepted ; but there seems room to believe that if this is the law then the law on this point is in a very unsatisfactory condition. But the law, as declared, seems to us to rest on some unsound reasoning. The Judge says that the treaty has ‘no provision to protect the criminal from prosecution for other offences” than those for which extradi- tion is agreed upon. But what, then, is the meaning of the specification of a certain number of offences in the treaty? Does not the exclusion of all other offences ‘‘protect” the persons who may have committed them ? and was it not the intention of the parties to the treaties to so ‘‘protect” criminals—at least from surrender, and presumably from trial on other charges than those in the treaty ? It is said by the Judge that a criminal ac- quires no rights “by defrauding justice”— that is, by escaping from the country. But this is a pbrase, and a phrase that involves a gross blunder. The criminal who ‘‘de- frauds justice” by escaping to England ac- quires thereby the right of asylum under the laws of that country, and is protected from our justice by the whole power of Eng- land, except in so far as England's power is waived in our favor by the explicit terms of the Extradition Treaty. But if the Judge's position is sound in the law then the law is so framed as to secure the conviction of one criminal at a very serious expense to justice, for the difficult subject of extradition will be greatly complicated by this judgment. The Disagreeableness of Virtue. It was a Californian sage who said, ‘‘Be vir- tuous and you will be happy, but you won’t have a good time.” We suspect Messrs. Ran- dall and Holman, in the House of Represen- tatives, are painfully discovering the truth of this proposition. No virtue is so com- mendable to everybody, in the abstract, as economy. Make retrenchment a party cry and you call out thousands of enthusiastic orators who will make haste to prove, with- out the least economy of time or of figures, how easy it is to save millions in the public expenditures ; how shameful it is to squan- der the people's money, and how necessary it is to lower the taxes. ‘Economy is the road to wealth,” they cry, and quite forget the Wall street broker's complaint that he had found it ‘the most disagreeable road he ever travelled.” * Mr. Randall took hold with great courage and vigor, directly after the meeting of Con- gress. He has labored with unflagging pa- tience, and he has made his committee work with him ; and now that his and their labors begin to bear fruit, in reduced estimates presented to the House for approval, poor Mr. Randall finds himself suddenly one of the least popular of men ; and the zealous body of economists and retrenchers who not long ago filled the chairs on both sides now regard him as the enemy of the human race and the least agreeable man, always ex- cepting Mr. Holman, in either house of Con- gress. His name has, we hear, become a ter- ror to clerks in Washington. When he rises to move the consideration of the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Appropriation bill the average member wants to adjourn at ized mutiny against his rule by the door- keepers and messengers. All this is unpleasant, but we hope Mr. Randall will go on undaunted. If he imag- ined that he was going to be cheered in the House when he proposed to save seven mill- ions he, of course, prepared himself a great disappointment. He hada right to expect bitter opposition in Washington. That city lives on the federal taxes, The higher they are the more it prospers. It is a strongly republican city, because the repub- licans have for years run the government machinery at a needlessly great cost. What- ever Mr. Randall lops off, no matter in what department, will be felt and resented there under his nose. But let him only persevere, and he will get the thanks of the country at large. The people's intorest is to have the public expenditures largely diminished, and, fortunately, the people still rule. - We have but one fault to find with Mr. Randall's efforts at retrenchment. He has, it seems to us, been in too much haste. He immense and complicated details of his | to regret the insufficiency of our treaties for | once, and there is even a rumor of an organ- | seems to us sometimes to be mastered by the | 5, 11. concennial year and also leap ment has done since the war has been almost continuously done at an increasing and needlessly great expense; but the undertak- ing of reducing the overgrown expenditures requires a comprehensive study of the whole field, which, we fear, Mr. Randall has not given it. He proceeds upon a theory which is erroneous, and exposes himself to objec- tions which he will have trouble to meet. He is, for instance, cutting down all salaries from ten to twenty per cent. But the trouble is not that the salaries paid by the govern- ment are too high—with few exceptions they are not too high—the trouble is that too many persons are employed to do the work. ‘The government offices have become places of refuge for numbers of persons who would hayé no places there but for the importuni- ties of political friends; and the work is done in an uneconomical way, not because clerks and others afe overpaid, but because more are employed than a good business man would need to do the work. Again, Mr. Randal! .appears to us to have erred in attempting to cut down all depart- ments upon the same scale, Thus his Con- sular and Diplomatic bill, as it has passed the House, would cripple that service, and after all save but a trifling sum; and we shall be glad if the Senate makes such opposition to many parts of this bill as will induce the House to reconsider it. Itis in the War, Navy and Interior departments that Mr. Randall can make his real savings. We have shown him how, without reducing the army, he can save a dozen millions in the war estimates; and we believe he could save not less than twenty millions there by a careful study of all the details, such as wo © cannot give them. In the Navy Department he ought to save at least seven or eight mill- ions, and perhaps twelve.- In the Interior Department, including the Indian Bureau, he onght to be able to save six or cight millions. If he will ask Mr. Bris- tow to help him they ought by a combined effort to make some handsome economies in the cost of collecting the internal and cus- toms revenues. In these ways. Mr. Randall can make great and important savings, for which the country will thank him. Then, again, there are the huge bills for internal improvements, which ought this year to be cut down very sharply. Tux Wayr or Strate Pripe.—A corre- spondent discusses the recent Syracuse Con- vention in the following significant letter:— To tax Eprror or tar Heraup: Did it ever occur to you that among the reasons why New York has never received proper recognition from the republican party is that this party is in the hands of aliens—of men who have no sympathy with the State or pride in its statesmen? 1 mean aliens ina Stateaad not in a national sense. The movement against Conkling isan alien movoment. Mr. Curtis is. a Yankee, and of course supports the New England candidate. So I might go on and give you twenty names of prominent men, Union Leaguers and so on, who have no real sympathy with New York, Tho truth is that the republican party 1s in the hands of a Yankee ring, and the “‘triamph’’ at Syracuse over Mr. Conkling, if triumph it may be, is that of a Yankee ring. Yours sincerely, KNICKERBOCKER. Our correspondent’s idea is worthy ‘of consideration by all who care about the matter. New York is not a loved city, we are afraid. A true State pride would make Mr. Conkling the choice of the republican party. : Tue Prorosat to nominate David Davis, of the Supreme Court, for President, is weak in this, that no man should be taken from this lofty station for the Presidency. Let us have our courts removed from the contami- nation of polities. . Presidential ambition was the shadow over Mr. Chase's life, and is now the blot upon his fame. Let our judges fecl that their lives are those of political celibates. Corporation Counsen Wurrxex has sent an interesting letter to the Assembly, dis- cussing the questions relating to sewer as- sessments since 1870. Mr. Whitney makes a good showing in favor of the passage of the pill now before the Legislature. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Professor Tice prophesies a long drought, and milk will be stronger. Texas is improving her stock by heavy importations ef Kentucky short horns. Where is the bold swordsman Kilpatrick? anxious house are panting for him. Mobile brags that soon, very soon, it will be the centre of a great coal and iron interest. Genera: Saigo, President of tho Japanese Commis- sion, artived at Philadeiphia yesterday, Ben Butler says he can stand on his head and you can’t tell whether he is looking at you or not. Mock orange leaves are poisonous after they have become withered. The same may bo said of Ber Hill. Yrwenty million trees have been planted on the prai- ries of Minnesota, In time there will be a change in the climate. An Indiana paper boasts with fluent rhetoric that An Speaker Kerr frequently leaves his seat and goes down onthe floor, S-o-b. Jolly Joker sends to us asking, ‘Was Belknap a post raider ?’? And we quote that Solomon in all his glory ‘was not a raid like one of these. A Sutter Creek (Cal.) girl found $10 worth of gold on the sidewalk, The sidewalk had boen made of quarta dumpings from the Amador mine. The Detroit Free Press’ funny column is interesting; but it is not artistic to credit the Albany Argus with paragraphs from the New York HERA, The new Bessie Turner whiskey is becoming very popular. A man can carry an awful load of it and be dumped around and bo as quiet as if he were dead drank. Senator Christiancy 1s getting young again—almost in his second childhood; and you can see both of them sliding down the banisters without boing abjo to got past each other, Peter Jansen, of a Russian colony in Gage county, Nevada, owns 1,500 acres of land, 2,700 sheep, (of which number 1,500 are ewes), 5 head of cows and7 head of thoroughbred hors. Honolulu peopte y it rains nine days in the week at Hilo, and thirteen months in the year, and once ina great while it rains into the bunghole of a barrel taster than it can flow out at both ends, The government of India bas to transmit to Eng Jand annually, to pay jnterest on debt, salaries and pensions, to purchase stores and materials aud for various other purposes, about $75,000, 600, Senator Sargent, of California, ts a vory dignified man; but they do say that whon a chunk of ice fools of bis boot heel he lays down with his legs in the air, like a canvas back duck in a dish of gravy, A correspondent writes:—“‘Tho Heranp says that ammonia cures snake bites, You don’t tell whether to take it internally or apply it externally.” Well, it you've got it bad you might puta few drops im your boots. The Oakland (Cal.) Neves, published in the pretties! city on tho Pacific Slope, is a lively paper, snowing much Jocal caterprise. It has the honesty and wisaow to republish a department from this paper and call j “Heratn Personals.” A negro servant in New York recentiy wrote the fol lowing letter: — “Brother Charlos—Itsvems to me that It ts not very applicabie for you to Correspond, whether it is because this Yoar, that baffles your understanding, work, The work which the federal govern- | That is a ‘maxim’ to be answered,” s/ ra