The New York Herald Newspaper, March 10, 1876, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD ANN STREET. BROADWAY AND JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the year. Four cents per copy. | Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per | month, free of postage. ‘All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yore Henacp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. i i Rejected communications will not be re- burned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. T > ‘DON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK ONPEALD- NO. 46 FLEET STREET, PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA, Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. PARK THEATRE. BRASS, at SP. M. George Faweett Rowe, BOWERY THE. TARIETY, at SP. M. James M. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, MIQUE, at §P.M. Fanny Davenport. THIRTY-FOURTH STREET OPERA HOUSE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. LYCEU TAMLET, at 8 P.M. Maste: PARISIAN VARIETIES. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. BAN FRANCISCO MINSTR: GLOBs THEATRE, VARIETY, at 8P. M. BOOTH JULIUS CASAR, at 8 P. € VARIETY, at 8 P. TWEN CALIFORNIA MINSTER. TIVE FARIETY, at 8 P.M. THREE FAST ME WwW. SHE STOOPS TO TONY VARIETY, at 8 P. c G TSURTRATER L 8 P.M. Profeisor Crom- we GERMANIA THEATRE. ORIEL ACOSTA, at 8 P.) CHATEAU MABILLE VARIETIES, VARIETY, at 8 P.M. BROOKE: UNCLE TOM’S CABIN HEATRE. P.M. Mrs. G. C. Howard, UN ARE THEATRE. ROSE MICHEL, x ACADEMY OF MUSIC. at8P.M. Clara Louise MI NEW YORK, FRIDAY. MARCH 10, 1876, From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be clearing and warm, Tue Henarp py Fast Mar Trarys.—News- dealers and the public throughout the country will be supplied with the Darcy, Werxuy and Sunpay HeEraup, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this office. Watt Srreer Yesterpay.—Gold was dull at 1145-8 a 1141-2. Stocks were without feature and irregular, the market showing the effect of manipulation. Money on call is still quoted at 3a31-2 per cent. Govern- ment and investment securities were steady. Tuat Peace in Srarn will be followed by peace in Cuba is King Alfonso’s confident anticipation. It is easy to write a message like that at Madrid. Count Arnm’s relatives have had their petition for the Count’s pardon refused by the Emperor. Bismarck evidently still bas the “‘whip hand” in Berlin. Tae Frencn Canryet has been entirely tonstituted from the dominant Left Centre pr moderate republicans, and will doubtless command the majority in both Senate and Assembly. Tar Count or Generat Sessrons has at length been provided with quarters at the expense of the Marine Court, which ismoved from its present quarters to the old stuffy Aldermanic chambers in the City Hall. Tse New York Orrice-Hotpens are about to have their salaries reduced in earnest. The bill in its present form is expected to pass, and all the small fry should begin to agitate for lower rents or look out for cheaper quar- ters. Tue Remains of Lady Augusta Stanley were interred in Westminster Abbey yester- day in almost royal state. Queen Victoria, with two of her daughters, was present, thus testifying her regard for a lifelong com- panion. Tre Woopes Nutaecs axp Hickory Hams of Connecticut have nominated a rag money candidate for Governor on ashinplaster plat- form. ‘This is all appropriate and will fur- nish a fresh chapter for Mr. Wells in his his- tory of Robinson Crusoe’s money. Vintve axp Necesstry.—Grant is praised a great deal by the organs for such appoint- ments as those of Mr. Danaand Judge Taft ; but when a man finds that the only way to keep his whole administration out of State Prison is to change his system of appoint- ments we cannot see that virtue practised under such pressure is worthy very great praise. It has taken Grant a great while to find out that there is any one else in this country besides his personal friends, and he might never have learned this if the discovery had not been forced upon him by the fact that his friends are so generally dis- honest men. Discoveries made in such cir- cumstances are not entitled to medals, War Saovip Not Druxxen Mex ride on the horse cars? The man who lost his teeth and some blood from his nose because he in- sisted on riding in the same Sixth avenue ear with an infuriated inebriate is too preju- diced to be taken as a reliable authority. He should have got out and walked. It is probable he belongs to that debased class that neither squirts tobacco juice nor eats peanuts in transilu. He has no rights that the combative ecstasy of a drunkard is bound to respect. He has brought the inno- pent horse car company into court in a suit for damages, as if he had not enongh of them. He would also, doubtless, impose bis Puritanical notions on the company. The jury will probably consign him to Bloomingdale, under the healthy rule, “No got mo seat.” ~- ol NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1876.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Root of the Evil. We shall never reach the root of the evil which bears fruit in the disgrace of the late | Secretary of War until we consider the mat- ter in its larger sense. Itis sad enough to see one so highly trusted as Belknap recreant to the trust. It is a humiliation for the | American people to see a Cabinet Minister arraigned at the felon’s dock. For, while the history of nations as circumspect and proud as England and France show peculation to have been common in high places, and that even a Massena and a Marlborough had itching palms, we have been rather free from the sin, or, at least, from any knowledge of it. There were scandals about Buchanan and Floyd grave enough in their way, but Buchanan, we believe, never went beyond suggesting that good democrats should be employed in the Philadelphia Navy Yard, and the sin of Floyd was political—not per- sonal—treason and not corruption. We have no idea that the real moral of the Belknap scandal will be developed by clouding it with cant. Nor will the administration be permitted by an indignant public opinion to send Belknap out into the wilderness as a scapegoat while the Babcocks, the Shepherds and the Delanos remain to offer up sacrifice in the temple and thank the Lord that the sins have departed from the sanctuary. Bel- knap’s fall is almost a miracle. There is probably not another man, trusted as Marsh was trusted, who would make so frank and brave a confession. Men who go into the bribery and jobbing trade become experts in perjury. The chances are that if twenty witnesses, who knew as much as Marsh and who had done what he did, were to be sum- moned before the Committee on War Expen- ditures, they would swear with coolness and self-possession that they never paid Belknap adollar. We donot anticipate the good for- tune, so faras the truth is concerned, with many witnesses that was gained in Marsh, Nor must we waste any time with the political Pharisees, who call out to us to come and see how good and pure they are and what spotless robes they wear. There was one who in His wisdom vainly asked for some sinless critic in the shouting multitude to ‘‘cast the first stone.” If Belknap were only to be pelted by those who had not sinned he might pass through both houses of Congress without receiving a dent in his hat. Trust the average Congress- map, as members go, with a dozen fat trading posts, and he will do as well as Belknap in money earned and much better in the selection of his partners. The root of the Belknap evil is in the caucus and the convention. Politics is a question of machinery. The people are managed as artisans manage a mill-race or a brick yard. Conventions are chosen by bribery. We do not mean that delegates in all cases are bought as Belknap was bought, but there is bribery in patronage, in office, in the award of contracts, The whole government rests upon these varying phases of bribery. Tam- many Hall maintains its discipline by naming laborers to the boulevards, just as the administration at Washington secures delegations to conventions by commanding tidewaiters and letter carriers to attend. The processes by which the Belknap mind reasons out the propriety of making frontier soldiers pay for champagne and truffles at shoddy balls is easy when we study out a Tammany general committee and a republican State convention. Corruption runs through them all. The convention knows that its power takes rise in Treasury payrolls, The Tammany committee is strong because it can send a thousand office-holders into the streets to-morrow. The convention naturally bears fruit in a Belknap, just as several gen- erations of Tammany committees gave us a fally developed Tweed. To De Tocqueville we owe the wise reflec- tion that no people will ever be governed worse than they will themselves encourage or permit. The question in the first place is, How far are we, the people who have encouraged Grantism, responsible for its recent fruits ? and in the second place, How and when do we mean to put an end to it? Many of the acts for which we now censure Grant were approved at the time. When he ap- pointed a Cabinet of cronies instead of states- men we threw up our hats and cheered the second Jackson, who dared to ‘ignore poli- ticians.” When he began sending relations into various parts of the country, wherever pleasant Treasury places could be discov- ered, we said, ‘‘Well, it is human, afterall, and blood is thicker than water and we would most likely do the same thing.” When he began to cover up fraud and scan- dal by the ‘no-removal-under-fire” policy we cheered him as one ‘not afraid to stand by his friends,” When he drove Sumner and Schurz out of the party we hailed the resolution, “maintain discipline.” The Senate which threw down Sumner hastened to accept Bel- knap and Shepherd and all their set. The Senate, which was intended as a conservative infiuence in the government, a check upon the passions of the House and the ambition of the Executive, the embodiment of the conservatism and the pride of the people, became the slave of the Executive. Its mem- bers made a compact with the President, saying:—‘‘Give us as many places as we want, places for cousins, sons, brothers-in-law, political heelers and friends, and it makes no difference what you do with the rest of the government.” This compact has been faith- fully kept on both sides. There is nota re- publican Senator who does not to-day rule the patronage of his State. The office-hold- ers in New York are the friends of Mr. Conk- ling. The two principal judicial appoint- ments made in the State are his cronies and townsmen. Pennsylvania is ruled by the tribe of Cameron, Even o Commonwealth like Louisiana is under the viceregal sway of an adventurer like West, who had the power to compel | even Grant to recall judges who had been nominated and send in creatures of his own. This alliance could only have one result—the debasement of the Senate and the Executive. The Senate, gorged with patronage, was only too glad to give its dispenser more and more power. When, ina moment of temporary and abnormal virtue, the Executive proposed | a civil service reform, the Senate destroyed it, fearing in the end that its own absolute sway over appointments and plunder would end. | the law in some form or other will deal with | Belknap. He will float off like a bubble in | the next rain and be forgotten. All that | remains of him is,the fearful example, and | that will soon be historic. Shall we whirl on in our career, learning nothing, forgetting nothing? Can we not do something towards | bringing the government back to the customs of the fathers? Is there no way of decen- tralization? Can we not have a Presidency that means a just respect for the rights of the people, for law and custom and prece- dent? Is there no restoring the civil service to what it was when Jackson and his troopers came into power and plundered every de- partment of its patronage as they would have plundered an Indian camp. This is the solemn political lesson underlying the whole Belknap business. We may send Belknap to jail, and a hundred others like him ; we may even impeach the President and his whole Cabinet, and the evil will live, for it is in our political system. As matters now stand the election of a democratic President would be no remedy. It would be one colony of rats driving another out of the bin. The same amount of grain would be eaten. The democratic party in New York, and in the apportionment of patronage in the House, showed its want of respect for real civil service. It is not any. party success that will reach the evil. The people must do it—the honest men in both parties. Democrats and republicans must see alike that there is a duty in this cam- paign which as yet no party proposes to ade- quately perform. Unless this duty is made paramount there will bea political revolu- tion that will sweep away both organizations. In five years we have seen Tweed and Belknap—one is a century plant of political democracy, the other of political republi- canism. Do honest democrats and repub- licans propose to rest in silence under a domination which has overwhelmed the country with this twofold shame ? Bonapartist Tactics. There is one gentleman in France horribly convinced by the recent elections. This is M. Rouher, the parliamentary head and front of the Bonapartists. He, through the vote recently taken, has lost faith in the ‘appeal to the people.” It will be remembered that this was the party watchword. At one time the Napoleonic word was plébiscite; but that word acquired an unpleasant fame, and Rouher paraphrased it, and his ‘‘appeal tothe people” took the place of the used-up word in the intellectual toggery of his party. With this phrase every Bonapartist was ready on alloccasions. It was a name for newspapers and for clubs, and for whatever else a name can be applied to. It opened and closed all arguments; it answered all questions; it was the response to every conceivable political conundrum. As Cato always said ‘‘delenda est Carthago,” and as Bowles is reported to resolve all points with the nomination of Charles Francis Adams, so Rouher was always at hand with his ‘‘appeal to the people.” If the Bonapartist party had at any time up to a month ago been metamorphosed into a gi- gantic poll parrot, doomed to twaddle to fu- ture ages the whole gospel of Bona- partism, its one whrase would have been “Appa au Peuple.” This was at once a faith and a pretence; a pretence that the Emperor was excluded because the people were not heard—because the public voice was smothered by the political machinery ; a pretence that a free vote of the nation would make the Empire inevitable. Per- haps the Bonapartists believe this on the authority of the plébiscite votes that had sustained the Emperor while in power, and because they failed to consider the influence on such a vote of whether the government voted for is in orout. But now they have What, then, is'the remedy? Of course had in France a thoroughly free and honest appeal to the people, and one of the clearest results is the complete rout of the Bonapart- ists. M. Rouher now, when any one says, “Appeal to the people,” feels ‘as if that word, shot from the deadly level of a gun, did murder him.” He has declared that all the associations under that name should be dissolved and the newspapers discontinued, He is even of opinion that the Bonapartists as a party ought to play dead, relinquish the pretence of a separate existence, and join hands with all other ‘‘conservative elements” against that common enemy of all conspira- tors, the party of the people. The New Secretary, We hope that Taft will turn out to be as good a Secretary as his friends would have us regard him. Thus far all we have in his favor is the indorsement of some Ohio edi- tors. They speak as highly of him as the Iowa editors spoke of Belknap when he was made Secretary of War. But Taft does not carry the country by storm. He is not in any way representative of the republican party, whatever he may be of the Methodist Church. And while he may bo as good a Minister as Alexander Hamilton we cannot help thinking that the party would haye been better served if a Secretary had been named with a national record, who was known for his republicanism and his pa- triotism, who had seen service in a larger field, with the eye of the nation upon him. We like the way in which General Sherman treated this question in an interview with the reporter of a St. Louis newspaper the other day. He suggested two or three names, either one of whom would have won the confidence of the country. This is what the President should have done. Mr, Taft may bea most capable Secretary, but the country will not think so until he is tried. Let us hope for the best, at the same time regretting that the new Secretary is not a man who does not need a Stato certificate of character. Tur Centexntat.—Our City Fathers yes- | terday appointed a committee to consider | how the city should celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the nation’s existence, and also how ‘a friendly cartel can be estab- lished between New York and Philadelphia | to further the objects of the International Exhibition.” This mysterious clause looks | as though the visitors to the Centennial were | to be held as prisoners of war by the hotel | keepers of both cities and exchanged in | some ‘‘friendly” way through the Aldermanic | committee as long as their money lasts. | Until we are reassured on this point we shall continue to “view with alarm” this star- tling assumption of warlike powers in a time of profound peace, | The Verdict in the Tweed Suit. The value of the heavy verdict of more | than six and a half million dollars must not be estimated by the amount of property which can be found to satisfy the judgment. We believe that some portion of the Tweed estate is under attachment, and that some- thing will be reeovered, but it is small in comparison with the verdict. The success of the prosecution must be measured by high moral and political considerations, and, in this view, its importance cannot be exag- gerated. It is no fault of Tweed’s pursuers that the greater part of his plunder has been spirited away and secreted, Even if no money is recovered they have rendered a service which entitles them to the gratitude of this community and of the whole country. One solid result of this prosecution is the demonstration it affords that the old stain has been removed from our local judiciary, which was steeped in corrup- tion during the ascendancy of the Tammany Ring. It was a leading part of the tactics of the Ring to protect themselves behind a ser- vile judiciary, created by their favor and act- ing as their tools. While the administration of justice was under their control they had nothing to fear from suits like that which has just terminated, and if not even a dollar should be recovered in consequence of this verdict, it would nevertheless be worth a hundred-fold more than the costs of the prosecution by re-establishing public confi- dence in the machinery of justice. When the suits against the Ring were begun the prosecutors regarded the local judici- ary as corrupt and rotten, and being un- willing that the trials should be a solemn farce they strained legal principles to bring ‘the suits in the name of the State. The failure in which this method of pro- ceeding resulted was not without its use, in- asmuch as it prevented a trial and acquittal in the local courts, and afforded time and scope for necessary changes inthelaw. The purification of the local judiciary has been accomplished by a variety of agencies, all set in motion by the same vigorous and skil- ful hands. The impeachment of some of the judges and the wholesome terror in- fused into others were an important branch of the reform. The passage of a law at Albany for removing the obstacles which defeated the first prosecutions was another part of the same general movement. But more valuable than all was the strong impression made on public sentiment by the unrelenting stubbornness of those who had undertaken the re- form. No matter whether much or little money is recovered, the prosecution has borne important fruit in the fact that so heavy a verdict can be obtained in our courts and that there is ground for renewed confidence in the administration of justice. This is worth more than the whole amount of the judgment, even if property could be found to satisfy it. Another valuable result of the prosecution of Tweed is the example it affords of hunting down knaves by men of the same politi- cal party to which they belonged. Nobody can dispute that the whole life of these per- sistent prosecutions depended on two emi- nent democrats. The Committee of Seventy may have been of some use in the summer and autumn of 1871, but it slackened its efforts and disbanded as soon as the Ring was out of office, and nothing further would have resulted beyond empty partisan recriminations if the subject had not been taken up by two citizens, whose inflexibility, perseverance and indom- itable vigor in the face of every kind of obstacles have carried them through four years of toil and crowned their arduous un- dertaking with the success which we now witness. They have set an example which we should be glad to see emulated in the republican party against thieves in the fed- eral government. But where in the republi- can party are we to look for an O’Conor and a Tilden? What is wanted is not men who will join in the hue and cry while the ex- posures are fresh and stop when the excite- ment has blown over, but men whose Roman firmness and fierce indignation against rascals never permit them to halt or give over; who, if they fail before one tribunal, resort to another ; who cause new laws to be passed if the old ones prove insufficient; who procure the impeachment and disgrace of judges if judges stand in their way, and never flinch until they have accomplished their purpose. We commend the example of Mr. O'Conor and his distinguished asso- ciate to such able republicans as hate cor- ruption more than they love their party. This is the description to which Mr. O’Conor belongs, and if Governor Tilden’s views have not been so purely disinterested, he nevertheless deserves high praise for acting on the principle that it can never be for the real advantage of a political party to shield corruption and that an amputating surgeon is often our truest friend. The Missing Cuban. Sefior Halgado, aged sixty-five, of Ha- yana, disappeared from ordinary vision on Wednesday afternoon in a frequented street in the city of New York. The first ac- counts were very startling, and, although some of the circumstances have been modi- fied, the old gentleman, who was slapped on the shoulder by an English-speaking stranger and forthwith was lost all trace of, has not been found by his friends. What valuables he had in his possession does not distinctly appear, He certainly could not have had thirty-five thousand dollars in gold, as one report stated, for that would make ® bulky. package of over a hundred pounds weight. His ‘‘banker,” who turns out to bea cigar merchant, says Sefior Hal- gado received neither gold nor securities from him—that he simply came to see about an invoice of Havana cigars. It is stated in another direction that the old gentleman had a quantity of lottery tickets. Finally, the young man, Moreu, who is not Halga- do's nephew, although he calls the latter “uncle,” is said to have given two versions of the accosting by the mysterious strang =r. From one of these it appears that the miss- ing man gave Moreu a nod before the latter left him, which was understood to mean “all right.” It is also stated that Halgado ina festive mood had on another occasion re- mained out of his hotel all night. From all these conflicting stories the case is left quen to # number of conclusions upon its gravity. He may simply have gone away, to return after a few days all right. The daring plan of abducting in broad daylight a wealthy gentleman, a stranger to the coun- try and its tongue, having, or supposed to have, valuables upon his person, is not at all beyond the capacity of our intelligent thieves, and is hence particularly startling. If, however—and we may be pardoned for stating it—the missing Cuban came here upon what he might think clandestine business, and that some bold rogues became cognizant of it, the apparent acquiescence in what Sefior Halgado may have deemed an arrest might be easily ex- plained. On the same theory the neglect of Moren to follow his ‘‘uncle” would assume the shape of a desire not to be arrested him- self. We do not wish to do any person an injustice, but it is plainly the duty of the police to examine all the clews. The Canvass in New Hampshire. We infer from the letter of our intelligent correspondent at Concord that the Belknap exposure will have but little political effect on the State election. He hastheimpression that ten per cent of the New Hampshire voters are purchasable, and that the resnlt of the election depends on the expenditure of money, It is the opinion of our corre- spondent that there is too much corruption among the people for them to be much shocked by corruption at Washington. Of course the republican stump speakers must furnish some kind of plausible argu- ment which will serve as a pretext for the purchased voters, and they have already quite a stock of sham reasons. Tweed is played off against Belknap; Floyd and Thompson, of Buchanan’s Cabinet, are pressed into service as examples of | democratic corruption in office. It is also maintained that Belknap is a demo- crat ; that he belonged to that party before and during the war ; that he was an Andrew Johnson democrat after the peace, was ap- pointed by Johnson gs a revenue officer in Jowa and was brought into the Cabinet by President Grant to the surprise and dismay of the republican party, who cannot be held responsible for this strange freak of the President. It will also be said that the voters of New Hampshire are not a court for the trial of Belknap, whose guilt must be determined by another tribunal. His case is further befogged by wholesale accusations against the democratic committee of investi- gation, who are held responsible for the escape of Marsh to Canada and the defeat of justice. Such arguments are well enough fitted for the use of men who sell their votes for money and carry their real reasons in their pockets. We sincerely trust that the voters of New Hampshire will vindicate themselves on Tuesday from such dishonor- ing expressions. The End of Pinchback, Senator Morton must feel rather cheap at the failure of his persistent efforts to get Pinchback’s claim to a seat indorsed, and the Senate itself has won something quite the reverse of laurels. The State of Louisi- ana has been deprived for three years of its full representation in the Senate by the failure to decide this case. The delay is in- excusable, because all the facts were as well known at the beginning as they are now. There were solid grounds for rejecting him when he first appeared with Governor Kel- logg’s certificate, and as nothing has been added to the evidence within the last two years the unwarranted delay in reaching the decision has simply had the effect of de- frauding a State of that equal representation in the Senate to which it is entitled by the constitution. A delay of justice is tantamount to a denial of justice, and the State of Louis- iana has been thus wronged not by any lack of evidence for reaching a decision, but by the lowest kind of unscrupulous partisan mancuvres. Pinchback has been at last re- jected on the report made by the Senate Committee of Investigation two or three years ago. The delay is scandalous, and the republican Senators do not wipe out the scandal by a just decision at this late day. It is a virtual decision against the right of Governor Kellogg to hold his present office, for he and the Legislature by which Pinch- back was chosen Senator were elected by the same fraudulent means. Pinchback’s claim is set aside on the ground that he was not chosen by a valid Legislature, but the title of that Legislature was just as good as that of the Governor who was falsely counted in by the same in- famous Returning Board. There is, indeed, a technical distinction which takes the right of the Governor out of the scope of this de- cision, because the election of a Senator by a valid Legislature would be valid even if it was certified by a bogus Governor, or even if it were not certified at all, as the Senate could accept other evidence of the election. It is reported that Pinchback does not yet abandon all hope, and that he means to go back to Louisiana and ask Governor Kellogg to appoint him to fill the vacancy. We are confident that Governor Kellogg will do nothing of the kind, because it would bring his own title to office within the jurisdiction of the Senate and furnish a motive sor call- ing it in question. The logic of the recent decision would compel the Senate to reject an appointment by Kellogg whose right has the same flaw as that of the Legislature which elected Pinchback. This circum- stance will make him very cautious whom he appoints to fill the vacancy, and exclude Pinchback from the field of choice. Tue Arremrt at Reronm by the Turkish government is beset with so many diffienl- ties that it seems scarcely possible for any success to attend it. Indeed, it has been the opinion of many disinterested observers that the Christian Powers have all along been aware that the ready promises of the Porte were as valueless as Micawber's L O. U.'s, so far as performance went, but that when dishonored by failure they would be usefdl in furnishing good reasons for the overthrow of that anomaly—a semi-barbaric Power in | Europe. A new difficulty has arisen in the shape of a refusal by the Christians to pay the tax exempting them from military service, on | the ground that the Sultan's late fradé gives them liberty to serve as soldiers, which they profess a willingness to do. The Porte in its denial of the Christians’ prayer to be allowed to serve in the army states that they cannot be trusted. Thara ara two | we had no more other reasons—namely, that the Mussulman soldiers would object to it, and that the Porte wants money more than men. The fighting is still lively in the revolted provinces, The Third Avenue Savings Bank— Prosecution of Mr. Darling. There was never a more righteous proceed- ing in a tribunal of justice than the prosecu tion of William A. Darling and Spencer K. Green, late officers of the broken Third Ave- ‘ nue Savings Bank, for perjury in making false returns to the Bank Superintendent at Albany of the condition of that rotten institution. Of all the forms of robbery none is so heartless and wicked as enticing the poor to deposit their frugal savings in an insolvent bank from which they cannot recover them. The small provision for carrying poor families through sickness, hard winters and tempo- rary loss of employment should be regarded as more sacred than any other species of property, and as better entitled to protection both by the Legislature and courts of justice. The victims of Mr. Darling can never recover the money out of which he cheated them, but the courts ought to make such an example of him as will serve as a terror and warning to other men intrusted with the custody of poor | people's savings. That Mr. Darling com- mitted wilful perjury there can be no doubt, and it will be the opprobrium of justice if he is not made to suffer the penalty of his crime. The statute of limitations will shield him unless the officers of the law act with vigor, the statement which he supported by a false oath having been made March 14, 1871, 80 that the five years areon the point of expir- ing. He was committed by Justice Duffy on Wednesday, and the case was again argued yesterday before Judge Westbrook on a writ of habeas corpus. Darling's counsel rest his defence on a mere technicality, and their ar- gument is soabsurd that it seems impossible that any court can sustain it. It is, in sub- stance, thatthe report made March 14, 1871, was ata date subsequent to that on which savings bank officers are required to make their sworn returns, and that a charge of perjury will not lie in the case of a false oath not required by law. This is a mere subter- fuge, and is an implied confession of the false swearing and of an attempt to deceive the Bank Superintendent. We trust District Attorney Phelps will lose no time in procur- ing an indictment by the Grand Jury before this heartless man escapes under the statute of limitations. The fact that Judge Westbrook released the prisoners is no bar to an indictment, and we call on the District Attorney to do his duty. Horse Car Legislation, Nine gentlemen of the Railroad Com- mittee of the Assembly now have in their hands the Killian bill, requiring that horse car companies shall run cars enough to acé commodate their passengers without making each car equal to a perambulating ‘black hole of Calcutta.” Six of these gentlemen are from country counties, two are from this city and one is from Brooklyn. Both of the members from this city have expressed thems selves in favor of the principle involved in the bill. Though not ready to support the pill they, it may be supposed, will support an analogous measure. None of the other seven members seem to be familiar with the subject—neither informed as to the bill nor acquainted with the grievance it aims to re« dress. In fact, the state of mind of the whole nine members is, as near as can be seen with the naked eye, that they are ‘“‘open to cons viction.” Now from what side their convic- tions are most accessible is a point that the future must solve. They who only know of the grievance from what they read, the country members who never ride in horse cars, may be more easily convinced than those who reside in cities. But the member from Brooklyn and the two members from this city will probably not be convinced with- out good solid reasons. It must be admitted, however, that the car companies are masters of a logic that adapts itself to every capacity, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, a The St. Louis Republican says that Grant’s friends are true as steal. Truth is stranger than fiction, even if Washington had written a dimo novel. Itisthe Philadelphia Bulletin which suggested that Cabinet officers ought to carry a bell punch, Mozart used to compose music early in the morning, when Chandler was choking over plain soda, “E.G. M."—Do not be misguided by the words “Ho! for the Black Hills.” Hoe for New Jersey, Louis Bois lives on the Canada border and has smug, gled twenty-four children into the world in spite of the Custom House. ns Senator Matt, Carpenter says that this government must be run more economically, and so he has given up wearing suspenders, The spelling bee increases in excitement in England, Only whon you are the head of the bee it is so stinging to have to go down tail. Boston people hate slang. It was a man with two pairs of green spectacles who said that he hoped Bostog would chisel a ‘burst’? of R. N. Dana, Jr. The poet Longfellow is not ma dangerous, but only in a delicate conditiop of health, just As the mist resembles the rain, John Qnions is an English composer. Probavly for strings. The Boston Advertiser is mean enough to say that Onions’ melodies easily move to tears, Ex.Congressman E. H. Roberts says that the Belknap excitement will tend to purity the republican party and retain its best elements in government control, Attempts are being made to raise figs for street stands in this country, and it is belteved that Blaine could dry a good many by simply blowing on them. It is said that Henry Watterson was lost when a mere babe. Years afterward he was found by his friends They recognized him by & strawberry mark on hir nose. When Mr. Wilbur F. Storey goes home nights carl in the morning ho looks carefully at the lower step scrapes his feet on the chopping knife and says 1°11 be blowed,"” In Iitinois they are distilling whiskey out of the tate lamented potato bug. At least it seems so, for the editor of the Chicago Tribune always calls (for?) it “pag juice’? General Belknap sent a telegram to one of his rein. tions in Keokuk, Iowa, on Saturday, saying, “Do not lose ove moment's sleep on my account, I shall come out all right yet.”” On Saturday M. D. Conway will sail for England, He is now visiting Mark Twain at Hartford. This even. ing he will lecture at Masonic Hall on “The English State and Statesmen.”’ The Secretary of War halved, and now he’s Taft, This is the worst joke that ever appeared in the Henan, but we thought fora moment we were writ ing for the Courier-Jow nal, A hundred years ago things were different, Since then we have sent England spelling bees, skating rinks, Moody and Sankey, Webster's Dictionary, Schenck and Andy Garvey, not to speak of two occasions when we sont her a largo number of English troops for whom ‘Use. ,