The New York Herald Newspaper, February 18, 1876, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. ‘Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York ‘Huraxp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 112 80UTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET, PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L'’OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms a8 in New bait vow ME XL "AMUSEMENTS. TO- aes BOWERY THEATRE. UNCLE TOM'S CABIN, at 8 P. M. Mrs. G, C. Howard. PARISI. Vv. Ti VARIETY, at 8 P.M. uicacsiacmeus SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, at 8 P. M. GLOBE THEATRE. VARIETY, at 8P. a ‘ig ea IGHT. OTH'S THEATRE, sULivs casan,§ neg 8 a Mr, Lawrence Barrett. UNCLE Tom's cabs VARIETY, at 8 P. ian Bet rs TWENTY-THIRD STREE CALIFORNIA page= ‘OOD's MU THE SPY, atsP. a Matinee at 2 THIRD AVENUE THEATRE. VARIETY. at 8 al M. ALLACK’S THEATRE. JOHN GARTH, “a ree rd iz C. . Miss Adelaide Phillips. ACA La CENERENTOMA rey THEATRE. OLYMPI VARIETY, at 8 P. M. GRAND OPERA HOUSE. EAST LYNNE, at 8 P.M. Lucille Western, FAGLE THEATRE TICKET-OF-LEAVE MAN, at 8. M. GERMANIA THEATRE. COMNTESSE HELENE, at 8 P.M. BROOKLYN T QUEEN AND WOMAN, at SP. TONY PASTOR’ VARIETY, at 8 P. My Tt Fred. Robinson. THEATRE. P.M. ROSE MIC PARK THEATRE. BRASS, at 8PM. George Fawcett Rowe NATIONAL ACAD: MY OF DESIGN. EXHIBITION OF Wat ey FIFTH AVENU! PIQUE, at 8P.M. Fanny Davenport. THIRTY.FOU URTH STREET OPERA HOUSE. VARIETY, at 8 F 4 RI EW Yor k, PLE § ‘SHEET “FEBRUARY 18. 18 FRIDAY. From our Paeeds this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be slightly warmer ani generally clear. Tue Heravp py Fast Mar Trars.— News- dealers and the publie throughout the country will be supplied with ke Datx, WEEK Ly and Sunpay Henarp, free of postage, by sending their orders direct to this office. Watt Srreer Yesrerpay.—Gold advanced to 1137-8, closing at 113 3-4. The large shipment of $1,700,000 was made. Money on call closed at 31-2 percent. Govern- ment and railroad bonds were firm and stocks a trifle higher but erratic in their course. A bearish feeling prélominstes. Au. tar Oxp “Rive” Favosires appear in the Tweed six million suit, which drew a crowded house yesterday and will be con- tinued till farther notice, Weston, THE Watker, has accomplished something he set out todo in England and now proposes to attempt something greater in a few days. He can never let well alone. One Tare has actually been settled in this Beecher case, and that is Mr. Bowen's status as the recipient of ‘private and confiden- tial” letters. This is something—one grain of rice out of a mass of straw. ‘Tue Encrisn 1x Maxacca have captured fome of the murderers of Mr. Birch, the British Resident at Perak, and will probably execute them speedily. The trouble there seems over, with another little additional slice of territory. Tux Assempty Cosantrer on Crm has presented its report, a synopsis of which will be found in another part of the Herauy. It suggests a great many sweeping changes, but we can only say at present that there is room for great reform.in all the departments ot our city government. Spary axp Cvpa,—The London Times re- gards the latest Spanish note upon the Cuban insurrection as an evasive, inconse- quent document, taking the same view of it as that heid by the Heraup. Such intelli- gent comment on the Spanish position in the unfortunate island from European jour- nals cannot fail to show Spain that however she may deceive herself about the insurrec- tion she cannot deceive anybody else. She is only delaying the day of retribution, and in all such cases retribution gathers as it goes. SUC ea Tar Morner-rx-Law appears balefully in the Philbrook divorce suit, and if she was what. the defendant represents her we may well pardon him for referring to her visit at his honse as an “unpleasant” period. We sincerely hope that all the small wits of the country will refrain from joking on this painfal subject, and that no husband will be base enough to read the defendant's answer, which will be found elsewhere, aloud at the A Caaxnev x, resulting in the loss of fifty-nine lives, is reported from England, the German steamer Franconia running down the English steamer Strath- Clyde about one mile off the Admiralty pier at Dover. The collision occurred in élear weather and in broad daylight, and we can at present see nothing to justify the care- lessness which caused it. When the Iron Duke sunk the iron-clad Vanguard off Bray “ Head the fleet was steaming in close order during a fog—just such 4 condition as in- vited disaster; but in the present case none af the conditions which were pleaded in the sinking of the Vanguard can be alleged. If the immense number of ships passing to and fro in the Channel is pleaded we can cnly yee that it enjoined greater caution and less peed; but there is sea room enough there fer all the English fleet to manwuvre in clear The Third Term from a Friendly Point of View—An Administration Argu- ment, We print a communication from a source entitled to more than usual consideration in reference to the third term, This communi- cation presents the arguments in favor of the renomination of President Grant from the administration point of view. It may be ac- cepted as an expression of the views of those earnest friends of the President who mean to stand by him through good report and evil report, and whose feelings of loyalty for a man have become an overruling passion. At the same time this communication is en- titled to attention as representing the views of those resolute and well disciplined gen- tlemen who mean to force the claims of Grant upon the consideration of the party. It is the first statement of their position that may be said to have even a semi-official sig- nificance, and as such we may consider it. “Justice” represents the President as a man of deserved renown, suffering under an unjust imputation, the imputation of run- ning for a third term and of bending all the exertions of his administration to secure a renomination. This imputation, we are told, comes from unscrupulous democratic partisans, who will not remember that the President, in his letter to a Pennsylvania Republican Convention, took pains to say, “clearly and distinctly,” that he was not a candidate; that, so far from ever having de- sired the Presidency, he would have pre- ferred the command of the army. So far from the President intriguing to secure this nomination ‘nota single act or word” can be found to show that he has or ever had any such intention.. For, as our corre- spondent would have us know, the Presi- dent ‘‘is the last man” to have any fondness “for the trappings and paraphernalia” of high station. He has never ‘‘put on princely airs,” and his ‘head has never been turned.” In his Cabinet selections he has not taken politicians who would scheme for him, but men not in the ‘réle of pol- iticians.” The first intimation of a third term came from his enemies and was a political expedient to destroy the republican party. This pernicious thought, first started as an antagonism to the President, has borne fruit in the minds of his friends, who do not mean to see him destroyed to satisfy any democratic cabal. If these friends choose to present his name there is no reason why they should not do so, and the example of Washington has no force, because, as our correspondént naively puts it, Washington never said that he would not, even if the country was in such danger as to need his services, refuse to run. This conclusion that there is nothing either in the example of Washington or even in the celebrated letter to Harry White, of Pennsylvania, to prevent the President running for a third term, opens to our correspondent the question, “Is it practicable to elect the President for a third term?” Suppose, for instance, that the republicans should feel that the country was in danger and that Grant was necessary to save it, should they not run him? In answering this question our correspond- ent draws a rosy picture of the President— @ portrait so vivid that it should entitle its author to a place in the Cabinet, always sup- posing that he is not now or has never been there. He goes on to ask then, suggestively, “whether among the suitors for popular favor it would not be found that no one could bend the bow of Ulysses but Ulysses him- self,” and if his enemies (we are now again quoting our correspondent) ‘‘persist in keeping his name before the country as a candidate for a third term ‘how can they ex- pect his friends to abandon him?” While on this subject there is an issue the impor- tance of which cannot be ignored—the issue embraced in the Des Moines speech—that the only way to keep the Pope out df the country is to run Grant for a third term. While our correspondent, in concluding his letter, thinks that the President would de- cline a nomination, even if it were tendered him, still ‘the might be called on to lead a forlorn hope in order to save our country and our freedom.” ‘His name,” says our correspondent, in a final burst, which it would be a pity not to emphasize, ‘would carry with it the prestige of victory, and would subordinate all minor issues to that sentiment fast and fixed in the American heart—of devotion to the Union and deter- mination that it shall be perpetuated.” For the purposes of this argument we will accept all that our correspondent says in his rather fervid and effusive rhetoric about the personal claims of General Grant upon the country and his transcendent fitness for the Presidential office. It would be to darken the controversy to criticise that branch of his communication. But we lay down a few propositions as representing what we deem to be the calmest thought of the people on the third term. First, that in any republic where the government is for the people and by the people no mere man is necessary to the welfare of the people. Sec- ond, that when any party depends upon the personal popularity of one man, a popularity largely arising out of unusual and extraor- dinary circumstances for its discipline and success, it has filled the measure of its use- fulness and should come to an end. Third, tat when a party or a candidate finds it necessary to appeal to the dark and bigoted policy embodied in the Des Moines speech they rest upon passion and demagoguery, and their success would be the success of the most pernicious influences known in our politics--the triumph of fanaticism over reason and of passion over justice, Fourth, that the campaign which our cor- respondent proposes would be the old Know Nothing campaign in its worst form. We should be in the position of having destroyed slavery to create an issue far more terrible than slavery. Fifth, that if General Grant is to run fora third term in order that his friends may vindicate him from personal assaults, he may be called upon to run for fourth and fifth term for the same reason. Sixth, that if General Grant is necessary to save the country from some danger now un- known, then he will be even more necessary for a series of terms, and perhaps for life; and finally, if any one of our correspond- ent’s reasons holds good for the third term, the question arises, Have we really a republi- can government, and is there any other solution of the problem but a Presidency for life, or the short and easy step to what our correspondent calls the “trappings and paraphernalia of high and distinguished sta- tion”—an empire, with Ulysses as emperor? The third term means in brief a violation of the fundamental principle of the constitu- tion so grave and vast that it is really the downfall of the Republic and the beginning ofanempire. It may be hard to make this plain to an enthusiastic writer who lives in the sunshine of Presidential favor, but the country will have no such difficulty. The trouble with General Grant and the third term is, not that he fosters an ingenious and deeply laid intrigue for this nomination, but that he has never in any way discouraged such a movement. So far from his Cabinet being—as our correspondent thinks—not political, but outside of politics, and conse- quently free from any temptation to intrigue, the truth is the reverse. The President has a third term Cabinet. With the exception of Mr. Fish and Mr. Bristow we do not think there isa member who would not heartily welcome his renomination. Mr. Fish is too much of a statesman to take such a ground, but on the other hand too much of a comply- ing personal friend to oppose it. He is like Cambacéres in the councils of the first Napo- leon—satisfied with to-day’s sunshine and taking no care for the morrow. Mr. Bristow is only a tolerated Minister, and will, most likely, go out in a short time. The real danger of the third term lies in a Cabinet composed of the Pierreponts and Belknaps and in a party led by men as selfish as Blaine and as timid as Morton. They have accepted the third term as a possible issue. They have done nothing to make it impossi- ble. They are ready to throw up their hats for Grant to-morrow if he is nominated. And we believe now, after carefully studying the political field, that if there was any reason- able assurance that Grant could be elected he would be nominated at Cincinnati, and our leading republicans would be wander- ing over the country next summer, shouting about the Pope, the Ku Klux and the war, and calling upon the people to vote for Ulysses as the only means of saving the Union. But we are profoundly convinced, no matter what correspondents like ‘‘Jus- tice” may write, and no matter what meré politicians may do, that this Republic will never dishonor its centennial year by elect- ing any man to the Presidency for a third erm—that it will never see in Grant a man who deserves the honors to which even Wash- ington did not aspire. Personal Liberty and the Police. General Smith, in his communication to the Assembly, gives as the authority of the police for making arrests in their dis- cretion an extract from a statute of 1867, which makes it their duty, ‘‘with or without @ warrant, to arrest all persons guilty of violating any law or ordinance for the sup- pression or punishment of crimes or offences.” If this authority were less quali- fied—if it simply made it the duty of the police, ‘with or without a warrant, to arrest all persons” it would amply cover their ob- jectionable practices ; but inasmuch as the authority is only to arrest persons “guilty” of violations of the law it evidently intends that some discrimination shall be made. It divides the public for police purposes into those that have violated the law and those that have not; and this simple division should itself suggest to the minds of intelli- gent functionaries that a necessary prelim- inary to every arrest must be some charge, properly made, that a crime has been com- mitted and evidence enough to establish a reasonable probability of guilt. But it is argued that if our police trammels itself with all this formality rogues will escape. That is arrant and mischiev- ous nonsense. If our police act under established and authorized methods they will, on the contrary, give certainty and pre- cision to their proceedings, and not waste their activity on cases that can have no prac- tical issue. This defence of the necessity of making the police free of legal methods is an old one, and its fallacy is singularly well seen in the operations of the London police, whose dealings with Winslow, the forger, are in such marked contrast with the acts of our police in regard to the Brydges-Mackenzie party. Nowhere are the operations of the police more effective than in London; no- where are formalities so rigidly observed— particularly formalities that affect the liberty of persons. Winslow could not be touched by the police without a warrant; and the Bow street magistrate, with the most sincere desire to meet and assist our authorities in every possible degree, could not issue the warrant except upon such tangible ground as was given in the information that the ac- cused was actually indicted for forgery. No loose accusations of undefined offences tele- graphed from one police superintendent to another could move the well regulated ma- chinery of London justice ; and our people may envy that system as much in its respect for forms and the rights that are secured by forms as in its efficiency against criminals. Speaker Kerr. We sincerely regret that the failing health of the Speaker has compelled him to leave his post for a while and seek quiet and re- pose. The hard money influence is so weak in the House that the absence of its most in- telligent leader is a serious loss, Apart from Speaker Kerr's physical infirmities he has had a great deal to try and depress him. There seems no longer any chance of the adoption by the House of the policy which he thinks essential for’ the success of his party and the good of the country, His committees are receiving no laurels, and he is held responsible for their appointment, with little allowance for the badness of the materials from which he was compelled to select them. Moreover, a very awk- ward accident happened to him a few weeks ago by the publication of his letter, which he meant to be private, com- mitting him to support Governor Hendricks for the Presidency, and thereby alienating the New York friends who had done most to secure his election to the Speakership. It is no wonder that these anxieties and vexations, wearing on a constitution which was at the beginning too feeble to justify him in ac- cepting the laborious position of the Speakership, have made it necessary to Beek rest and try to recruit his health. We trust his enforced absence may bo brief, for he is undoubtedly the most useful member gn the demooratic side of the House, which is afflicted with such a dearth of ability that it can ill afford to spare its best man. Attorney General Pierrepont’s Circular to the District Attorneys. Mr. Nordhoff, our special correspondent at Washington, reaffirms with increased em- phasis and new particulars the statements contained in his despatch, which Mr. Pierre- pont undertook to impugn and discredit without really contradicting it, in the com- munication which he telegraphed to us from Washington and which we printed yesterday. There is no such conflict between the asser- tions, of Mr, Pierrepont and Mr. Nordhoff as to raise a question of veracity, and neither of them is capable of making a consciously false statement. But we must not withhold our opinion that, while Mr. Nordhoff is frank and direct, the entangling personal and official relations of Mr. Pierrepont have made him disingenuous and evasive. But with all his zeal to protect the reputation of President Grant he has not said, because he could not truthfully say, that the President did not prompt and request the preparation of that indefensible circular, nor that he did not inspect the draft before it was copied and sent to the district attorneys. If the Attorney General could have averred that the circular was his own sole act, inspired by his unprompted sense of official duty, he would, of course, have made that averment and have thus completely protected the character of the President from all com- plicity with so reprehensible an act. But, instead of denying that the President in- spired it, Mr. Pierrepont merely assumes the sole responsibility for it, which is a very dif- ferent thing, It was an act of com- plaisance, of which the responsibility must, of course, rest with the Attorney Gen- eral, because it was an act outside the legal authority of the President. The President had no more right to dictate such an act than General Babcock himself, and had it been done at General Babcock’s request instead of the President's it is obvious that the sole re- sponsibility would rest on the Attorney Gen- eral, who can shield himself behind no ad- viser whom the law does not require him to follow. Legally, officially and morally the sole responsibility for that act belongs un- shared to the Attorney General, who is no more bound to follow the advice of the Presi- dent against his own judgment in a matter of that kind than he would be to accept the dictation of the President's private secretary. Entertaining this view of Mr. Pierrepont’s official duty, as defined by law, we entirely dissent from Mr. Nordhoff’s opinion that the blameworthiness of the Attorney General would have been extenuated by a surrender of his judgment to the wishes of the Presi- dent. In our view such a plea in mitigation would be an aggravation of the fault. Ifthe President had asked him to do a thing within the scope of his duties, as defined by law, which his own judgment condemned, be should have made a firm refusal and have promptly resigned his office. No other honorable course would have been open to him, and we think better of Mr: Pierrepont in finding that his judg- ment was misled than we should have done if he had surrendered his sense of official duty in servile compliance with an illegal demand of the President. We can make some allowance for the bias caused by the Attorney General's personal friendship, but none would be due if he had consciously prostituted his office to the will of another. We therefore approve of his manliness in re- fusing to shelter himself behind the Presi- dent, but nevertheless deplore the too pre- cipitate complaisance which blinded him to the real nature of what he was doing. The chronological coincidences to which Mr.. Nordhoff calls attention are certainly very awkward. That strange circular to the district attorneys was sent soon after the witness Everest had returned to this country from Europe,-and its natural effect on his mind would have been to frighten him from testifying against Babcock lest his confes- sions should lodge him in a State prison. Another coincidence is still more remark- .able. Sherman was sent West with instruc- tions to prevent the sentence of Bingham on the pretence that he was wanted to testify in a whiskey trial in New York, and he succeeded in his errand. But, lo and behold !, this same Bingham suddenly turned up day be- fore yesterday as an important witness for the defence in the trial of Babcock! It requires a great-deal of credulity to believe that this was not the real purpose for which his sen: tence was postponed. Rarrp Transrt.—A correspondent calls attention to the fact that the Ele vated Railway Company does not, as it promised, run a line of stages from its Forty-second street depot to the Grand Central depot. If the road made this promise it should redeem it. But, now that we have one rapid transit line to the Park, why not run a branch line across Forty- sixth street or Forty-fifth street so as to connect with this depot ? Or why not carry it beyond the Park and have a connection at One Hundred and Tenth street? There would be common sense in this, Having built a sensible line from the Battery to the Park, a line that grows every day in public favor, we see no reason why there should not be a connecting link with the Vander- bilt lines. It wil] be another step toward thatcomprehensive system which cannot be much longer postponed, and which will em- brace two swift lines, on Ninth and Third avenues. But keep moving on until this is done. Every step brings us nearer the goal. Parxce Honentone’s Misston to Rome has not yet discovered itself. There is an atmos- phere of coolness about his reception af the Papal Court which, however, must not be taken to imply a failure on his part, as clerics are just as coy as maidens that desire astranger who may be a suitor to declare himself. Much as the fair Beatrice called Benedick ‘‘a prince's jester, a very dull foal,” she was fain to reprove herself and vow that if he loved she would requite him. ‘When Hohenlohe has cleared up matters a little we may find a most cordial state of affairs between him and the Vatican, although His Holiness now says, somewhat tartly, “I do not know whether Hohenlohe's visit is a mission to us; but if the subject of the relations with Germany is broached I shall speak my mind.” FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1876.—TRIPLE SHEET. sri mnemeennences=igi hema An Amateur Opera. Amateur performances given for their own sake, that is, merely for the purpose of ex- hibiting the performers to their friends, do not appeal to the sympathies of a newspaper. When, however, some devoted servants of art consecrate their endeavors to the cause of charity, we are inclined ta look upon the act at least as lenienfly as upon the old medimval chieftains who atoned for their sins by building hospitals, monasteries and chirches. We learn that certain large- hearted and sweet-voiced New Yorkers have undertaken the production of Verdi's ‘‘Ballo in Maschera” at the Lyceum Theatre on Monday next. The performance is to be in aid of the Samaritan Home for the Aged, a very worthy charity, and the promise of the programme seems as good as its object. Here is music to test the philanthropio children of Apollo whom Signor Albites is to lead. We must say, also, that we prefer to see the cause of charity benefited by a ‘‘masked ball” given in this form than in the shape which our model Legislature stopped all its other labors to legalize at the beginning of the session. We hope that the aged for whose benefit this performance is designed may profit by it, and that the audience which will fill the theatre may be able to send the amateur artists back to their dress- ing rooms full of the thought that they have not only helped the poor but done some- thing to serve the cause of art. Concerning Swindlers. We have received the following letter, which, although of a business nature, will interest the general public:— Bovrraro, Feb. 15, 1876. To ras Epiron oF THR HeRaLD:— Messrs, Jebb & Small, who are largely interested in the stock of the Railway Register Manufacturing Com- Ray. some time in the year 1871 delivered to Mr. enry Richmond $100, of the stock of this com- any, as they claim, to be divided equaily between the RRALD, Times, World and Albany Argus, at $20 per share of $100, for the purpose of insuring the influence of these papers in advertising the “al punch,” and which they say be claims to ha ered in pursuance of such arrangement They have since been informed that Mr. Richmond did not deliver the stock Im accordance with this ates but, if at at a much higher rate, or disposed of it else- where tn violation of their instructions, Will you please advise me, as their attorney, whether Mr. Richmond did deliver to you Phe of this stock, and leded what terms and Prasanna pacer We have no hesitation in ‘akine to Mr. Laning that Mr. Henry Richmond never de- livered any stock to the Hznaup or to any one representing the Hrraxp in behalf of his alarm punch, or for any such purpose. If any one claiming to represent this paper has received this stock he is a swindler, whose place is in Sing Sing, while the place of Messrs. Jebb & Small, who are said to have given the one hundred thousand dollars of stock to ‘be divided equally between the Henaxp, Times, Tribune and Albany Argus,” is in the idiot asylum. Such men are not to be trusted at large. They need keepers. They show that they know nothing whatever of New York journal- ism. We do not hesitate to say that if Mr. Henry Richmond or any other agent of Jebb & Small had visited the Hznastp, Times or Tribune office with his ‘‘stock” and his bell punch puffs, he would have been taken down stairs and shown into the street by some vig- orous attendant.. We suppose we should sympathize with Jebb & Small in this matter of their bell punch stock, but we have no patience with such people. What did Jebb & Small mean to do with their stock when they issued it? According to. Mr. Laning they intended to bribe certain newspapers to induce the pub- lic to buy a bell punch which they were anxious to sell. Is this not as much of an offence against public morality as the pecu- lation of railroad fares which the use of the bell punch is intended to prevent? Jebb & Small make a bell punch to stop stealing on the cars, and they issue the stock of the company for the purpose of bribing the newspapers. Mr. Laning liad better take hig case into court on a writ of inquiry as to whether his clients are competent to remain at large. No Tricks, Some time ago we directed the attention of the public and the Legislature to the proba- bility that trickery would be resorted to to delay and defeat the ‘No seat no fare” bill at Albany. Already the lobby in the inter- est of the street railroads is beginning to ap- ply this species of opposition, ‘and the com- panies hope to destroy the Killian bill by smothering it in committee, For this pur- pose Mr. William M. Evarts has been em- ployed, and an effort is made to delay the’ consideration of the bill in committee until the eminent lawyer, whose name is to be a tower of strength in the lobby, can find time to argue it. This is all wrong. We have no objection to Mr. Evarts accepting a fee from the railroad companies and arguing before the Assembly committee that these companies ought to be allowed to pack men and women into their cars like sardines in a box, but we do object to any delay in neces- sary legislation merely upon grounds of the counsel’s personal or professional con- venience. The people of this city must not be deprived of their rights because Mr. Evarts finds it inconvenient to prove that the public have no rights which the railroads are bound to respect. If this was all, however, we should not object so much, but it is only too plain that the real purpose of this re- quest to put off the consideration of the bill for a week is not to afford Mr, Evarts an op- portunity to argue against the bill so much as to defeat it by delay, Tricks like this will not be acceptable to the people of New York, even with the powerful name of Mr, Evarts behind them. Prestpent Grant's Deposrtion.—The text of this remarkable document will be found elsewhere, and although our special de- spatches from Washington and St. Louis have anticipated its principal points it will be found deeply interesting. It will be seen that the President has testified to a trust in Babcock which clannish na- tures like his are ever likely to fall into, although it often leaves them open to a bitter repentance. We do not think the President has colored his statements in the slightest, for beyond the general attestation to his belief in Babcock's fidelity he has left his private secretary nothing in the business before the court at St. Louis to lean on. It is very evident that the St. Louis rascal abused Grant's confidence, and it now only remains to be defined whether Babcock as- sisted them criminally, as it is certain he did actually. Are We to Have an Indian War? It looks as though we are to drift into a war with the Sioux Indians, of the Blaak Hills, unless something is done to avert it. The Dakota, or Sioux, is by far the strongest of the uncivilized tribes of the West. Gene eral Custer computes that in case of a gene eral war they could put from eight thousand to ten thousand warriors in the field, but the number has been raised by others familiar with Indian affairs'to fifteen thousand. Con+ trary to the casé of other tribes they have increased in numbers during the past twenty- five years and are well armed. They are as brave in fighting as Indians generally and as cunning as serpents. They are led by able chiefs, and but for the fact that the leaders of the different bands are almost as jealous of‘each other as of the whites we should have had war along the line of the Northern Pacific Railroad long since. The irruption of adventurous miners into the Black Hills as soon as the winter is over will probably lead to trouble, the negotiations with the Sioux for the purchase of the Hills last year having come to naught. While many of the shrewd old chiefs, who would like to make what they would think a good bargain with tho government, will try to restrain their fol- lowers, it is to be feared that some of the young braves of the roving bands will de- scend on the miners and so precipitate hostil- ities. Blood once shed on the border means more blood to be shed, and unless the gov- ernment is very alert we may find ourselves in the midst of a war to which the Modoc struggle will be a mere bagatelle, and which will cost millions in money and possibly thousands of lives. It is, of course, correct to take the best military precautions, and General Custer is a good man to intrust with them, but the best efforts must be made to prevent hostilities by seeking fair peace terms with the Indians. In the present de- pressed state of tradearapid increase of territory available for settlement is not our greatest desideratum, but while these grand wild regions remain to tempt those who have failed inthe East we may be certain that the energy which hard times keep latent will endeavor to assert itself out there. The cry of “gold” raises an insatiate hunger at any time, and now it is likely to be doubly ef- fective, no matter how miserably the dig- gings may ‘‘pan, out.” Danger will not deter the adventurous. The prudence of neither Indians nor miners can be relied on. While there is yet time let the government do all in its power to prevent a war. This is a na- tional and not a political question, Enotanp's AppITION To AnpDRassy’s Notx, as described in our special cable despatch, is manifestly aimed at keeping Russian in- fluence out of the settlement of the pending difficulty in Herzegovina. This may not be so easy. If Prince Oharles of Roumania listens to the Russian siren a new source of difficulty will be opened. The fruit of the Crimean war remains to be gathered if England cannot prevent Russia from follow- ing up her hitherto important place in the negotiations. Alone England cannot do it, and hence a league with Austria against the Muscovite would be the best thing for the former's interests. It is not to be disguised that Austria wants more territory, and Russia stands ready to aid her by dividing the Sultan's dominions between the two. The diplomatic situation becomes more deeply interesting. Nor Sucu SmoorH Samrxo.—The despatch which we copy from yesterday's Telegram puts the liberal attitude to Disracli’s pur- chase of the Suez Canal shares in a different light to that which prevailed at the opening of the present session of Parliament. The triumphal passage of the conservative bark through the Suez Canal is not to be sucha water pageant as that wherein Cleopatra, in her gorgeous galley, swept up the Cydnus to greet the wanton Marcus Antonius. Gladstone, Granville and Hartington, aided by the redoubtable Bradlaugh, are stirring up the waters and sinking torpedoes to bar the way of the Oriental Premier, who has been crowning himself with flowers, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Sebastapol is reviving. Maine {armers will extensively make beet sugar. Bilow wants to live in Boston and Boston wants to live Bulow. Senator Morton has aturn-yp nose, and you can’t get blood out of a turn-up. The Rochester Democrat is sorry because it could not send Tweed a Valentine. “Patience.’’—When she is blowing you up do not call her a dynamite fiend. Among learners of music in London the parlor organ is Im a considerable degree superseding the piano. Moody and Sankey should give an actors’ matinée, so as to afford the stagyritesean opportunity to see Pyramus affd Thisbe. ‘Moody has the cheek to tell people not to buy fice cards of himself, though probably he is only facetious, and holds the ace. Ibis as useless to try to keep the American advon= turer out of the Black Hills as to try to keep a woman out of a dry goods store, A distinguished physician recommends patients to eat two good oranges before breakfast, trom February to June, Plain soda will probably do for the other months, - Professor Smith says that the sea was, in the ancient Chaldean belief, the origin of all things, in accordance with Genesis {., 2, wItere the chaotic waters are called the deep. In Cheyenne the other day two brothers named Hart swindled most of the storekeepers, and now the 8. K.’s are shying round, singing, “Two Harts that beat as one." The latest statistics tell as that marriage, which is reckoned at thirty-nine per cent in England and at thirty per cent in Ireland, only reaches nineteen per centin Germany. ~ ‘The Volks Zeitung states thattrade is almost at « standstill in several parts of Germany, and that many Jarge manufactories are unable to employ their usual complement of “‘hands.'” ‘The French peasantry are thrifty, domestic, and probably, on the whole, happy. They are aiso pro- foundly ignorant, deeply prejudiced, and wholly indif. forent to political liberty. Several amateur runners in this country, among them Mr. Pennington, who has done the 100 yarda in 9 3-5 seconds, appear willing to compete at the Ceh- tennial with foreign amateurs, Bessie Turner is lecturing out. West. At times it her eloquence she seems to be carried away, lik white-robed angel of rest, in a deliciously unconscious state, and the heels of her oratory do not trail on the floor. There will be no standing bar in the Centenniat grounds. The Kansas City 7imes, the Buffalo Kzprese and the Boston Transcript men, upon reading the above item, will yowl and say, “Herato, that is nota ‘per- sonal.’ But {tts personal—to you. The Richmond (Va) Whig seems to recognize th fact that by Virginia’s action many topographical miles were lost to the Union tm the late war, and shat maay miles socialistically may be gained tot the Union in (ha slow but sure course of reconstruction by Virginia,