The New York Herald Newspaper, February 12, 1876, Page 4

we ee NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per | month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New Yor Hzrayp. Letters and packages should be properly | sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- | ‘turned. Bes (PHILADELPHIA OFFICE NO. 112 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. (LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET, (PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be: received and forwarded on the same terms jas in New York, vou XLI BROOKLYN TE JANE EYRE, at 8 P. M. _Miss C TONY, PASTOR'S NE Ys NARIETY, at 8 P. . rlotte Thompson. THEATRE E. 1:30 P.M F DESIGN, ROSE mronED ps ¥4 NATIONAL ACAD. \EXHIBITION OF WaT! \1L TROVATORE. 3 a ars ath HEATRE, Matinee at 1:30 THIRTY.-FOURTH STREET OPERA HOUSE VARIETY, avs P.M. Matinee a le BOW YT TRE. | lUNCLE TOM'S fei a8 " M. Mrs. G. C. Howard, ‘Matineo at 2P. M PARISTA WARIETY, at 8 P.M. pay rean Matinee at 2 . M, GL WARIETY, at 8 P.M. BOO q z JULIUS CESAR, at 82. M. Mr. Lawrence Barrett. Mat- ace at LU A UE, VARIETY, at 8 P.M. M. RMA ATRE DREI STAATSVERDN at 8 P.M na > VARIETY, at 8P. Me Wood's MUSEUM. JACK HARKAWAY, at 8 P.M. Matinee at 2 P.M. THIRD AY VARIETY, at 8 P.M. fe WALLACK’S THEATRE, JOHN GARTH, NST-M. “Mr Lester Wallack. Matinee | ‘at 1:30 OLY MPIC THEATRE, WARIETY, at 8 P. FEBRUARY a8. 1876. xiw YORK, SATURDAY, Thom our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be colder and clear or clearing Tum Herat ny Fast Man, Trans. — News- dealers and the public throughout the country will be ba with the Datiy, Werxty and | ERALD, free of postage, by sending their orders direct ‘to this offi Watt Street Yesterpay.—Gold was steady at 113, Money on call loaned at 3 and 4 per cent. Government bonds were steady. Coal | securities were weak and other investments | firm. The stock market was irregular. Tre Russians 1s CexTRaL ASIA are grad- nally cementing their power. The leader of the recent insurrection has surrendered, and all Khokand is prostrate before the Russian forces. Turxey has accepted the Andrassy reform project after some show of resistance. It is doubtful, however, whether this will end whatever there is of insurrection in Herze- govina or bring content to Bosnia. More Guns ror Cvsa.—The Spanish gov- ernment has purchased six Krupp guns, which are to be sent to Cuba. Unfortunately for Spain neither Krupp guns nor, fresh forces will put an end to the insurrection in that island. Ir Turns Ovr that M. Voisin, just ap- pointed Prefect of Police for Paris, is not so much of a Bonapartist after all. The dis- satisfaction with his appointment indicates, however, that France will be satistied with nothing except the Republic. Tar Scorrisn Rirux Civs has declined to accede to the proposition for a combined British team and is determined to senda team of its own to Philadelphia. We trust this will not be made a pretext by the Eng- lish riflemen for not sending an English team. Enotanp anp France. are having some difficulties on account of the Newfoundland fisheries, and it is rumored that a British man-of-war is to be stationed permanently at St. Johns. This would add something to the gayety of the Newfoundland capital, but we doubt whether it would enable the islanders to catch more fish. A Waste or Moxry.—It seems to be an un- necessary waste of money for the London correspondents to cable us about the ‘‘walk- ing matches” of that prodigious humbug Weston. No one wants to hear about him 4 on this side of the Atlantic. Times are hard tow, and we may have news of importance | soon. So do not waste any more money | on Weston. We do not care to hear about him, at least at so heavy a rate per word in gold. Tax Execution or Owen Lrxpsar at Syra- cuse yesterday was attended by an unusual circumstance where guilt is undoubted—the | persistence of the doomed man in asserting | his innocence to the last. The story of the | murder, the finding of the body of the mur- | dered man and the history of the trial are | equally remarkable. Conviction was ob- | tained upon the evidence of an accomplice, | who, according to his own showing, shared the | guilt as well as the plunder. And now | comes a doubt whether Lindsay was justly | hanged after all—not a very strong doubt, it | is true, but one which shows the danger of | men upon the testimony of accom- = whose evidence enables them to escape 9 gallows. Hanging is bad enough where ilt is clearly established, but it is always to be deprecated when an accomplice pur- hases exemption at the cost of the Fa of another. v4 Senator Bruce’s Speech—Why the South is Democratic, The extraordinary attack upon the Presi- dent and his Southern policy by Senator Bruce, the colored Senator from Mississippi, opens up a question, which has been fre- | quently asked—Why is the South a demo- cratic unit? Senator Bruce gives one reason— namely, that the President has abandoned | | his friends, the colored men. There- | fore we hear much talk from the ro- | publican leaders about the perils to the country 0 of a ‘united South” and the neces- sity of votirg down the.democratic party, because it has behind it a “solid South ;” and sectionalism in politics is so dangerous an element, and has been so potent for mis- chief in our past history, that this cry prom- ises to be very effective. It is useful to see on what foundation it rests. There is no doubt that if one part of the Union is per- | manently arrayed against the other for some selfish purpose, as was the case before the war, when the Southewas united for the one end of spreading the area of slavery, or, as happened in General Washington's time, when the West was jealous of the East, this is an inconvenience and may become a peril | to the whole country. This is properly sec- tionalism; and a sectional party, a party | having at heart not the good of the whole Union, but the selfish advantage af a part of it, is undoubtedly mischievous. It is a fact that the Softthern States are now solidly democratic. Does this make them sectional? We think not; for they have no sectional or selfish aim ; they do not seek to advance any selfish policy ; they have no objects in view, in their political agi- tation, inimical to the whole Union. It is an error, therefore, to speak of the present ; political condition of the South as ‘seo. tional” in the proper and usual sense of that word ; and one proof of this is seen in the fact that during and shortly after recon- struction the republican leaders themselves planned and hoped to make the South solidly republican by the overwhelming numbers of its colored voters, and believed they were in this following a quite legitimate political aim. Nevertheless, it is not a pleasant nor a healthful thing that the whole of a great and important geographical section of the Union should deliberately join itself to one of the two political parties which divide the coun- try. Instead of raising the mad-dog cry of sectionalism about it it would be far wiser to look for the causes of this phenome- non. We propose to examine them briefly. In 1868, ef fourteen Southern States—ex- _ | cluding Maryland—all but Georgia, Ken- tucky and Louisiana either cast their votes for General Grant or cast no vote. In 1872 * | Georgia, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee and Texas went democratic, and Louisiana was also fairly carried by them. In 1874 all the Southern States, except South Caro- lina and Mississippi, had become demo- eratic. In 1875 the democrats car- ried also Mississippi; and at this time even South Carolina is not certain to remain republican. Thus, since the accession of General Grant to the Presidency the repub- lican party has lost almost the whole South, and this in spite of the fact that the federal power and influence—always very potent in the Southern States—have been used as they never were before since the foundation of the government, to maintain the republican ascendancy in those States; and in spite of another fact, of equal importance, that there are in all those States two parties as strongly opposed by sentiment, opinion and tradi- tion as the republicans and democrats in the North, and leaders in each of these par- ties ambitious for’ power and place and yery ready to seize these from their op- ponents if the opportunity offered. How, then, is it that these two parties and their contending leaders have been welded into a solid mass of opposition to the republicans? How is it that whigs and democrats have sunk their traditional animosities and jeal- ousies all over the South and are found act- ing together? If we examine the story of Southern poli- tics during General Grant's Presidency we shall discover reasons quite sufficient to ac- count for this remarkable coalition, without having to suppose a spirit inimical to the Union or the general welfare. We shall find that in every Southern State where republi- cans have ruled they have been incredibly corrupt and wasteful of the people's money ; they have ‘robbed the taxpayers, until in many places their levies amounted to confis- cation ; they have created vast State, county, city and even township debts, over and above the heavy taxation ; have destroyed the credit of the States they misrnled ; have brought financial disgrace and ruin upon many com- munities, and while thus shamelessly plun- dering they have neglected allthe most im- portant duties of rulers ; have corrupted the courts of justice, encouraged’ or tolerated lawlessness and crime, and refused all reme- dies for the people’s wrongs. The pedple of the Southern States would not be Americans, they would hardly be human beings, if they rested content under such monstrous mis- | government as that of their republican rulers has been. The result has been that gradually, in most of these States, the decent and intelli- gent part of the whites has been driven into the democratic party. Louisiana, for in- stance, is a whig State, and the whigs would have carried it over to the republican party, | but the corruption of that party repelled them so strongly that in the election of 1874 | less than five thousand whites voted with the republicans, and these were almost | entirely the office-holders and their personal following. The same is true of Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi and other Southern | States. It was not merely disgust at repub- lican plundering which drove the white yoters away from the republican party; it was becauge they could not stand the too long continued robbery, the exhausting taxes, the heavy debts. Another cause justly confirmed their de- | testation of the republican rule. In their | extremity they turned for help and justice to the federal government at Washington, | and there both help and justice were con- temptuously denied. They found the rob- bers favorites at the White House and influ- ential in Congress, and their own complaints and remonstrances were rejected as those of “rebels.” The President gave the federal patropage in the South to man like Snencer, NE W YORK: HERALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12, Dorsey, Packard, Casey and Ames, and these men were allowed to appoint to important federal offices in their States persons many dozens of whom have since been convicted of public plundering. Many others have run away to avoid just punishments, while most of them were mere adventurers and political bummers. Nor was this all. The President has seemed to take especial pleas- ure in making appointments which were simply insults to these Southern communi- “ties. Thus, when the revolutionary scheme of Brooks failed in Arkansas anda republican Congress declared him to be in the wrong, General Grant appointed him Postmaster at Little Rock, turning out an honest republi- can to give Brooks the place. To one of Brooks’ adherents he gave a consulship ; to another a post office. Yet these men had | just been pronounced by Congress guilty of having planned a crime against the State which would in other countries have made | them outlaws. Again, when two Congres- iana Returning Board of 1874 a fraud and had overturned its verdict, the President at once appointed Wells, the chairman of that Board, the chief perpetrator of this revolu- tionary fraud, to one of the most important federal offices in the South, and the Senate has lately confirmed him. When Alabama became democratic Spencer had still influ- ence enough at the White House to procure | for his creature Hines the Marshalship of the State, and he would hold it to-day had he not been detected in committing frauds on | the Post Office. When Mississippi, in turn, no longer willing to bear the corrup- tion and maladministration of Ames, Becomes democratic by the help of honest republicans, Senator Morton tries to rip up the election by an investigation which has no warrant in the constitution and whose single aim is to maintain the power of a set of unscrupulous and lawless corruptionists. When Governor Chamberlain in South Caro- lina tries to purify his party he is openly denounced in Washington as ‘no better than a democrat.” Is anything else needed to aceount for the fact that the South is solidly democratic? | With only fair “and honest management at Washington four or five of these States would be strongly republican to-day; and, what is of greater importance, in all of them parties would be divided on natural and proper issues instead of on the color line. It is the fault of the administration at Wash- ington that this has not come about. The President has deliberately and constantly taken the side of the plunderers in the South. To them, and to them only, he has shown boundless fayor and given unfalter- ing support ; when the people of their States repudiated them he has given them federal places ; when they appealed for help they got it; when they misrepresented the South he believed them and refused to hear other evidence than theirs. And now the repub- lican party is alarmed at the result. Mayor Wickham’s Power of Appoint- ment, The resolution which has been adopted by the Assembly instructing its Committee on Cities to consider the expediency of report- ing a bill vesting in the Mayor of this city the absolute power of appointment, without the consent of the Board of Aldermen, has a suspicious look. A greater concentration of responsibility in the hands of the Mayor might be deemed expedient in a general re- vision of the charter, but as a separate change it would be absurd. The public opinion of the city will oppose it so long as the general framework of the charter re- mains in its present form. ‘If the heads of departments and commissioners came in and went out with every new Mayor it might be wise to give him the sole power of appointment, and thus fix upon him alone the responsibility for efficient administra- tion. The idea of such complete authority would be to give each Mayor an unrestrained control of his subordinates and leave him without excuse for permitting malversation, incompetence or negligence on the part of any city officer. But to give the Mayor this absolute power of appoint- ment without other fundamental changes would subvert responsibility instead of en- forcing it. The commissioners and heads of departments hold for periods of four and six years, while the Mayor is elected for only two. Such a billas the Assembly has in contemplation would, therefore, em- power Mayor Wickham to appoint the sub- ordinates of his successor in office, It would give him, for example, the power to appoint, next October, a new Comptroller as the successor of Mr. Green for the ensuing four years, although his own office would expire in a little more than two months— that is to say, he would ‘appoint the prin- cipal subordinate of the next two Mayors. The same illustration will apply in the case of every commissioner or head of a depart- ment whose term expires within the present year. We believe in concentrating responsi- bility by giving every Mayor the choice and control of his subordinates, but such a bill as is proposed would destroy the responsibility of subsequent | Mayors by enabling Mayor Wickham to ap- point irremovable officers to serve under them. There assuredly ought to be some check on the Mayor when he appoints subor- dinates for his successors. We should be glad to see the present absurd system swept | away and all the heads of departments have even terms with the Mayor. It would then be reasonable to let him appoint them, be- cause their terms would all expire with his own, and his successor would have the same liberty of choice. This contemplated bill is probably a part of the bargain made between Mayor Wick- ham and the republicans to prevent a thor- ough revision of the charter and spring elec- tions. He wishes to remain in office until next January. Asa part of the price he has already appointed two republican Police Commissioners, and he is willing to give the republicans other important offices for long periods if the republican Legislature will re- lieve him from the necessity of submitting | his appointments to the Common Council | for contirmation. Sta Starronp Nortacore’s Manmve Insvn- axce bill, of which an outline comes by cable this morning, will attract great attention “smong shiv owners and shipper® sional committees had declared the Louis- j | in its prosperity ! box; permitted to jam Packing Boxes on Wheels. In the operation of passenger traffic by the horse car companies it is to be supposed that there is the same consideration of the relation between receipts and expenditures which is found in all other systematic en- deavors to secure a profit. There is the same effort to take in the utmost cent-and the same anxiety to lay out as little as possi- ble. Consequently the companies spare no trouble and even spend a great deal of money to secure every fare, to prevent the theft of five cents, because the possession of that five cents involves in principle their whole receipts. They equally give very | great thought to the economy of a dollar, for the same natural reason that every dollar saved is an addition to the difference they hope to make between what is taken in and what is paid out. Suppose any great commercial establish- ment were able at a stroke of the pen to sup- press any one of its larger items of expendi- ture, or even to reduce such an item by ones half, how great a difference this would make If Stewart, or Claflin, or the Flint Glass Company, or any other es- tablishment that sends every week a vast number of packages to retail traders in every part of the country, could save all or half the money it costs to buy cases and pack the goods, that aléne would often determine the prosperity of a season’s trade. Many merchants do economize largely over their fellows in this respect. Some charge all this to the cus- tomer, and some pack in one case what others, would put in three. This economy, especially in regard to glass, is limited by the requirement that the wares sent shall reach the customer in good order. But if this requirement did not éxist all our mer- chants would immediately become ‘bloated bondholders.” Any dealer who now packs his artistic wares of glass, porcelain or other delicate material with due regard to safety in transportation, must do it at a liberal out- lay for lumber; but if it was of no conse- qience ‘to him how it was delivered he could grind up a set of porcelain in a mor- tar, pack the shard in an old straw hat and toss the precious parcel into the express wagon as it passed his door. No money for lumber, none for hay or straw; no wages for an expert packer; no carman or horse and cart required on the premises. He would go to Europe in a few years to spend the superfluity of his accumulations, and the best that rival tradesmen could hope woald be to hear that he had been blown up by dynamite. Now, this is just the position in which a street car company stands with regard to the people. Its vehicles are packing boxes in which so many passengers are sent from one end of the line to the other, and the condi- tion in which the goods reach their destina- tion is of no consequence to the company, provided, only, injury stops short of such physical maiming as will afford ground for asuit at law. Absolved, therefore, from the requirement to spread out the passengers in orderly rows down either sidg the packing om in with hy- draulic pressure, from one-third to one-half the expenditure for packing boxes and horses to haul them is economized. Packed like sardines down below and hanged like hams up above, the cartha: ould seat twenty may be made to carry sixty. If any in- genious person will sketch in his mind's eye, Horatio, a transverse section of a horse car, with four-and-twenty passengers seated vis-a-vis, he will immediately perceive that not more than one-third the space is filled. There is all the distance on either side be- tween the passengers’ heads and the roof quite empty. In the middle the space be- tween the passengers is unoccupied from the roof to the floor. At least twelve can be put in a row down either side of this middle space hanging by Maps and leaning over the heads of the seated passengers, while the space between these semi-pendent rows has an unascertained capacity for stowage. Thus, if acar with seats for twenty-four carries seventy-two, the company saves the price of two packing boxes, the price and the feed of four horses, the wages of two drivers and the wages and pilferings of two con- ductors. If a company only has to support two horses instead’ of six, one driver and conductor instead of three, and to buy and keep in order instead of three cars only one, and can still take in justas much money from its traffic, the difference this must make in its accounts is obvious. Some con- ductors, slightly more idiotic than the rest, assure us that unless this sort of thing may continue the companies will be made k- rupt ; that, in short, the only profit of this traffic is in its abuses ; that all the money made by the car companies is simply coined out of the inconvenience and the misery of the people compelled to use these vehicles.” Our opinion on that head is that the sol- yency of the company will oftener be found to turn on the condition of the conductors’ pockets—bell punches to the contrary not- withstanding. But if the horse cars cannot carry the public conveniently without loss, perhaps some of the rapid transit companies can; and if the horse car companies are forced to treat the public properly, and find that with that condition annexed they can- | not make any money, that their franchises are really without value, then, perhaps, they will oppose a less strenuous opposition to the | organization of rapid transit. Protection to Infants. Senator Booth has introduced a bill into the Legislature to prevent the sale and ap- prenticeship of children to gymnasts and strolling players. The case of ‘Prince Leo,” which oceupied the attention of the courts last summer, seems to have suggested | the necessity of this measure. The bill is a necessity, and we hope it will be enacted | into a law. People who know nothing of the training necessary to fit a child for the feats of dexterity and strength exhibited on the ‘“‘ham-fat” stage cannot conceive of the ernelties and tortures which these precocious infants are compelled to undergo. These children are little old men when they should be still in their mothers’ arms, and their smiles and bows from behind the foot- lights are forced from suffering and tears which come from the blows and kicks of the trainer and the falls and accidents of the training. This whole business of taming childran into 1876.—WITH SUPPLEMENT: and bear baiting, and not only should it be prevented by law, but the public should frown upon all places of amusement where little children are placed on the stage to show the skill which persistent cruelty has imparted to them. What Does This Baggage Smashing — Bill Meant The independent fraternity of baggage smashers has hardly recovered from the death of its great chieftain, Thomas, the dynamite fiend, before it is called upon to endure another calamity. Not one of the | order ever dealt a stronger blow too Sara- | toga trunk than Senator Cole dealt the other | day to the whole body. The bill which he} introduced into the State Senate makes baggage smashing a misdemeanor, and im- | poses a fine of twenty dollars or imprison- ment upon railroad porters who commit it. The phraseology of this bill is open to objec- tion, for it makes a startling change in the meaning of our language. Baggage smash- ing has never been defined as a misde- | meanor, but has always been recognized as an amusement. Thus Webster says:—‘‘Bag- gage smashing—l. An athletic sport. 2. The act of smashing baggage.” Worcester defines it as ‘“‘a popular railroad game, a playful relaxation.” The late Chief Justice, Mr. Chase, in delivering the opinion of the Supreme Court-in the case of Deloney vs, Walton, said:—‘‘After a careful review of the evidence I can see little difference be- tween baggage smashing and base ball. Both are amusements requiring great strength, unusual skill and extraordinary nerve. The plaintiff claims damages in twenty thousand dollars, on the ground that he was struck in the eye by a Saratoga trunk which! one porter was throwing at another. The defendant pleads that ‘these porters, who were employed by him; were merely indulging in a harmless and innocent sport. The offer to produce the trunk was bold almost to rashness, but the Court was not bound to admit this extremely fragmentary evidence. We cannot convict upon a broken lock, a torn strap and a few splin- ters of wood. (See Blackstone on Bridges, chap. xxi., p. 485), as evidence the trunk is not strong enough. The suit is, therefore, dismissed, with costs on the plaintiff. He may recover the trunk if he can, but that is all the damages we may grant him.” Here is the opinion of one of the ablest of American jurists, and it must be overturned before Senator Cole's bill can be considered sound. This view of the case is not invalidated by the fact that Chief Justice Chase said after- ward, in private conversation with Mr. Charles O’Conor, who will remember the occasion, that he did not care who made the laws for the railroads so long as he was not compelled to take part in their amusements. In the one case he felt as a man, but in the other he acted as a judge, Baggage smashing having been thus recog- nized as a legal amusement can the Legisla- ture constitutionally prohibit it? We are compelled to decide that it cannot, and also obliged to add that if it could it would make no matter. Any such law would be inoper- ative for reasons which must ‘be convincing to any impartial mind. Trunks are now made of the strongest materials, A stone trunk has become quite popular, and an iron-clad, oak plank, steel riveted, fireproof safe is often used by travellers. Secretary Robeson, as is well known, uses a con- demned howitzer fora trunk. Yet the im- provement in baggage smashers is greater than the progress of mechanical invention. They are able now to smash a cannon, and, this being the case, will have no trouble in smashing the Legislature, which is composed of weaker material, more loosely put to- gether, than the trunks in common use. Senator Cole is a strong man, but they may | pitch him out of a car window yet. Another serious objection to this bill is that it is special legislation, It attacks two classes of citizens—first, the large and influ- ential order of baggage smashers, who would be deprived of the only amusement they have. During the centennial year probably three hundred thousand European trunks will be brought to America, which this bill would make useless to any one but their owners. Is the order to be deprived of the immense satisfaction it expects to gain from this opportunity? In the second place the bill attacks the business interests of the trunk makers. Millions of dollars have been in- vested in this city alone in trank making upon the implied faith with the State that it would not legislate against the baggage smashers. Are we to destroy this business? We urge the Legislature to pause. We appeal to the Governor to interfere. Let no personal con- siderations prevent him from discharging his public duty. Let him banish his own trunk from his head if this matter is ever brought before him. Sue the Street Railroad Companies. The only way to teach arrogant corpora- tions in this city that the publio has rights which the companies are bound to respect is to bring them into court. This was done by a young man hamed Henry Friede, who was thrown from the front platform of a Third avenue car and lost a limb in consequence, A jury gave him a} verdict of ten thousand dollars dam- ages, and the company will be compelled to pay it, There are many other cases where suits ought to be brought and — damages recovered, an especially noteworthy | one being reported in the Heraxp of Sungay | last. Mrs. T. J. Cummins, who resides in | Eighteenth street, was going home ina Third | avenue car on Friday evening. When she | reached her destination she desired the conductor to stop the car, but he disregarded her request, and even a second request met with no attention. Attempting to get off while the car was in motion she was thrown | violently to the pavement and suffered a fracture of the ankle joints, from which she | will be an invalid for months. It is seldom @ case so atrocious as this is made public, but it illustrates at once the-brutality of the | servants employed by the companies, the avarice which brutalizes them and the disre- gard of the rights of passengers which char- | acterize the management of our street rail- ways. Under such conditions the proper course is to sue the companies and thus give the courts an opportunity to teach these grasping corporations that they have respon- sibilities which will be emforned. Services. So much excitement was occasioned in the city yesterday by the reports that found cir- culation in reference to the Hippodrome that the Building Inspectors made a thorough examination of the building. Their report we print in anothercolumn. The Inspectors report that all the doors now open outward, that every door is guarded, that there is a arge body of policemen in waiting, a com< plete telegraph system, so that in the event of the slightest alarm all the doors can be at once opened, and that there are fire extin- | guishers in every part of the building. Ii would be criminal in the highest degree to neglect any. precaution. A corre spondent complains that the doors are not opened before half-past seven, and that persons who wish to hear the evangelista are compelled to wait in the cold until that time. The committee inform us that the reason for this is that if the doors were opened earlier the room would be filled with loungers and the air would be poisoned. Furthermore, the evangelists say they de not want a mere crowd of curiosity hunters who would come in the afternoon and bring their suppers if alowed, but the mechanics and workingmen, who cannot be through their dinner befora half-past seven. Of course there will be some hitches in accommodating these yast multitudes ; but too much care cannot be taken to make the building safe and com- fortable. Now that the attention of the com- mittee and the authorities has been called to the subject we are glad to feel that the ut- most vigilance is shown, and we trust it will not be in any way relaxed. Centennial Nomi n The correspondent quoted in the Hmnanp of yesterday, who proposes Charles Francis Adams for President and John Jay for Vico President, as centennial candidates, on the ground that Mr. Adams is the grandson of the great Adams and Mr. Jay the grandson of the'illustrious Chief Justice, and that wo should have some Revolutionary blood in the canvass, does not go far enough. If we are to have Revolutionary candidates in this, our centennial year, we should hayo Revolutionary democrats a3 well as repub-' licans. We think that even Mr. Blaine will concede that there are good democrats in this country who have the purest blood, so far as Revolutionary patriotism is con- cerned. Unhappily we have no descendant of the peerless Washington, or we could elect him without opposition. But we have others. Why not have a national ticket em- bracing the North as well as the South? Strange as it will undoubtedly appear to Mr. Blaine and his friends, there were Southern men in those glorious times who deserved well of their gountry and whose memories { will be green in this’ year of independence. Why not have John Quincy Adams, o Massachusetts, as the det lemocrati ig <apaidats for President and Wade Hatipton, 6 uth Carolina, or Fitz Hugh Lee, of Virginia, for Vice President? Adams, ‘Johnny Q.,” as he is called, is the great grandson of John Adams and the grandson of John Quincy Adams. He is a first class, true blue, old- fashioned democrat, “while Wade ‘Hampton and Lee have in their blood the best stock of the Revolutionary South. i It would be interesting to see Charles Francis Adams, the father, running against « “Johnny Q.,” the son. But this would tran- quillize the canvass. The republicans could hurl the commandments at the son if he dared to say a word against the father, and the father would compel the radical orators to respect his parental pride. The only orator who would abuse Mr. Jay is General Van Buren. He is in Japan, and probably would not hear who is nominated until all was over. The fact that Hampton and Lee both fought in the rebellion is unfortunate, or would be if this year were not to be largely given to the celebration of the ner rebel- lion in history. Taz Ramroap Excrremenr 1n WIscoNnsIn has broken out anew in connection with the pending proceedings.in the Legislature for modifying the foolish Potterlaw. An organ- ization has been formed to defeat the amend- ments unless various railroads will agree to heavy reductions in their charges for freight. The particulars of this movement are given in our despatch from Milwaukee. Tue Brit to require employés of the government of New York to reside within the limits of the city has been reported adversely to the State Senate. The country members clearly do not want their constituents to spend their time away from home, PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Ien’t there a great deal of Buncombe and bunting ia the Senate discussion om the Centennial appropriation ? Senator John Sherman, of Ohio, arrived in the city last evening from Washington and ts at the Fifth » Avenue Hotel. . A Western republican paper that the name of Jeff Davis take the piace of that of Cassius M: Olay on the proposed democratic ticket for Vice Presiaent. The great Southern Cusar dead, there would be some Propriety in the democracy turning to Clay. Mr. Barney Williams calls apon the legal profession to erect a monument in memory of the late James T. Brady, and promises his aid, whieh would no doubt be liberally given, in behalt of the proposed testimonial, Mr. Brady won great reputation at the New York Bar, and Mr. Barney Williams’ suggestion deserves the con- sideration of the profession. “Query” sends the following contribations to the Conkling complete rhymster:— Why sbould we to John cling To lead us to defeat, When, sarely, with Fred. Conkling We'd whip the dems so neat? Or thiss— Let's to the dogs old John fling, He fog ors can’t succeed As well as handsome Conkling. Indeed, indeed, indeed! ‘The Lineoin Club in ward Right bas flung its gorgeous banner to the breeze, bearing the inscription, “Our | Choice tor President, Roscoe Conkling.” Thore ts not much poetry in this, but the mombers of the club ne doubt believe there is a good deal of truth in it Says the Chicago Times:—When the military court | was gathered in Chicago for the purpose of finding litule whitewash for Babcock —a job that was spoiled by | the promptness of the St. Louis Grand Jary—General Hancock presented a well written and foPcible argu- ment in favor of adjourning the inquiry until the etvil authorities had disposed of the case. The paper at- tracted no little attention, and the Generaf was highly commended by many for the ability he displayed im dealing with an important point of constitutional law. And now it appears that Hancock deserves no more of the credit of that paper than the mere reading of tt, and that its real author was Jere. Black. of Peansvi~ wanja.”” ;