The New York Herald Newspaper, January 14, 1876, Page 3

‘epulrery correct. They could pot ao otherwise; they Dad no other information and po doubt al! confidence ‘war placed tp thi but now Bee this new table ac- companying the report of the Secretary for 1570, and si ing reports change the figures reported by the Register before 1870, it does not agree as to the statement of the public debt with the Register since, Register’s report of @ year 1563 it is Vor inetance, ip t the public debt for put down at,. And in the new table of the y, the finance report for 1870, page 13, the public debt for the same year is put down at, ++ 1,119,772,138 Showing a great difference and an in- crease of ove teense ee oe $20,000,000 This is one of many changes. w, by what aa- thority did the Secretary of the Treasury in his new table in 1870 go back and change the Register’s report for tbat year, which has been reported, taken and ac- cepted for years as an undisputed fact? But this is notall, In the finance report tor 1862 Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, at pages 2 and 44 of bis re- port, puts down the public debt, on July 1 of that year, at $514,211. 371. The Register in his table, at page 213 of same report, records the public debt for the same year at the same figures; and this stood on the books, with no other contradicting report, until 1870, a period of eight years, and must have been relied on as accurate, when the Secretary, in the new table of the statement of the public debt, for some reason that I cannot understand, puts down the public debt for the same year (1862) at $24,211,371, showing an increase of $10,000,000, Here this new table stands impeached by both Mr. Chase and the Register. MR, DAVIS’ CONCLUSION, Then, Mr, President, my position, reduced down and ‘expressed more clearly, 18 this:—That no matter if it «hould be claimed that the books of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Register diffe ind no matter if these otficers have different systems of bookkeeping, there can be no satisfactory way in which to explain or answer why solemn official reports made to Congress and published to the country, and repeated year after year—reports upon which Congress, the people aud ihe public creditors relied and acted—should years afterward be changed in the manner I have shown. How is it that the Register of the Treasury, in his ‘official report for 1864, puts down for that year The public debt at, + «$1,740,690, 489 The total expenditures a 1,208, 144,656 ‘The total receipts at. 1,385, 768,614 —and these sums remain of record in the Treasury De: partment as fixed and determined for years, and unt 1870, and are accepted, per force, as correct, there being no other source of information; and then the 1,098, 793, 181 Secretary, in the finance reports of 1870, goes back and puts down for the same year, 1864, different suns entirely, as, for instance :— Public debt..... $1,815, 784,370 Total expenditures. 96, 541,104 Total receipt: ‘303, 451,807 If the acco were correct they should remain so, and no power should change them. 1 am aware there may and ought to he mado some ex- Planation as to these changes and differences, but this explanation, whatever it may be, must and will bring to light why, by what duthority and what necessity in- duced the change of figures I have cited, and many more not referred to that exist in the books and state- ments; and no doubt the wiilirg aid of the officers of the Treasury Department will be given to any Senator who may think my remarks worthy of reply. The figures and charges | bave referred to in official reports are 8o very large and the amounts so enormous that I can hardly believe them myself; but after careful and earnest examination of the facts in reference thereto and such information as | could obtain after consul- tation with different officers of the Treasury Depart- meut, 1 am forced to declare that I can find no satistac- tory explanation of them. If there is one I should be glad to have it, Ifthere is a Senator upon nis floor, or an officer of the government, who can muke piain and satisfactory explanation of these changes and discrepancies I hope he will lose no me im making himself heard, for, in my judgment, if it is incapable of explanation it is more dangerous than any default, no matter what the amquat. In the face of the above comparisons the conclusion cannot be avoided that the officia! statements of the Treasury Department have been changed, especially in the report of 1870, from former reports as to the rev- enue collected and “expenditures,’’ and in the report of 1871 4rom former reports as to the public debt. These changes involve large amounts for some object that is not apparent upon their face. This power to go back and change figures and entries on the books which have been ascertained and reported jor years and been the subject of official and public contidence, has not been conterred upon any officers in the government gervice, and, in my judgment, cannot be. if it should be, however, it would be a dangerous invovation, destroying all confidence and certainty the financial affairs of the government. If these changes and alterations are permitted to be made and pass un- noticed, what safety has the government as to the public funds, and what value can be attached to state- ments 1m reference thereto? If the principle be ac- knowiedged as a correct one, that an officer or set of oflicers can change the books of the Treasury Depart- ment, either to inerease or to decrease them for any cause, even for a single penny, they can do it for tens of millions, as bas been the case, and instantly there ceases to be a proper check or safeguard thrown | around the funds or records of the government. | ‘The largest railroad corporations, commercial and man. ufacturing establishments m the couutry, whose ac- counts reach tens of millions, when managed upon PROPER BUSINESS PRINCIPLES, have no difficulty in making intelligible their books | and being able to make a statement of the exact condi- tion of the business at any time. And while I concede that the government is on a larger scale, yet its man- agement shouid be such that its ivancial aflairs may be readily understood. And, indeed, the larger the opera- tions the greater the necessity for rigid, prompt and accurate accountability and careful and regular state- ments, which should always agree, and, when once rendered, should be, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, not subject to change. It will be recollected that the able chairman of the Finance Committee, Mr, Sherman, said in debate the other day, while reading from one of the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, and referring to a monthly statement of the public debt made by that officer:— We have a statement of the public debt Highest sanction of law, made under the officers, * * * Do yon pretend to suy that document is not true? Ibis the strangest thing in the world that Sena- tors should make such an assertion. There it ix, and this Btateniont cives the interest accrued up to the time that it ‘was made and publishes the accuracy of this statens Ihave not referred to nor have I examined the re- port my distinguished friend from Obio read from, but irom his statewent he certainly had great contidence jn the accuracy of the reports and statements of the | Treasury Department; but I submit now, in face of the facts | have shown from other tinance reports, ought any one to place ful) confidence in these state- Ments as W the transactions of the financial affairs | of the government? I bave no suitable words to express my condemnation at anything that looks like a change in the books and state- ments of the departments of the government. In ail private corporations, banks and commer- cial establishments it 1s ap established fact that the Girst step toward criminality and defaication on the part of their officers and servants is to tamper with, manipulate and change the books. Could or would any copfidence be placed in any banking institution or corporation in the country if it could be shown that its | books annual statements from time to time had Deen changed, and the figures and entries did not agree ‘with each other in the aifferent departments of their Dusiuess? Certainly no one would or ought to trust ®ucb an institution or individual, and how much more important is it to avoid anything of the ktnd on the part of the government. The facts and Ngures stated Justify, in my opinion, the appointment of a special committee of the Senate to look into the changes in and the condition of the books and accounts of tl Treasury Department, and | would therefore ask the passage of this resolution, At the conclusion of Mr. Davis’ speech Mr. Merri- mon, of North Carolina, inquired if there were no notes or explanations of these discrepancies. Mr. Davis replied in some cases there were explana- tions ;. but be had beep upabie to find bow any system of bookkeeping could change amounts after th been reported to Congress. MR. BOLTWRLL'S REMARKS. } i Mr. Boorwrss, (rep.) of Mass., said he had been a good deal attracted iA the moral which had been taken by the from West Virgin’ ‘d to th business of accounting. There was nothing new in th statements made vy the honorable geutleinan, As to the ligures presented and drawn trom the books of the ‘Treasury Departinent he (Mr Boutwell) had no obser- | vation to make. He would venture to say, however, that an accurate knowledge of the business of the ‘Treasury Department would disstpate all the difficulties unuer which the honorable Senator irom West Vir- git. now labor and iteceurred to him (Mr. Bout- weil) that the 5 from West Virgiuia, in dealing with a great public question, as he thought he was, might have called upon the present Secretary of the ‘Treasury and unfolded to bim the dificulties of which he complained and asked bim whether or not they were capable of a fair solution. He (Mr. Boutwell) was | quite sure that it was in the power of the bead of that | department, and equally sure that it would have been Lis disposition to have given to any member of the Senate an opportunity of understanding ali the dim- culties to which the honorable Seuator (Mr. Davis) had re There was nothing which the bouorab: Senator had presented that went to show that the books of the Treasury had been changed or tampered with by anybody. The statements presented to Con- ress and the country are prepared so tuat any person cab examine the books and see that they concur. Mr. Davis asked whether he understood (he Senator (Mr. Boutwellj to say that the figures of the official re- ports sent to Congress year alter year had not been changed? Mr. Bovrwett said the different statements from the Treasury bad not been changed. Some of these state. ments were prepared in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, and showed the business in the controt of his oflice Others were prepared by the Register and showed the business in the control of bis ffice. Resuming his argument, Mr. Boutwell said when he took charge of the Treasury Department in 1869 one of the Orst things he discovered was the fact that the books of the department did not represent the actual amount of the public debt standing, and this arose from a succession of events since the organization of | the department. Mr. Boutwell then explained at length the manner of doing business in the depart- Ment, and said in 1869 the books sbowed an apparent | discrepancy of $116,000,000, when, m_ trath, there was no such discrepancy. He mentioned as items which tended to show such discrepanvy the c of the States Assumed b; @ general government, amounting (0 indemnity fand: ke, Agam, in 1861 a stx per cent loan was autbo +! by Congress which Mr Chase, the Seoretazy of thé Treasury, was anable to negotiate at that rate of interest, and the consequence was that $50,000,000 worth of bonds seued Ob which seven per cent was actually paid, and the amount received into the Treasury from them was less than $46,000,000. Up to the Register of the Teed Nasal tate tpt ol she Secretary, and it was then oF tues an sarouat | certainly said no such thing. NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JANUARY 14, 1876.-WITH SUPPLEMENT. sbould be Kept in the latter oMce, Re argued that it ‘was only by exploring and investigation, or by knowl. edge derived from practical experience, that one could understand the business of accounting. If certain bonds were presented to the Register of the Treasury to-day for signature he would sign them and imme- diately charge the public debt with the par value of those bonds, and if the Register should then be called upon for @ statement of the debt it would agree greater , th: it ly was to the amount of the nds signed. reviewed length the i manner of keeping accounts in the Kegister’s office, and sad there always would be a dif- ference in the statements of the two officers, but with the two statements the exact truth could be traced out, This system, about which so much com- plaint was now made, was instituted in 1869 as a check ‘upon the Register’s office. If differences in these two accounts did not exist collusion and fraud betweon the diferent branches of the Treasury Department would be shown. An analysis of the two statements would never fail to show the facts on which they were based were the same. The financial report made to Congress in December shows 4 ‘THM FINANCIAL CONDITION of the country on the 30th of June preceeding, and tho monthly statement shows the financial condition on the Ist of July, while oftentimes there were transac- tions between the close of business on the 30th of June and the time of issuing the monthly statement on the Ist of July, which would go to show a difference in the two statements, On the 30th of June, when the fiscal Year closed, a statement was prepared, showing the amount of money on hand, of which the Secretary had official knowledge. The books were kept open, how- ever, forty-five days after June 30, to get returns from all parts of the country, and, as a consequence, at the end of the forty-five days the receipts were much ia oo than shown by the statement of June 30. is was the case, particularly in the Internal Revenue Office, The Commissioner made an exhabit of the amount on hand at the close of business, on the 80th of June, but for days and weeks after that the re- ceipts were credited which had been collected to various parts of the country prior to June 30. Mr. Boutwell yielded to Mr. Epmunxps, who moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of execu- tive business. Mr. Aytuony, (rep.) of R. 1, submitted a resolution to print 500 extra copies of the Army and Navy registers for 1876. Referred to the Committee on Printing. He also submitted a resolution to print 4,500 copies of the report of Professor Hayden, of the Geological and Geographical Surveys of the Territories for the year 1878. Same reference, Mr. Davis inquired if his resulution would come up as the unfinished business at the next meeting of the Senate, The Cuam replied in the affirmative. The Senate then, at aquarter past two o'clock, went into executive session, At a quarter to three o'clock the doors were reopened, and at three o'clock P, M. the Senate sdjourned, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, ‘Wasuineton, Jan. 13, 1876, All the galieries of the Hall and the approaches to. them are crowded with spectators in anticipation of the close of the debate on the amnesty question, SPEECH ON AMNESTY. it one o'clock, resumed the consid- eration of the Amnesty bill, and was addressed by Mr. Blaine, of Maine, He commenced by disclaiming any intention to convey the idea yesterday, in the discus- sion on the point of order, that the Speaker desired to | deprive him of his right to reply to the speeches made on the otber side, He said that from the tone of the debate one would | imagine that the republican: party as represented in Congress was trying to inflict some new punishment or to add some other stigma to the name of Jefferson Davis. It might, therefore, not be inappropriate to recall the attention of this House to the precise ques- tion at issue. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Randall) had introduced a bill to confer special honor on Jefferson Davis, for what honor could be higher than the full-panoplied citizenship of the United States ? | it by his crimes, and the | Jefferson Davis had lost gentleman from Pennsy!vania proposed in hot haste— without debate, without amendment—to drag every gentleman in the House to say aye or no on the bill declaring Jefferson Davis to be entitled now and hence- forth to all the rights of American citizenship. To that he (Mr. Blaine) and those with him dissented. They were not seeking to throw any other element of an in- flammable character into the politics of the day. What- | ever of that kind had flown into this discassion lay at the door or the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and of those who stood with bim. anish, but it ee Een to honor, and while ¢ (Mr. Blaine) and those with him disclaimed any in- tention of desiring to punish Jefferson Davis, they re- sisted the proposition to honor him. He then passed on to discuss the question im regard to the treatment of Union prisouers at the South and who was to blame for breaking the exchange of prisoners. The speech of the gentleman trom Ohio | (Garfield) yesterday bud left him Literally nothing to say. The subject had been exhausted and the argu- ment was unanswerable, and he undgrtook to say that as yet no gentleman on the other side had answered one fact which the gentleman from Obio tad alleged, and that no gentleman could answer them. He (Blaine) should not, therefore, at any length rest on that point. But there was one allegation as to a point in history which be feit & bis duty wot merely as a member of the republican party but as @ citizen of the American Union to resist and resent, and that was the allegation made in regard to the manner in which Confederate prisoners had been treated in THE PRISONS OF THE UNION. The genticman from Georgia (Hiil) had spoken this sentence in his speech :— Ihave also proved that with all the horrors which you have made such anoise about as occurring at Andersonvill FTeaver Lorrors occurred Ia prisous where vur troups were | © id. And Tcould not but admire the “our” and the “your” with which the gentieman communicated the décision. It Ul compared with his later pretensions to Unionism. It was certainly fhnging the shadow of the dead Confederacy @ long way over the dial of the va tional House of Representatives; and I think that the | gentleman from New York (Mr. Cox) somewhat teil Jnto a little of the same line. Me goes on to say :— Aud the atrocities of Andersonville do not begin to com are with the atrocities of Eimira, Camp Douglass aud Fort Delaware, and of all the atroc: both at Anderson ville aud Elinita the Confederate authorities stand acquit- ved, “\ir. Hint, of Georgia, who occupied a front seat o the republican side of the House, arose and suid :—" no charge be calor anybody, but that according 10 the gentleman’s logic the result followed.” Mr. BLaing--That is not the report of the speech at all 14m quoting the gentieman’s speech as he deliv- ered it. Mr. Hit1—You are only quoting one septence, out of | its connection. Mr. Buainkr—I beg pardon; | am speaking of it as it appeared in the Wasbington Chronicle and in tbe Asso- ciated Press report. Ido not pretend to be bound by the version of it which may appear hereafter in the Congressvonal eman trom New York (Mt. Cox) spoke on: band pabhshed another. 1 an wee the gentleman from Georgia will do the same. admit that he has a diffi- cult réle to play to keep himself in line with the New York democrats and to keep himself in the proper po- sition for a democratic candidate as Senator irom Geor- gia, and it ts @ very difficult thing to reconcile the two. (Laughter on the republican side) The bvarnburner democrats in 1853 found it very hard to adhere to their anti-slavery principles in New York, and still to support the Pierce adminis- tration; and Mr. Greeley, with his inimitable humor, which was characteristic of him, said that they had a hurd row to straddle, and that they were like the mili- tia generals on parade day in Broadway, who ‘ound it ab almost impossible task to follow the music and keep clear of the omnibuses, (Boisterous laughter all over the house.) And that is the case with the gepuleman from Georgia. He has been trying to keep step to the music of the Union and to dodge bis fire-eating con- stituents in Georgia, (Laughter.) 1 will read another quotation trom bis speech ; Our prisoners suffered in federal hands, and we know how if we chose to tell. Thousands of our poor feliows came home from Elmira, Fort Delaware and other places with their fingers froven off, with their toes frosen off, with their teeth fallen out. Was that in the line of what I had said, or was it a simple assertion [rom the gentieman ’ r. Hitt—I said that these were necessary mcidents to ail prisons. Mr. Biaive—Do I understand the gentloman now to back down from Ubat assertion * Mr. Hine—No, sit; L saw it with my own eyes. Mr. BLaise—The gentleman from the Elmira district yesterday (Mr. Walker), and | honor him for it, was not heid im leash by party fidelity and by Southern sym- pathy, but came out like @ man and vindicated his constituents, There are on that side of the House two nilomen who represent in part the constituents that rround Camp Douglas—I refer to Mr. Caultield and Mr. Harrison—and ask those gentiemen to tay whether, to the best of their knowledge and beliei, there was any crue! treatment of prisoners at Chi- cago? | yield to them for that purpose. Mr. Cactrreip, (denf.) of Til, rising on the demo- cratic side of the House, sard:—"The gentleman has seen fit to cailon me for my testimony Im regard to the treatment of prisoners at Camp Douglas. Ido not wish him to suppose, from my silence, that I fully uiesce in what he has said—"? ir, BLaine (interrupting)—In what who has said? The gentieman trom Georgia or myseil? Mr. Cavrietv--in what the gentieman from Maine Ras said, Mr. BLaiwe {sneeringly)—Ob | (Laughter.) Mr. Cacirizip—I used to say that there were hard- ships in Camp Douglas which were experienced by the prisoners from the South, but that those hardships were incidental to the climate and to the emergency of their imprisonment Mr. Hitt (without rising and in a low tone)—That is right; im that I agree with Mr. CavLwigip—1 do, however, say that there wero certain instances of cruelty which occurred im that camp to my knowledge, but they were not of sueh a number or of such a character as to make a general charge against the officers of the camp. Mr, Hict (etil! in his seat and low tone)—That is right, and I make none. Mr. CaULrIkLO—1 remember some instances myself. I happened to be one of a number appointed to ame- Norate the sufferings of the prisoners at Camp Dougiae, They were brought there in the winter, I think the first batch was from Fort Donelson. The weather was cold, and it was impossible to make them perfectly comfortable, and a8 ® matter of course there was a great dea! of suffering among them, but I regarded that suffering as only incidental to circumstances which surrounded them at the time. Every effort was made It was no proposition to | because I observe that the geu- — to make them comfortable, both on the part of the State and on the of the a en But there were some cruelties inflicted there to my own know- ledge. However, I do not think it would be fair to charge the government that they were chargeable to - inhumanity of certain individuals in charge of them, Mr. Hitt—That is all that | meant, Mr. Buaiye (to Mr, Caulfield)—Will you state whether the prisoners who came from Fort Dor did not occupy and share the same quarters and have exactly the same accommodations as the Iilinois troops had had who left Camp Douglas, which was their camp, and went to Fort Douglas, exchanging places with the prisoners? Mr. CaUL¥igELD—My memory on that point does not serve me. Mr. Bharye (ironically)—Oh! (Laughter.) The gentle- moan dove not recollect that Camp , meprd was made for Union soldiers and was the great recruiting camp of Northern Illinois, Mr, CAUL¥IELD—Now that tion I think the fact was so. Mr. Buarns (still more ironically )—On my! what recollection, (Laughter on the republican side.) That equal tothe recollection of tue gentleman from Georgia, who did not recollect the other day whether he offered the resolution which I read. . Mr. CaUL¥iKLD—My dear sir, | want you to under- stand when I state what my recollection is about a cer- tain point I do not wish you to stand upon this floor | and question my veracity. Mr, Bua: said it was astrange recollection. I do not question the gentleman's veracity at all. Mr. Cavyinip—Then if it isa strange recollection I am not responsible for it. Mr. BLaive—I say this, that if the gentleman does not recollect that Camp Douglas was the recruiting place {rom which these great, noble, gallant regiments ‘Went out who represented Illinois in so many battle- fields he is the only man in Illinois who does not recol- | Tect it, Mr, Cacirisgp—But, sir— Mr. Biase (waving him down)—That is all, Mg. CavLrigup (pe aay dear sir, you called me to the witness stand, and you cannot dis- credit me because I do not discredit myself. right to answer your question fully, and I on that when you first spoke of the question as to whether atrocities had been committed at Camp Douglas my attention was naturally attracted to the time when these men were prisoners there, and was not drawn to the point as to whether thatcamp was first filled by federal soldiers or not, But, now that the gentieman has drawn my attention to the fact, | say tat | think it 18 80, and I may be pormitted to add that Me argument which he makes against my recollection is about as strong as any of the arguments which the gentieman has adduced before the House to-day or the day be- | fore. Mr. Harntsoy, (dem.) of IIL, also rose on the demo- | cratic side of the House and said that he thought his | colleague was wrong, and that Camp Douglas filled with prisoners was not the same as Camp Douglas filled with volunteers, Many buildings had been erected for the latter emergency. When the Fort | Donelson prisoners were brought up the weathor was | very cold, and there was not a sulliciency of houges, but the people of Chicago came forward and attended to the comforts of the prisoners. He would state fur- ther that there were charges made in newspapers— charges which an ex parte witness would have sworn to—that there were cruelties practised at Camp Douglas, that these ex parte statements were not be- | lieved, nor did he now believe the ez parte statements that were brought upon the other side. Some of the prisoners at Camp Douglas had guilered trom thg | severity of the weather, and that had been charged jo the government. Mr. Biaixe (interrupting)—I did not yield for a specch trom the gentleman b you bripg it to my reeollec lbave a answered it. ‘ Mr. Buaiwe—No, the gentleman has pot answered the | question at all, but has gone into along rigmarole not | touching the point at issue, (Laughter. ) } Mr. Harrisox—The gentleman has asked a question. for dlr would be an acknowledgment that Le was right. Mr. Braing—I asked the gentleman whether he knew of eruelties at Camp Douglas. Mr. Harrison—No, sir, but—— Mr. Buaise—Enough; that i enough now. I will | hear the gentioman on this side of the House trom that neighborhood. Mr. Hexpersoy, (rep.) of Ill, (rising on the republi- | can side of the House), said that his colleague on the | other side of the House was mistaken in the assertion | which be had just made, and that to his own personal | knowledge the rebel prisoners confined at Camp Doug- | las were contined in the same camp trom which the | Union soldiers uad moved out. Mr. Harkisoy—But they were not always the same barracks. Mr. Buainr—Oh, no; the barracks were increased for the rebel prisoners. They were enlarged for them. (Laughter on the republican side.) ‘Mr. HexpeRson—I want to eay further that { had oc- | casion many times to visit that camp while the rebel ; haar were confined there, because one of my blood and kindred was a prisoner there, and he told me that be was well treated; that he had no com | plant to make and that he believed the prisoners there were weil treated. I have no doubt but that the rebel | Prisoners there were as well treated | ever were on God’s green earth. publican side.) Mr. BLaixe—I do not care, of course, to conduct this cuse as if it was in court and to call any more wit- | nesses, but if I did there are a “cloud of witnesses,” There are honorable gontiemen on that side of the House whom | will not indelicately mention by name, | who know personally their relations and mine are | most kindly and most friendly, who have been in Union | prisons in the North and who, unless they contradict me, I shall assume by their silence assent io the state- ment that I make. Mr, Joxes of Kentucky, rose. | Mr. BLAine (addressing him)—Was the gentleman one of them ? | Mr. Jones—I wae) | from Maine, and oments. | Mr. Braine—Weil, sir, I shall hear you. { Mr, Joxws—I was one of those gentlemen, Mr. Speaker, who had the honor of being a prisoner of t! Republic. Mr. Buatne—In what fort? Mr. Jonzs—I will tell you if you will allow me time. Mr. BLaixg—Teil me in what tort you were? Mr. Joves—I was not a prisoner of war— Mr, Buaixe (contemptuou:ly)—Oh! (Laughter.) Mr. Jones (continuing}—But a civil prisoner, taken | to Cam) 5 na | Mr. Buaing—I am not dealing with that class. | (Loud laughter on the republican side.) Mr. Jonbs (persisting)—You were asking for the facts of history and | want— Mr. B.arne (interrupting)—No, sir, not T am not dealing with that class of prisoners at all. (Laugh- ter.) any prisoners (Applause on the re- and I am a friend of the gentleman now ask his courtesy for a few jm L | Mr. Jones (still persist‘ng)—I deprecate this unfor- I stated that I brought tunate debate, But when the gentleman from Maine specially rises and appeals to gentiemen on this side of | the House for the facts of history he must not object to hearing them. Mr Biaine—If the Howse agrees to extend my time | 1 wall let the gentleman talk. Mr. Raxpati—I object to U ime being extended. Mr. Buaine—Then | decline to yield. Mr. Joxxs—I appeal to the genticman from Pennsyl- | Vania to do justice and let ine be heard. |. Mr, Buaixs—I was not referring to the gentleman, from Kentucky at all, and I did not know that he bad | man from Georgia scems to ever been a prisoner. | Mr. Minus, (dem.) of Texas (rising on the democratic | side)—1 ask the geutieman {rom Maine to withdraw his | remark that if gentiemen on this side of the House | who ‘# Confederate prisoners did pot rise and deny | Mr. Harxtson—You asked me a question and I have | | 1 | his statement their silence snould be construed as aa | | acknowledgment of its truth, ) Mr. Braive—If any gentleman on that side of the | House desires to contradict it I will yield to him. Mr. Davis, (dem.) of N, ©. (also on the democratic | side)—1 was a prisoner of war at Fort Delaware. motion as if he would not yield Mr. Davis (vociierously)—He asked for the fs and when the facts came out be would not have them. | (Great excitement.) | Mr. Banks, (ind.) of Mass., made the point of order that, after Mr. Blaine’s challenge to the other side, he | had no right to decline yielding, but the Speaker ove: | ruled 1. Mr, Buatse—Let them all arive and dissent. I do [en object; but I do not intend to yield my whole our. Mr. Mitts, of Texas—It ig not the desire on this side to reopen any of the wounds of the late war. We have sat here and listened to charges, but we do not desire | to answer them or to have anything to do with them. We hope, however, that var #ilence will not be recorded | Against Us as an admission of what we know to be | _ Mr. Coox, (dem.) of Ga. —I was one of those who were | wounded and crippies. | | | The Sreaken—! any further? Mr. Biainr—I do not. Mr. Cook—Then take back what you said. Mr. Biaine—Yeo if that will do you any good, or | you may all, over there, stand and dissent. 4 will wait jor you to do that > Mr. Rawpatt—We are not at school now, (Roars of laughter.) scholars, of the geatieman from New York (Mr. Cox) who, as L said, delivered one speech and published another. Mr. Cox—I did not chang iy thing in my speech. Mr. Busixe—l say that the genleman made ono speech and published another, Mr. Cox (contemptacasly)—Go on with your talk. Mr. Biainse—The gentieman talks about the Commit- tee on Conduct of the War being » humbug com- mittee, He did not always talk #0, Ina debate in this House on the 2ist of October, 1864, the gentleman, then trom Obio, said:—*This resolution provides tor inflicting on rebel prisoners who may be 1m our han the same inhumac, barbarous, horrible treatment which has been inflicted on our soldiers." “It does not follow,’ the gentleman continued, “that because the rebels have made brutes and fends of themseives we should do likewise.” Mr. Cox (in an andertone)—That is good reasoning Mr. Buains—‘'Thore is," he continued, ‘‘a certain lat of retaliation in war, but no man will stand uj say, after due reflection, that he would Prisoners thrown into our bands to the same condition exhibited by these skeletons, these ft these | anatomies brought to our attention. It does not fol- low that because our soldiers are treated in the way Tepresented, and no doubt truthfully represented,” &c. 1 will now again ask the gentieman trom Georgia (Mr. Hill) if be recollects whether he was the author of t resolution that I read the other day? Mr. Hni—I stated fps and frankly the be- fore yesterday that I did not recollect being the author of that resolution, Thave nod bt that the resolution was introduced, and I will state vat at that time there was a belief in the Confederacy —— Mr. Biaine (interrapting)—I did not yield for a speech. 1 first want to know whether you were the author of that resolution? Mr. Hns—I hav jt to answer the qnestion. The centieman bas no right whatever to here and luce these ‘oes the genticman from Maine yield _ r, Buaine—If you are you are a most unruly set of | Now, | desire to call attention to the speech | | people. make aspeech. If my time were extended I would not ba ony objection. Mr. Hort (sitting down)}—That resolution applied solely to spies, ‘ Mr. Biaixz (contemptuously)—Oh nonsense! It pro- vided that every person pretending to be a soldier or officer, and the gentleman says it re: to spies. Mr. Hi1—Yes, pretended to be. Mr, Buaive (still contemptuously)—Ob my! (Laugh- ter). Well, the gentleman admitted that he offered from the Judiciary Committee a resolution that every white per: who should ac! commissioned or nea- commissioned officer of itia regiments should, if captured, suffer death, Did that relate to spies too? Mr. Hi.t (uneasily)—Will you allow me to answer? Mr. Biaise—Yes. Did that relate to spies? Mr. Hitt (repeating)—Wili you allow me to answer? Mr. Buaixe—No, sir; Iwill not. Again, another re- solution was offered, that every commissioned or pon- commissioned officer of the enemy, who shall incite slaves to rebellion, &. fer death. Did that relate to spies? what in vain, for anythin, rival that, and I did find, and have among my minutes the proclamation of Valmaseda, Captain General of Cuba, who was recalled by Spain’ because of his cruel- ties against the imhabiiants of that island, and the worst, 1 think, of all the atrocities laid to his charge was the proclamation that every man or boy over fifteen years of age found away from his home and not being able to give a satisfactory reason theretor should suffer | death. “Valmaseda copied it from the resolution of the genileman from Georgia. Mr. Hint (in his seat)—That is not trae. There is no | resemblance in it. Mr. Biaisz—We are told that all the allegations against Jefferson Davis should be forgiven because they are of the dead-past, Mr. Hine (in his seat)—I am alive. Put me on trial. Mir. Buainks—We are told that we should not review them; that there should be nothing in the world that would be calculated to disturb the peaceful serenity of the Centennial year; that every allusion of this kind is calculated to do that very injurious thing. The very Jast declaration that we have from Jefferson Davis authentically in the life which the gentleman read trom the other day as his text-book is this:—To the remark of some person that the cause of the Conlederacy was lost, Mr. Davis said ;—“It appears so, but the principle for which we contended 1s bound to reassert itself, though it may be at another time and in another form.’’ I have here the Atlanta Constitution of January 24, 1875, in which there isa speech made by Hov. Ben min H. Hill, and Se waner, Says it is the grandest speech he ever delivered. Mr. Hi (jeMingly)—That is a mistake, Mr. BLaiwr—I know itis a mistake. I know that the gentleman has delivered many grand speeches, but the editor of this paper says it was the grandest of all, Let me quote from it:— Feifow Cirizexs—T look to the contest of 1876 not only the most important that has ever occurred in American Lory, but ws the most important that hus oceurred in the history of the world, for it the people of this country cannot be rotised to give * ‘unanimous vote against the republican party it will put itself in power by precisely the same means that the President bas taken in’ Louisiaia, and the people Are poweriess to prevent it unless they goto war. (Great Spplause,) “If we fail with the ballot box in 1876 by reuson of force a sturtling preposition will present itself to the American people. ‘The Northern people have had a sufficient subsidence of paxst must have war— You see, his voiee is settled for war. Mr. Hint—Never, Mr. BLamnx (continuing to quote)—‘If we must have war, if we cannot preserve this constitutional govern- p to setéle this question fairly; but ifwe ment through the ballot, if force 1s to defeat the ballot, | and if war must come—God forbid that it shall come! But if folly and wickedness and the mordinate love of power should decree that America must save her con stitution by blood, let it come, 1 am ready.’ Mr. Hutu (rising)—Will the gentieman allow me one word? Mr, Buainr—Not a word, Mr. Hite (sneeringly)—Ob} Mr. Biaixe—In another speech made by that gentle- man, on the 12th of May, he impressed on the colored — men of the country the trutn that if the folly and wickedness of the republican party was to result in war they (the colored people) would be the greatest sufferers. That if peace was preserved they were safe, but that as sure as one war bad freed them just sure another war would enslave them, That, said Mr. Blaine, was precisely the talk we had here by the folio nd ream before the other rebellion. Oh, yes! You were for war then. The gentleman in his specch the other day said:—*The Union is an unmixed biessing.” That is, provided the democratic party can rule it. Mr, Hitt—That’s a fact, Mr. BLaine—But if the republican party is to rule it he is for war, Mr. Hint —Oaly if they undertake to rule it by force. Mr. Bhaixe—But you will call 1 by Joree, Mr. Hiti—it is force if it 8 against the will of the Mr. Biaixe (contemptuously)—That is paltering ina double sense, What the gentleman means, if be means anything, 18, that if the South can come back and rule this country with a Northern democracy, he is in favor of the Union; but, if the republican purty is to have power, he is jor war. Mr. Hit1—No, sir; Iam for the Union everywhere, and against provokers of strife every where. Mr. Biains—Theu you take back what you said at Atlanta f Mr. Hit—No, sir; I said, if you force us into war we will fight for the Union and the constitution; but it is you that are talking of war. Mr. Buaixe—It was the gentleman from Georgia who was preparing the hearts of the peuple for war. I have been eupplied with abundant literature composed of the gentieman’s speeches, which I have not been able torvad, They seem to be a8 voluminous us one of the Spanish chronicles. In one of his speeches, talking bout the removal of political disabilities, he says:— would rather have my name recorded in the book: of the Georgin Penitentiary than inthe books of the removal of disabilities” (Laughter on the republican side and acontradictory shuke of the head by Mr. 1M). “that when you go to Congress avd ask for the re- moval of disabilities, you admit that you have been traitors 1?’ Mr. Hint—From what do you read that? me, when I heard that gentlemen (Mr. Hill), with Bis record, seconded and sustained by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cox), demand here, over the arraign- ment of Abraham Lincoln's administration, and over obloquy and slander on the grave of Edwin M. Stanton, that Jefferson Davis should be restored to full citizenship in this country, Ab! that is a model etacle. (Mr. Hill in his seat—I did not propose it.) ie gentleman from Georgia does not kuow how novel it ig; but the gentleman from New York ought to know it, The gentleman from Georgia does not know and he never enn know how many hundreds and shousands of Northern bo * that lacerates, Mr. Hui—But | never said it, Mr. Blaine mistaken. Mr. BLains—You accused the administration of Lin- colp with violating the carte, with breaking the honor of the government in a thousand things. Your speech, as published, shows it, and 4s soou ae the gentleman made it the gentleman from New York rushed over to him in bot haste to congratulate him, sympathizing, I suppose, with the assault. fir, Biaine—I repeat that that proposition strikes terror, | would almost say, :nto Northern hearts, The gentleman from Georgia, who offered the resolution in the Confederate Congress which 1 haveread, and who now comes to this House after a speech breathing threatenings and slaughter, in which he told the peo- ple that in a certain contingency he means war, and in which he advises bis ean to be ready for tt, that gentieman comes here arraigning the ad- You are ministrayion which conducted the war and saved the Unioh, and he asks us to join with him in paying the last ‘ull measure of honor which the American Congress can pay to the arch enemy and arch flend of the Union. Suppose Jeflerson Davis is not pardoned, is not amnestied, (ironically) Oh! we cannot have the centenmal year without that, No man on this side of the House has ever intimated that Jefferson Davis should be refused pardon on account of a political crime, It is because of a personal crime; and if you ask that there must be a harmonious and universal re- joicing over every forgiven man, take out of prison all your criminals, take out men sentenced for piracy and inurder, and proclaim the jubilee indeed, A MEMBER on the democratic side—Let us include the whiskey convicts too. Mr. BLarNe—That reminds me ofone thing which I might have forgotten. The gentieman from Georgia said that the logic which I bad presentea the other day with reference to Davis made General Grant respon- sible for McDonald and Joyce, The gentleman may have thought that that was wit. I cannot see it Mr. Hitt—I know you cannot. Mr. Buaine—It was not as witty the gentleman from New York. It was mere grim, If Jefferson Davis, the moment that the crimes of Andersonville were brought to his attention, bad arraigned the per- potrators of them at once and issued an order that no guilty man should escape, then there would be sume little consistency in the gentleman's position. (Applause on the republican side and in the galleries. ) It was tll conceived and in very bad taste for the gen- tleman from Georgia to introduce General Grant's name in this conn n—Vvery bad taste, indeed; but I may mention on the authority of General Grant, whom the gentleman from Georgia impugned in conbection with the exchange of prisoners, that one trouble in relation to the exchange of prisoners was that the Davis government observed no honor in the matter. General Grant states the brigade of Carter Stevenson, who was dislodged at Chattanooga, was made up of paroled prisoners taken at ‘Vicksburg, and that Stevenson himself was one of them, and he states the paroled prisoners who were taken one day and discharged were found the next day 1 front of his line. But in stating this General Grant wus careful to say that for Lee and the two Johnstons and Pemb ton and the great Confederate generals they had be: n honor itself, but that with the Davis executive govern- | ment there Was no honor whatever. of prisoners who died on each side I have been told by av army surgeon that there was a large number of DEATHS AMONG THE KENKL PRISONERS, but that during the latter part of the war they came ito our hands very much exhausted, ill clad, ill fed, diseased, and that they dled of the’ diseases thoy brought’ One eminent surgeon said to me that the question was not, what was the condition of the | prisoners when they came to us, but what it was when | tukem emaciated, Mr, BLains—From the Cinciunat: Daily Gazette (oon- | temptuous gesture trom Mr. Hill), giving an account of | & great meeting, at which Howell Cobb, Toombs and esata H. Hill made speeches, and there the gentieman declared that be would rather have his name on the hst of the Georgia Penitentiary than on the list of removals of disabilities. The gen- Ueman from Ohio (Mr. Garfeld) happened in bis speech yesterday to mention the word “perjury,” and ‘good deal of fecling was exhibited at it by gentlemen on the other side. Now, I would like to ask the gen- tleman from Georgia a question, to which he can reply when he gets the floor. Mr. Hi.t—Wiill you not allow me to answer it now? Mr. Biaink—Not now. Suppose this great war that you bave to inangurate if the republican party gets into power takes place and that you join it, and those who sympathige with you Join it—aithough you have all taken the oath to bear true faith and allegiance to the constitution of your country—what relation would your conduct bear to perjury ? Mr. Hitt—That would be standing up for the constt- tution Against Mr. BLawe—' you who violate 11 Yes; bus you are going to fight the Union, Mr. Hu.t—Oh, no—not Looe. to fight the Union, but to fight the enemy. (Applause on the democratic side.) No, sitt We are in, and we are going to stay in. We aro not going out any more. Mr. BLains—The effect of this speech of the gentle. been very tremendous down there, for one of his organs says:—'We assert, without fear of coutradiction, that Mr. Hill, im his bit- ter denunciation of scallawags and carpet-baggers, de- verred thousands of them from enteriug the rapks of the radical party. “They dare not do so, for tear of so- cial ostraciom, and to-day the white people of Georgia | are almost unanimously democratic am a result of the Jabors of Mr. Hill.’’ (Mr. Cox, of New York—Good tor | Hill!) Ina certain event he is for war, Mr. Cox—Oh, Blaine, dry up! Mr. BLainx (not noticing Mr. Cox’s remark) con- Unued—The gentieman from Georgia cannot, by with holding bis speech from publication and by revising it and Oxing tt up for circulation among northern demo- crats probably erase his ‘bes in Georgia. Mr. Hitt (in bis neat)—by speech 1 already inthe bands of the printer. Mr. Biaixe—I have quoted those Georgia speeches from democratic papers. There is no excuse that the report is a perversion of his speeches in the republican papers. The gentlema certain contingency—that of the republican party hav- as os wer—he is for war. ir. Hitt. (deprecatingly)—No, sir. Mr. Buaing—And | undertake here to say that [in all the hot wrath of the Thirty sixth Con- gress, which preciptiated the rebeliion in this country, there is not one speceh to be found which breathes a more determined resistance to law- ful authority or a greater readiness to resist it than the speech here which | have quoted—not one | said in my first speech that God forbid that | should Jay at the door of the Southern people, as a people, these atrocities. { repeat it. 1 will not lay such charges at their door. 1 kuow very well, for I have read it in this ex parte humbug report, that there was a deep movement among the Southern people about these atrocities, that there was a profound sensibility on the subject. | know that their great leading Robert | | they were sent back, “Do you not know, my friends,” he continues, | Our men were taken tn tull they came back wasted and The rebel + prisoners were and General Grant says that at the time such superhuman efforts were made on the heulth and strength; worn skeletons. | Confederate side for exchange, there were 90,000 pris- oners in our hauds, who would have entered the regu- lar army fat, in good health and ready for fight- ing. That sheds a great deal of light on what the gen- Ueman from Georgia said, Mr. Blaine then read a let- ter from Robert Ould, Confederate agent of exchange, to Colonel Myers, directing him, if thes exigencies re- quired the use of trains for the transportation of corn, to pay no regard to the Yankee prisoners, as it was | better to let them starve than for their own soldiers to suffer. Mr. Buaine then referred to the military order is- sued by General Winder to open a fire of grape upon the prisoners at Andersonville if the Union troops cate within seven miles (which order, Mr. Hill intimated, was a forgery); to the use of bloodhounds for hunting As tothe number | | any government since t down escaped prisoners (Mr. Hill admitted that thero | were dogs kept for that purpose, but denied that they were bloodhounds), aud ended Uy saying:—In view of ail of these facts I’ have only to say that if the Ameri- can Congress, by a two-thirds vote, shal! pronoance Jefierson Davis worthy to be restored to the full rights of American citizenship I can only vote against it.and hang my head in silence. SPEECH OF MR. RANKS, Mr. Banks, of Mass., proposed to amend the bill by striking out all after the first section and substituting provision that any person now lying under political disabilities shall be fully and forever relieved therefrom upon appearing befare a United States court or any court of record and taking the following oath :— 1, A—— B—, do solemnly swear that I will support and pited States against all ene- Iwill bear true faith and nee ‘obey ail laws made in pursuance thereof, and that I this, obligation freely. without auy mental reservation or purpose of evasion whatever. 3 of the case, and to give a verdict whien will ve accepted by the world as @ true verdict. There are too mapy prizes before us, and we aregtoo deeply interested in grasping them to be of to be willing, if we wi able, to do justice. Therefore, sir, the history of the not yet written, The history of Mr. Jeferson participation in it is not written. There is no judgment of history upon this question, Nothing yet is so established that it cannot be gainsaid. Who will write that history? 1 do not know; but it will be done. It will be done faithfully, and all parties will receive justice. Lord Bacon said that when he in trouble he left nis name and reputation to after age and to foreign nations. It is quite possible tnat the final verdict in regard toy our great civil war, the ver- dict which will be accepted by the world as the true verdict, 18 to ke pronounced by the people of foreign nations. I am perfectly sure that we cannot pronounce at now, and I dismiss from all consideration the declara- tions, arguments, aspersions and recriminations which for a week past | have beard so constantly in this chamber, I do not doubt that the sol ders of Confederacy may bave suffered in the North, nor do I doubt that the soldiers of the North may ha a fered territiy ip the South. It was incident to the condition of things. For guilty, whoever they may be, | pray forgiveness; tay nave been, I in: for the suffering, whoever Lop yoke the blessing of God; for the crimes themeetves, I say. let the earth bide them; let us shut them out of sight, (Applause on the democratic side.) Let us turn from them in the belief that hereafter all these ques- tions will be properly considered, that al! parties will have their due credit, and that when the final verdict ig rendered, the judgment of the country and of the world will be satistied thereby, For myself, air, | prefer to turo to other considerations asa guide In my action here. As a member of the House, I lea! the past and look to the future, Lf I follow the genti man from Maine (Mr. Blaine) and bis friends on this side lean change nothing of the past Notone dead can be raised to life; uot one wound can be assuaged; not one sorrow or one sigh can be diminished by any- thing that | or that we can do. Let, then, that which ispast, and which cannot be changed oF affected by apytbing that we do stand for THAT JUDGMENT WHICH 18 TO COME, which must come here and hereafter, Lotus look to the present condition of the country, . ‘There is one thing, Mr. Speaker, which is especially dosired by all the people, and that is peace, general peace—peace in all sections, with all part and races. This declaration of Amnesty step that hag to be taken to that end—the very first step. Nothing else will answer in the place of i. Crediv has been claimed for what has been done already in the but every step in that direction i way of amnesty, has been compelled by the people ot the country, speak in part for New England, I speak in part f Massachusetts, and | hope that Massachusetts will give a vote approaching unanimity upon this question. If Mr. Jelterson Davis has committed crime let him be tried and punished. Why should we plead the statute of limitations for him?” We have had him tn our prisons and under our (ndictment, yet we did not press im to trial, much less to @ conviction. At this very seat where I now stand the counsel for the govern- ment in the prosecution of Jefferson Davis came to me and advised me, as they advised other representatives from Massachusetts, that it was not wise for the gov- ernment to proceed in the prosecution against tho map, And why should we stand here pow and mar the great act of this country, the act of UNIVERSAL AMNESTY AND PRACK, by reference to tho errors or the crimes we may be- eve him to have committed? This act of amuesty is nota mere centennial act; it is the act of a great peo- ple, it will stand inf history as U reatest event of the century, tis the first time in the history of the world when @ great nation, by its people, 40,000,000 in num- ber, atter having gone through a terrible ‘struggle and conquered their enemies, have risen up in their majesty and said, “Let them be forgiven.” There is no act of ation of the world tbat will compare jn eublimity with this act if it shall be passed ; and to take (his sacred document, this majestic declaration of the people, and plaster it over with the crimes that may be charged against an individnal, is to blur the grace and glory of clemency, to take the rose from the FAIR POREUEAD OF A GOLDLIKE ACT, stand stick a blister there.”’ (Applause.) Mr. Speaker, when the people of other States shall come here during the present year to wituess the achievements of our republican government after the expiration of a cen- 'y, remembering, a8 they do, even better than our- selves, the events of our great war, our highest tri- umph will be to lot them hear the shouts of the whole people in joyous congratulations upon the grand act dnd of oblivion to all classes and persons for (Applause. ) sald that the message from Massachusetts had been spoken to the House by his eloquent aud distinguished colleague (Mr. Banks), His colleague bad sent back the answer of Maysachusetts tothe gaunt and gory spectre which the gentieman (Mr. Blatne), like some magician of the Black Art, bad, with devilish ingenuity, called up to mar the festal cheer of the Republic. (Applause on the democratic side.) He seconded the sentiments expressed by bis colleague, He referred to the fraternal demonstra- tion at the recent Bunker Hill Centennial An- niversary in Boston, when, be said, under the shades of the Palmetto ‘tree broaght’ by the soldiers of South Carolina and planted beside the Pine as an emblem of reunion, the people of the North shook | hands with the people oi the South in eternal amity, Mr. Hare, of Maine—I object to that amendment | unless the amendment of my colleague (Mr. Blaine) be The Speagrr (Mr. weather in the chair)—The Chair does not now consider that that amendment is , in order. Mr. Biarse—Of course not. Mr. Raxbati—It the Chair will permit, I will state how I can allow that amendment to be brought in. The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Biaine), perhaps unwittingly ip asking yesterday that ould be allowed to «pe to-day, and in taking that right has lost the opportu pit this bill, so thatany wmendmert can co’ The | gentieman from Maine perhaps forgot that after the | bave to atyure that oath and swear ail: second day a motion to reconsider the engrossment of | a bill is not in order, Mr. Baire—Then amendment in at all Mr. Ranpati—I will suggest if you will allow me Just be easy. I propose to ask the unanimous consent of this House that the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Banks) may have the opportunity of offering that amendment, and do not expect that you will object. Mr. BLaine—I do object. Mr. Raxpatr—Then | will find some other way, and ‘ou are only exposing the insincerity of your position ere. ‘The Cnain ruled that the amendment proposed by Mr. Banks was pot in order. Mr. Raypai—! will manage it, I think, so as to get iti order unless the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Blaine) prevents. (Laughter on the republican side, ) Mr. Bays said he did not propose to engage in the discussion of the subjects which so far in this debate had engaged the attention of the House. He was not opposed to a general amnesty bill; nay, if pressed to vow, he would probably vote for sucha bill without any declaration of condition connected with 1s But he preferred his own amendment, and, taking tu case of Jefferson Davis as an ‘illustration, pointed oct if the bill introduced were to becorme law Mr, Davis and others like him would be restored to full political rights as citizens of the United States without ever having ab- jured their oath of fealty to the Confederate govern- ment. lt might be said that these gentiemen would janco to the to any office, United States: before they could be elect | but that Mr. Banks thought was not sufficient. The deliveraiely states that in a | oificere protested against it | know that many subordinate officers protested — against honorable general | resenting his State in the Senate protested against it, Butl bave searched the records in vain to find that the gentieman from ow (Mr. Hill) protested against ij. It was known to Confederate Congress—it was known at the doors of the Confederate Senaie and in the corridors of | its capital. The honorable and venerable gentieman now in my eye (alluding to Henry F Congress, to show how were known here I offered im this House on the 7th of Janu ary, 1864 (Hero Mr. Biaine quoted resolutions the language of which showed that the sufferings of the Union woners were generally known on both sides of the line, and he added that the author of them was Samuel J, Randall, of Pennsylvania, (Laughter at the expense of Mr. orn br iso referred to resolution offered Mr. Washburne, of Iilinots, ap- proving of the humane efforts of the ad: ecure an exchange of prisoners, and he said that among those who voted -against it was Samuel 8, Cox, then of Obio, (Laughter at the expense of Mr, Cox.) Mr, Cox (interrupting)—The honorable hyena from Maine— Mr. Biarwe~I am not to be interrupted. FF op Saale pete aca bimself)—1 say the honorn- je gen rom Maine interrupted me five ti by hes day, fra edo come hg Re tr. Braink—Yes, but the gentieman from Pennsy!- vania (Mr. Randal!) bas notified me that bs Ay xtended, Sees hove re.% Cox (lerociously)—Well, bellow away; you area Mr. Buatye (not noticing the remark)—Mr. er, Ihave very little time lett; but I contees- a tent un. there was memory feeling it bled within entirely will read regolutions to = gentleman from : aie (with no m) sires a aale'e ceed See these matiers | privilege of electing men to office was one of the hign- est privileges of American citizenship, and this they could exercise without taking the oath. Mr. Banus said the difference between his amend- ment. and Mr. Blait wus that his did not make Jefferson Di ap exception, The gevtieman from Maine (Mr. Blaine) proposea vo except Mr. Davis upon the ground that he had been guilty of individual erimos against the mates are you going to get your | United States; that he was responsibie for the atroci- ties committed at Andersonville and other places dur- | ing the war. For m him respousible for those atrocities. any man who bas been connected with O¥- ernment will be ready to concede that every officer charged with the ehief executive action of any State or government is compelied, by virtue of bis situation, to do many things which are absolutely disapproved that by his jadgmeut. It is one of these conces- sions that are constantly made that a man yields his judgment or his wisnes upon one point in order to secure co-operation by bis oppo- nenis upon another. Therefore, sir, | do not bold either that the President of the United States is re- spousible for all or for any acts of lis subordinates, ny matter how near he may bave been in connection wt them, nor how closely they may be allied to him by friendship or political relationship; nor do 1 hold Mr. Davis responsible for everything that occurred under the government of which he assumed to be the head. In regard to THE ATROCITIRG AT ANDERSONTILLE and elsewhere Mr. Banks said it was impossibly for the people of the United States to doubt that they had been committed, and no doubt it was impos- sible for the people on the other side to believe that the representations made here as to the treatment of Confederate prisoners wore exactly true, But these questions could not be settied here, Men accused of crimes were not to be condemned as guilt} without being heard, and be (Mr. Banks) ‘sasented wit his whole heart to the declaration of his colleague (Mr. Seely) yesterday that these of crimes did not belong to the question before the House—the granting of a general amnesty. The question of how prisoners we treated on both sides during the civil war belongs e DOMAIN OF MisTORT and could not yet be justly devermined even by that tribunal, The records produced—the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War—must undoubt- edly be taken to be substantially true, but it certainly Was not history, nor was its judgment the judgment of history. Sir, said Mr. Bani the nistory of the war is not yet and cannot yet be written. It cannot be written in regard to those that were opposed to the existence of the Union. It caynot be written in re. gard tw the officers and soldiers of the American amy, who perilied their ives im defence of the Union. There is too much of pas- sion, too much of prejudice, too litue regard for truth, too little regard for loyalty to the great principle upon which our government resis— absolute justice, individual an allow as to make a careful aud just survey Of ai) the orcumstances If, said Mr. Banks, I do not bold | | he bad been accused of crim | for word, in y to move @ recousideration of the engrossment of | and declared that from the statute books of the nation and from the hearts of the people should be erased every monument that would perpetuate the memory of civil strife. That was the voice of Massachusetts to-day. He came here not to offer any partial amnesty which would spoil its grace and nobility, but full and com- piete amnesty, ubiversal as that grace and mercy which God himself gave to his guilty children. Mr. Moxey, (rep.) of La, spoke in favor of tm. partial amnesty. If the Confederate leaders bad beer guilty of the crimes charged to them they shoula have been tried and punished ten years ago. It was now too late for thal, and it was illogical and unjust to except one man from the operation of the act because for which he had never een brought to trial, He paid « high tribute to a few popes a unfliaching Union men tn the South, and denounced the pseudo-Unionista who were too cowardly to fight for the Union, but came forward at the close of the war, ready to take the iron-clad oath for the sake of office. He said the ex-Conlederate soldiers were the best element of the Southern people, except the few Union men be bad referred to, MR, RANDALL'S SPREOR. Mr. Raxpaut, of Pennsylvania, closed the debate. \at in preparing the bill he had followed, word bstance the one which the gentieman from Maine (Mr. Blaine), as a member of the Commit- tee on Rules, had himself concurred in at th sion He (Mr. Blaine) had not then rushed to ti with big venom, because, perhaps, be occupied at that time a@ different position from that which he oécupied now. Daring the war, while the gentleman and himself wero members of ul House together, they had co-operated in every measure to prosecute the war for the restora- tion of the Union and the securing of peace throughout the land 1t_ was only after the surrender at Appo- mattox Conrt House that their ways bad begun to di verge. He (Mr, Randall) bad begun then to look for the enactment of measures having in view the peace of te country and the restoration of harmony, while the gentleman pursued a course of legislation calculated to irritate and tw keep alive the hates and passions of civil war, To-day he (Mr. Randall) preseuted measure and asked its passage in the spirit of the Jution offered the other day by the gentleman from In- diana (Mr. New), for which the gentieman from Maine voted, but which he had — aignally departed from. Amnesty, to be of — any vaiue, mast be impartial. its effect om mere individuals wae unimportant, ITS GREAT EPPRCT was on the hearts and minds of the-people at large. He (Mr, Randall) wanted to bave an end of the war and of the political rancors engendered by it Unlike the entieman irom Maine, who rubbed the sore instead of applying the plaster, he (Mr. Randall) said, in the words of General Grant—and he commended them to the gentieman trom Maine— “LRT US HAVE PRACK.”? It was not his province to inquire into the gentle~ man’s (Mr. Biaine’s) motives, but bis conduct would lead to the conclusion that bis ambition prompted him to ride into some higher place on the bad feolings Sought to be aroused by bim—an appeal to the bad passions of men, so unworthy of him and anworthy of bis party, He referred to TWO INPAMOUS. ROLRS passed by the last House under the lead of Mr. Bla and said, in conclosion, that he bronght forward Ul measure in po spirit of partisanship, but in the spirit of patriotism, and the gentieman from Maine fitee un- derstood the sentiment of the people when he inter- fered with this bill of amnesty Mr. Biaine inquired whas infamous rules he referred ’ Mr. Rawpant—He alluded to rates 166 and 167, de- signed to cut off the rights of the minority, and which the present House had repealed. Mr. BLaine reminded him that he himself (Mr. Ran- bea had the credit of voting for the rst of these rules. The debate having closed, Mr. Ranaut asked unani- mous consent to bave Mr. Banks’ amendment voted Mr. Blaine ered. He then moved to commit the bill to the Judiciary Committee with instructions report it back forth- with with Mr. Ba: amendment. Mr. Srarkwearner, who had been in the Speaker's chair, came down on the door and said that, as one of the Judiciary Committee, be desired to consider the bill in committee, Mr, Ranpa.t—i never classed you as an opponent to enty. . STARKWEATHER—I am not an opponent of amnesty, but [ am an opponent of every attempt to pass measures Without am opportunity for offering an#ndmenta The bill with Mr. Banks’ amendment—Mr. Blaine’ Dot having been admitted—was referred to the Judi- clary Committee, and the motion to reconsider the ref- erence was made by Mr. Biaine and laid on the 7 fo that the bill cannot be reported back except under the regular call of committees, The House then, at a quarter past eight, adjourned until to-morro' A RICKETY SOHOOL HOUSE, The school house on Lewis streot, Union Hill, N, J. attended by over 600 children, is reported to be {1 unsafe tion, The Board of Education have been notfed. AN OVERCROWDED SCHOOL, Poblic School No. 17, in West Forty-seventh street, between Eighth and Ninth avenues, ts in one of the most thickly populated districts of the T second ward, and accommodates 1,400 children in 4 ent of which Mrs. Mary M : prlasigak ste mhccisees roast obliged treed applicants for want of ey