The New York Herald Newspaper, January 10, 1876, Page 4

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

4 NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY? JANUARY 10; 1876. NEW YORK HERALD LG The City Charter—Spring Elections. | session, which puts the home rule move-]Cam We Have More Dynamite Hor The editor of the Evening Hypress is a | ment proper rather in the background. As ~ ‘The Centennial Appropriation. patronage of Congress as a monument of The appropriation in aid of the Interns-| their solicitude for the advancement of tional Exposition having been favorably re- | knowledge, without which the blessings of BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every Way in the year. Four cents per copy. Ywelve dollars per year, or one dollar per jnonth, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphio fiespatches must be addressed New Yore nar. Letters and packages should be properly Jealed. Rejected communications will not be re- jurned. ‘ LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—AVENUE DE L’OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms ns in New York. Se AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, Lyf ipa House, Broadway, corner of fweuty-ninth street, M, —THE CUT GLOVE, Broadway, corner of Thi st t 8 PL |. Jule Keen. Matin M.; closes at 10 Poe GLOBE THEATRE, Mos. 728 and 750 Broudway. RIBTY, at 8 P.M. BC ‘wenty-third street and SPM. Mr. Lawrence 3: THE, Wo, 514 Broadway.—V IRD AVENUK THEATRE, rd avenne, between Thirtieth and Thirty‘Grst streets.— BANORAMA, at 8 P.M. COLO! Pitetyfourth street and Brosdw ARIS. Open from 1 P. M, to Ww 10 P. Mt uM, —PRUSSIAN SIEGE OF P.M. and from 7:30 P. M. TIVOLI THEATRE, Fighth street, near Third avenue.—VARIETY, at 8P. M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, fey Thirteenth street.—HOME, at 8 P. M. ; closes Bron Mr. Lester Wallack, dwa, Ac 1045 PARISIAN VARIETIES, Fixteenth street, near Broadway.—VAKIETY, at 8 P. M. BROOKLYN THEATRE, Poin street, Brooklyn.—OUR BOYS, at SP.M. Mr. obn E. Owens. CHICKERING HALL, ith avenue and Eichteenth street.—MAN AND IIIS MAS ERS, at8 P.M. John B. Gough. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Bryarer and Fourteenth street.—KOSE MICHEL, at 8 OLYMPIO THEATRE, No, 624 Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M. FIFTH Exgntsyeighth stroct, ne ‘auny Davenport. E THEATRE, Broadway.—PIQUE, at 8 P. M. TONY PASTO: Nos. 585 and 587 Broad: PARK THEATRE, Brosdwar and Twenty-second street.—THE WIDOW HUNT, “SP. M. John Dillon. EAGLE THEATRE, Broadway and Thirty-third street.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M. GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street.-HARD TIMES, at 8 P. M. BOWERY THEATRE, at8P.M. Lillie Wilkenson. Bowery.—SUNSH NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANU. Res === From our reports this morning the probabilie Ves are that the weather to-day will be cloudy, with rain. Tue Henaup sy Fast Man, Trars.—Nevs- dealers and the public throughout the Slates of New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, as well as in the West, the Paciyic Coast, the North, the South and Southwest, also along the lines of the Hudson River, New York Central and Pennsylvania Central Railroads and their con- nections, will be supplied with Tux Henaxp, iree of postage, kxlraordinary inducements offered to newsdealers by sending their orders Cirect to this office. 1s7e, | Tue Beton Mixers still seem to need the attention of the military, for two bat- talions of carabineers have been sent to Charleroi. Roussta’s Pars through Central Asia will be a bloody one, to judge by the latest despatches from the seat of war. It is worthy of note that she pushes steadily on, Genrrat Tristany, one of the most noted of the Carlist leaders, is said to be willing to Bubmit to Alfonso if allowed to retain his rank, This appears to be about the only way Carlism will be overcome—namely, by deple- tion from desertion, as the generals who pro- pose to fight it down make no more progress than the Madrid people, whoare endeavoring to telegraph it out of existence. Tue Rervetic or Harri cannot get on very well without a revolution now and again, the custom of changing rulers by the ballot being considered repugnant to all the tradi- tions of that divided island. Hence the in- formation that a schooner load of war mate- rial will soon be smuggled out of an American port to back the claims of some rival to the sable President, Domingue, will not startle our citizens, but it should receive the atten- tion of the authorities, for we are at peace with Hayti. Pennars THe Most Avpacious campaign document ever issued is that from the pen of M. Ollivier to the electors of Var, of which we have an outline by telegraph. That he, the man who declared as Prime Minister that he went to war ‘with a joyous heart,” should say that were it not for a number of “ifs” France would have been victorious, is natural enough, but when he so far falsifies history as to lay all the shortcomings, blun- ders and frauds which were the direct out- come of the Lower Empire at the door of the revolution then unborn, he puts a heavier load upon credulity than it ever was called on to sustain even in France. Camenos's Great Mancu.—The tidings at present to hand of Lieutenant Cameron's march are too meagre to bear scientific discussion, It is certain that he has traced an effluent of the Tanganyika in a south- westerly direction until it entered a large lake, which he has called “Livingstone.” Thence he saw a great river emerge in a westerly direction, and this he believes to be the Congo, although he was prevented by hostile tribes from verifying that theory. As the course of his Tanganyika effluent can scarcely fail to bring it into the lacustrine system of Livingstone’s Luapula and Lual- aba, which runs in s northerly direction west of Lake Tanganyika, after having turned from its westerly course south of Tangan- wika, we must withbold comment for a time, ported on by the Centennial Committee liberty cannot be fully enjoyed or long pre- there seems a fair of its passage by | served; as a model instructive in the forma- Congress without opposition. It would be unfortuhate in many points of | enlightened preceptors; a8 a central resort tion of other seminaries; as a nursery of view for the Centennial Exposition to fail. The greater part of the governments of all civilized nations have accepted the invita- tion of the government of the United States to participate in that interesting occasion, and have made appropriations of money to enable their national productions to be suit- ably represented. It would be a most un- seemly and humiliating thing if our foreign guests, induced by our invitation to spend money and make preparations, should find after all that they have been trifled with and asked to assist at a ridiculous interna- tional miscarriage. Even if the Exposition had been appointed for an ordinary year the country would suffer a great loss of dig- nity ; but in our centennial year, so linked with proud memories and patriotic associa- tions, it would be too mortifying for patient endurance. Another reason why the Exposi- tion ought not to fail is its happy effect, if brilliant and successful, in burying the re- cent differences’ between the North and the South, of which we had a gratifying foretaste in the patriotic celebrations at Lexington and Bunker Hill last Apriland June. The favorite regiments of Richmond and Charles- ton attended the Bunker Hill centenary, and the enthusiastic welcome which they and other Southern citizens received did more than anything that has occurred since the civil war to revive frater- nal fecling nd relight the fires on the common altar. «The grand appeal to Revolutionary memories and national pride which will attend a majestic and glorious celebration of the centennial of our inde- pendence will have a magical effect in foster- ing patriotic zeal, that ‘cheap defence of na- tions.” The petty and illiberal carping against this appropriation is so discordant with the generous pride and warm love of country which pervade the national heart that Con- gress will pay no heed to it. Congress does not doubt, and has no reason to doubt, that such an appropriation would be perfectly constitutional. The original and most stren- uous opponents of an appropriation admitted that it was constitutional by the very form of their opposition. ‘They caused the insertion in the act of 1871 of a declaration that ‘the United States shall not be liable for any expenses attending such Exhibition, or by reason of the same;” and a similar declaration was repeated in the act of 1872. ‘This precau- tion would have been quite needless if the incurring of such expense is repugnant to the constitution, because an unconstitutional appropriation would be void of itself. Those precautionary declarations were made on grounds of economy and expediency, and would have been superfluous if expense of that kind is unwarranted by the constitu- tion. They were doubtless wise in 1871 and 1872, when the country was apparently in a state of high prosperity. Had that delusive prosperity continued the contributions for the Exposition would have been ample from other sources and there would have been no necessity for an application to Con- gress. But the panic which set in in 1873, and the universal stagna- tion which has followed, have blighted the prospects which seemed so fair when the movement was started. Meanwhile the na- tional honor has become committed by the invitations sent to and accepted by all the leading foreign nations, and it is better to make an appropriation than that the centen- nial of our. independence should be a by- word and laughing stock throughout the civilized world. The appropriation will cost less than three and three-fourths cents per capita to our population, and the number of citizens must be small indeed who are un- willing to pay their share rather than hang their heads with shame in the presence of our foreign guests. Congress has precluded itself from raising constitutional objections by what it has already done. It has appropriated half a million for erecting a building on the Centennial grounds for the government exhibition. Now, whatever the authority may be which warranted that appropriation, it will equally warrant a further appropria- tion in aid of the Centennial. That grants for like purposes of promoting science and knowledge are within the power of Congress has been assumed by our statesmen from the beginning of the government. Washington, who was a member of the Convention which framed the constitution and its presiding officer, said in his first annual address to Congress:—"‘The advancement of agricul- ture, commerce and manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need recom- mendation ; but I cannot forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual en- couragement, as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as to the exertions of skill and genius in pro- | ducing them at home.” If the Cen- tennial Exposition is successful it will contribute to ‘‘the introduc- tion of new and useful inventions from abroad,"’ which was strongly recom- | mended by Washington as among the fore- most duties of Congress, ‘Nor am I less | persuaded,” he added, ‘‘that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness.” The answer of the House, drafted by Madison and adopted | unanimously, without alteration, fully in- dorsed these sentiments. It said :—We | concur with you in the sentiment that agri- culture, commerce and manufactures are | entitled to legislative protection, and that the promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a free govern- | ment; in the progress of our deliberations | we shall not lose sight of objects so worthy of our regard.” Madison's indorsement should naturally carry more weight than anybody's _ else, because he con- tributed more to the formation of the constitution than any other person, and may be presumed to have understood its mean- ing. When he became President he recom- of youth and genius from every part of this country, diffusing on their return examples of those national feelings, those liberal sen- timents, those congenial manners which con- tribute cement to our Union and strength to the political fabric of which that is the foun- dation.” Such were the Jiberal senti- ments of Washington and Madison re- specting the promotion by Congress of science and useful knowledge among our people. The views of Congress have not been s0 broad as those of these two eminent Presi- dents, but our statute books abound with laws which acknowledge the constitution- ality of legislation for diffusing intelligence, of which the land grants for schools and col- leges in all the new States and the exception of philosophical instruments, works of art and scientific books from duties when im- ported for the use of institutions of learning, are examples, The explor- ing expeditions and lithograph- ing and engraving of the models in the Patent Office for gratuitous distribution in all the States and Territories, are also conspicuous illustrations of the ex- ercise by Congress of an authority to diffuse knowledge at the expense of the Treasury. It would be easy enough to point out the sources of this authority in the constitution itself if so strong a body of precedents did not seem to render it a needless task. The public will be more likely to think the few small cavillers are mistaken than that the very authors of the constitution did not un- derstand it, and that Congress has been leg- islating without any warrant for the greater part of a hundred years. The Shame of Our Local Politics. The shame of our local politics is not so much in the distribution of political patron- age as in the corrupting influences which surround those engaged in its distribution. It matters not whether the real source of power is in the Custom House or in Tam- many Hall, the effects are equally degrading and hurtful. It is not often, however, that a single case exhibits all the evils of which we have a right to complain; but a story was told in the Herarp yesterday which was in itself an epitome of everything that is espe- cially discreditable in city politics. It seems that aman named Haw had obtained the control of the republican organization in the Twenty-first Assembly district and wielded his power in opposition to the wishes of Collector Arthur, who is the John Kelly of that party. Boss Arthur, like Boss Kelly, saw the necessity of reorganizing an un- friendly district, but unlike the latter the former had no subservient machinery ready to his hand, and so he could not turn Haw out of power with as little ceremony as Kelly used in the deposition of Morrissey. Not only did Arthur temporize and manwu, vre, but he finally succeeded in overcoming his enemy only by a straight out bargain and sale, buying off Haw and his friends at an ab- surdly low figure. A fifteen-hundred-dollar office in the Department of Buildings the price Haw obtained for the leadership his district, and now there is peace once more in the party because Boss Arthur is everywhere supreme in its councils. His supremacy, however, will not obliterate the disgrace of a transaction like this, which, while it is not a new thing in our politics, comes with all the force of a revelation of shame. It is disgraceful that men like Haw should be able to wield any political power whatever, and it is equally disgraceful that the Collector of Customs for the port should assume to be the political dictator of the metropolis. What, then, shall we say of the shame of the bargain into which Arthur is said to have entered with Haw? Words can searcely characterize the contempt with which such political bargaining ought to be received, and if the people were alive totheir true political interests such bargains would soon become impossible. We might as well expect the millennium, perhaps, as to expect the people of New York to participate in the primary meetings of either political party, but until they take their own aflairs into their own hands we may expect the shame of our local politics to continue. Boss Kelly and Boss McLaughlin. We have waited patiently to see whether Boss Kelly would not be so swayed by the force of example as to imitate Boss McLaugh- lin in retiring from patty leadership in con- sequence of party defeat, So fur the lesson of the Brooklyn magnate seems lost on his New York compeer. Is it possible that John Kelly has not heard of the action of Hugh McLaughlin? If he has his failure to make any response is inexplicable. Kelly and McLaughlin both come from the same coun- try—a country where the Ministry always retires when the elections are adverse. There is nothing in the unwritten law of the British constitution more beneficial in its po- litical effects than this principle of obedience to the popular will—it is a principle which even the most hostile of Irishmen to the English throne would not reject. Why, then, does John Kelly reject it? The people of New York have told him in unmis- takable language that they do not want him for a ‘‘boss.” They have defeated his candidates and made Tammany Hall to be despised where before it was feared. McLaughlin was taught a similar lesson in Brooklyn, and he had the manliness to heed it. Kelly, however, has the effrontery to go on as if the old Wigwam under his leadership was still triumphant and the banners of ‘Tammany had not been trailed in the dust the as the legitimate result of his bossism.! McLaughlin's example is lost on him. Thé force of the British constitution + shake his resolution to hold on to power as long as he is able to grasp it. His motto seems to be, “Once a boss always a boss ;” and intrenched as he is in Tammany Hall he is determined not to go out until he is kicked out. Even that may happen, for it has hap- pened before now to men stronger in every way than John Kelly, In view of this possi- bility we again commend Boss McLaughlin's example’ to our ‘‘boss,” and we cannot doubt if Kelly will only turn tt over in his mended, in three different annual messages, the establishment of a national univovsity. “Such an institution,” he anid. “‘etaima the mind that that powerful piece of mechanism will soon show him the wisdom of following in the footsteps of the ex-Boas of Brooklyn. now as aforetime.” the make city by a special law as it was before the amendments were adopted. If such subjects are to be discussed it is better to be accurate, ‘The amended constitution does indeed pro- hibit the passing of private or local bills in certain specified cases, but the charters of cities are not included in the list. Among the cases enumerated in the prohibition is “incorporating villages,” but it does not in- clude bills relating to the charters of cities. In this respect the constitution stands as it was formed in 1846, declaring that corpora- tions shall not be created by special act “except for municipal purposes,” corporation of villages is struck out of the exception by the new amendments; but the power of the Legislature over the charters of cities remains precisely as it was except in relation to the laying of railroad tracks, There legislation for cities detriment—namely, a uniform day in the spring for the municipal elections. the other hand it would be productive of little good ; Rochester, for example, might as well continue to hold its charter election in March, as at present, as to have it changed to April. charters should vary in adaptation to their peculiar circumstances apd wants. the former practice to submit new charters of cities to the vote of their people for ap- proval, as was done in this city with the charters of 1831 and 1849, This deference to ‘home rule” would of course be imprac- ticable in the case of a uniform charter for all cities. York a good charter with spring elections, and when it is found to work well such of its points as are applicable to the interior cities can be easily transplanted, gentleman who has the respect of his con- freres, and who, as we believe, is most re- spected by those who know him most in- timately. He has been a State Senator, a candidate for Governor, a member of one constitutional convention and one constitu- tional commission. With these opportuni- ties for acquiring knowledge of State affairs he ought not to fall into such inaccuracies as disfigure his article of Saturday, dissenting from some of the positions of the Hxnaup. His very first sentence contains an inex- cusable blunder, “If the Legislature,” says the Express, “can get up forty-three bills in three days, what may it not do in one hun- dred days?" The writer would seem to think that that part of the State constitu- tion containing the hundred days’ limit is still in force, 3 of the it has entirely disappeared from the consti- tution as it stands at present, having been supplanted by a new section 6, which gives a salary of fifteen hundred dollars to each member instead of the old per diem allow- ance, and removes all restriction on the length of the session. that a writer who could perpetrate this mis- take has fallen into others which have a closer connection with the point in debate. It was section 6 of article constitution of 1846, but It is not surprising In defence of Governor Tilden’s absurd project of a uniform charter for all the cities of the State it alleges that since the new amendments the Legislature cannot pass special charters for particular cities. This is so contrary to fact, and the statement is 80 indefensible, that we insert the language of the Express to show that we do not misrep- résent it:—*‘We do not forget the prohibition upon special legislation, but this prohibi- tion, it seems to us, is just what Senators and Representatives ought to remember who have sworn to support the constitution. Many of thé bills introduced are special bills, and cannot pass unless they are made general laws, Charters cannot be tinkered Now, the truth is that is just as free to the charter of a Legislature or amend The in- is one point on which uniform would work no But on But the general framework of city It was Let the Legislature give New The Pulpit Lessons. In the pulpits yesterday the season of the controversial resumed its sway, after having allowed the light from the star of Bethlehem to shine for two weeks. The Christmas holi- days are over, and broad and tender, world- embracing thoughts go with them. The Catholic Church Father Glackmeyer's sermon, when he said lovingly that it was ‘@lmost a pity to leave the crib of Bethlehem,” but that ‘we must follow Christ on His saving mission.” preached on the finding of Christ in the Temple. .Dr. McCarthy, at the Universalist illustrated this in Rev. So he church, championed the Bible against the iconoclasts of science, contending that the narrative of creation was corroborated and not confuted by the discoveries of science. Of course this subject can be handled by any one who has a conclusion to prove so as to make it appear to confirm his theory or support his belief, and Mr. Frothingham, who exalted the modern infidel yesterday, would no doubt make a sympathetic audience believe that the story of Genesis was only a clever myth. This gentleman asserts that the infidel of to-day is a builder and nota destroyer, which definition we can only accept on the ground that the infidels have sufficiently cleared away the débris of the religious systems they have tumbled to make space for the foundations of their Temple of Reason. He speaks of building on ruins, but no good architect ever does that. We fear that the stones for the infi- del’s temple are in the quarry yet, and that the proposed site is at present occupied, with along lease to run. Mr. Beecher preached on “Little Children;” and Dr. Armitage, who is always thoughtful and eloquent, preached an idyllic sermon on ‘Snow as an Emblem of Purity,” which he principally addressed to children also. Mr. Talmage made another rous onslaught upon political corruption. le thinks that Tyre was founded by Cain, d that it took after him in morals; and, on this statement, he proceeded to show how good the men should be who have official charge of us, lest we should become like the Tyrians, He does not wish to see politics in religion, but he is for religion in politics. “Make,” he said, ‘the cities right and the nation will be right.” Home Rute.—The Irish party which repre- sents in the English Parliament the senti- ment demanding a native Parliament for Treland, to contro! its local affairs, has had another conference at Dublin. A programme was adovted for action during the coming there is no possibility of England granting self-government to Ireland, in the present peaceful condition of the British Empire, the home rule members do well to apply them- selves to such substantial subjects as the land question. WUl the Presidemt Answer Congress? Congress understands its business too well to waste valuable time in proclaiming ab- stractions and platitudes in the form of resolutions. Its worst folly has never taken such a shape as this:—‘Resolved, to be vir- tuous is to be happy ;” “Resolved, twice two are four;” “Resolved, that economy is wealth.” Yet the House might just as well have passed any of these resolutions as have adopted the anti-third-term resolution of December 15, if it simply intended the latter to be the utterance of an abstract opinion upon re- publican government. The House declared then, by the decisive vote of 232 yeas to 18 nays, that ‘the precedent es- tablished by Washington and other Presidents of the United States in retiring from the Presidential office after their second terms has become by universal con- currence a part of our republican system of government, and that any departure from this time-honored custom would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions.” Is this merely a purpose- less truism? If it is no more the House might as well have been silent and spared the country the humiliation of seeing two hundred and thirty-two Jack Bunsbys in meaningless council, But Congress had a definite purpose, and the resolution has a practical application. The danger to our republican system of gov- ernment is immediate, not remote. Grant is accused of intending to make this unwise, unpatriotic and perilous departure from the time-honored custom which requires a Pres- ident to retire at the end of his second term. The resolution is meant for him personally, and that gives it its only value Re- publicans as well as democrats voted for it, and it cannot be regarded as a parti- san measure. There has been no legislation this session more important, because it is a plain declaration on the part of Congress that it believes Grant wantsa third term, and that he imperils the Republic in seeking it. For over two years Grant has rested in silence under the accusation that he was planning to remain in office. He has refused to answer his party leaders, his party con- ventions and the press generally. His friends have defended this gloomy silence on the ground that it would compromise his official dignity to answer unauthorized questioners. This excuse is not valid now. Congress is the immediate representative of the people, and in passing this resolution it speaks with the authority of the nation, The resolution is nothing less than a de- mand that the Executive shall declare his intentions, and it isa demand that cannot be evaded. Wedo not see how Grant can refuse to meet this issue without compro- mising that very dignity of which his friends talk so much by confessing that he is afraid to be candid. Nor can we understand how Congress can recede from the position it has assumed, or rest contented with the silence of the President upon a matter which it officially declares is ‘a peril to our free in- stitutions.” It cannot compel the Presi- dent to speak, it is tre, but it can make the people understand that he has been asked to speak by their direct representa- tives, and won't. The State Finances. An erroneous impression is apt to be pro- duced on the public mind by the fact that the Governor's Message is generally printed, with more or less fulness, in all the news- papers of the State, while the annual report of the Comptroller is not. If the two docu- ments could be read side by side it would be difficult to say whether the democratic Governor or the retiring republican Comp- troller is the most zealous reformer, Both use the same figures (indeed, the Governor is indebted to the Comptroller for his figures), both deprecate past extrava- gance, and both are equally zealous for curtailing expenses and reducing the State taxes. And yet the Governor gets all the credit, although the Comptroller would seem to deserve an equal share. Governor Tilden seems to assume praise to himself for the large reduction of State taxes which has become possible, yet it needs but a slight ex- amination of the facts to perceive that this is an unfounded claim. During the four years of Governor Hoffman’s administration the sinking funds were invaded and depleted, and high taxes became necessary under the administration of Governor Dix to restore them. This having been done, and the heavy bounty debt having been nearly discharged, a very large reduction of taxation has become possible in consequence of circumstances with which Governor Tilden has had nothing whatever to do. It is a matter of congratu- lation that our State taxes can be reduced, but there is as little justice as modesty in Governor Tilden’s assumption that it is his work because it happens to become practica- ble during his administration, A Colored Man on Mississippi. We print elsewhere a letter from a colored man, H. 0. Carter, of Mississippi, to the President of the United States, which dis- cusses the political situation in his State. Mr. Carter has been a member of the Legis- lature, and was a Grant Presidential elector in 1872. He isa republican, and he gives, as Judge Morris did in a letter we printed on Friday, as the main reason for the repub- lican defeat the shameless corruption of Gov- ernor Ames. He describes the election as an uprising of the people of the State against corruption and misrule, Itisa pity that such letters as those of Judge Morris and Mr. Carter have been kept from the public. Both are not only republi- cans, but, it seems, third termers, Their evidence is the more important, and it seems to establish beyond a doubt that the people of Mississippi, after having borne grievous corruption fora longer time than perhaps any Northern community would bear it, went to the polls and voted the corrup- tionists dawn. They could hardly have done otherwise. But does Senator Morton mean to make himself and the republican party of the nation responsible for these abuses by seeking to protect their corrupt authors ? The crime of the man Thomas, Thomassen or, a8 now stated, Alexander, is the source o} keen anxiety in Europe. The mystery sur rounding the explosion has not been satis- factorily cleared up, and in the absence of facts speculation has been busy upon the probable extent of the terrible con- spiracy, and, above all, upon the means which men, unscrupulous te the last degree, could avail themselves o to accomplish their designs. We cannol say that there is great wisdom ed ix these speculations, for, outside of the in. fernal appliances that have been described in the English papers and which descrip tions we copy elsewhere, there are dozens of others, which an ingenious mechanic could devise after very little thought, which would do the work as effectually. To provide the means of ig: niting » powerful explosive ata given time is the problem, and we have no doubt that criminal ingenuity could solve it in many ways that would not require even clock- work, When monsters in human shape, like Thomassen, can be found, happily rarely, te include the slaught of hundreds in their programme for making a small monetary gain, the appliances are easily made, but the means of putting them in successful operation are not so easily brought together. Whether the mere shocks in handling the fatal package were sufficient to release th hammer and precipitate the explosion, or whether it occurred from the leakage of a supposititious can of nitro-glycerine is of little moment, for either supposition only shows that the concocter of the plot was not the master of his materials he thought he was. The question which truly poses the future danger is, Whatare the possibilities of such 8 monster? or—what is harder to con- cede—a conspiracy of similar monsters, reap- ing the monetary reward of such villany? Warned as the community is, and especially the insurance business, we cannot think that the chances of crime’s triumph in this direction are one in a thousand, We ‘have circumstantial evidence that the ordinary precaution. of insisting on examining a box, offered for insurance, said to contain specie, averted a similar calamity on the Celtic last year, and as insurance is the only mode of giving articles in transit an exaggerated value we think that the com- panies, for their own sake, will hereafter look more vigilantly at what they areasked to insure. Wedo not say thata repetition of the Bremerhaven atrocity is not to be feared, but we do not share in the alarm which some otherwise sensible English papers have taken at the prospects of future insecurity of life at sea. The Saturday Review's cold-blooded artillery officer is certainly suggestive; but war is national conspiracy to kill, and the officer has a tacit covenant of death with his enemy, while all humanity is arrayed against the crime ofa fiend like Thomas. That makes all the difference in the world. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Squirrels infest California, Baltimore lives on ducks and terrapin. California trade lags and agriculture prospers. Cotton raising in Missouri has proved a failure. Minnesota women may vote on school questions. A petrified girl has been discovered in an Arkansay cave, The Blaine-Hamlin ring bosses the Maine Legisla. ture Seelye, of Connecticut, js the bookish statesman of the House, Louise M. Alcott calls John Swinton “the modern American Goidsmith,”” . The Boston Globe thinks New England has declined in power by putting inferior men to the front of affairs, Washington Chronicle:—‘The belle of Washington on New Year's day was the wife of the Chinese Minister. In Louisiana the death rate among negro children is less than that among white children; but in the case of adults the rate is excessive on the side of the nogroes Foster, of Detroit, who saved so many lives is called a “home bred hero;” but Lewis, of the Detroit Free Press, every day at noon, proves that he is a home- made bread hero. Mississippi democrats ask for an amendment to the State constitution, providing that no citizen shall vote unless he can write. Northern aod Southern democ- racy differ. From Obio comes news that there will be no decrease in the raising of hogs this year. Of this favorite West, ern fruit there were five and a half millions plucked last year, Henry Watterson says:—‘Let us rather have the waltz than the smirks and smiles aud misery of the unequal and uncongenial matches—the misalliances— of a talking party.” There is a good deal in a name in a Presidential elec tion, “Buck and Breck,” “Tippceanoe and Tyler too,’ are famous examples. How would these sound? ‘‘Hen- dricks and Lamar,” ‘Blaine and Bristow.” Mrs. General Gaines has arrived in Washington to at. tend to the prosecution of a suit before the Supreme Court, She saysshe bas been engaged in litigation concerning her interests forty-four years, and spent three fortunes, The Prince af Wales was present at a State dinner andevening party given at Barrackpore, India, on Christmas Day by the Viceroy. Next day he visited the French settlement of Chandernagore, and on De cember 27 his Royal Highness was present ata polo match at Munipore, after which he returned to Cal- cutta, ; Queen Victoria has revived the dukedom of Gordon in the person of his Grace the Duke of Richmond, who tmhberited Gordon Castile and the estates of the last duke of that name, Her Yajesty has further signified her pleasure to raise the 1 of Abergavenny to the dignity of a+ marquisate, to confer an earldom upon Lord Wharncliffe, and to bestow an English peerage upon the Earl of Erne, Gil Haven and Senator Logan, while the latter was Sick, were talking about Assyrian inscriptions, im order to prove the story of Daniel and the lions’ den. Haven laid down a photograph of the moon, and said, “Now, Logan, there is a pictare of the ancient devil.’ Just then a Croton bug walked over the photograpth, and, as Logan smiled, Gil said, “The right bower——i"" The Fredericksburg Herald has found a lottery ticket signed by General Washington. The lottery was for the purpose of building a road from Alexandria to the Bine Ridge, The ticket reads as follows :— 1768. This ticket (No, 257) shall entitle the to whatever prizignay happen to be drawn againat ita number in the Mountain Koad 44 G. WASHINGT ON. The New Orleans is one of our oldest news. papers. It is frequent!} ot great service to us in au- thenticating news. By far the best article we have over read om Lamar—and it isa gem of analysis—ap. pears in the Picayune ; and preceding the article ap- pears, in editorial type, copy from the “Perso! In- telligence’’ of the New York Heraun, Tho Picayune knows not only how to write, but also what to copy. ‘The Pall Mall Gazette says:—‘Within the past month ‘this ‘third term’ project, which was originally believed to bea Heratp sensation, has in most people's eyes assumed a very different character, In the first place, there is the andentable feasibility of the scheme, With the enormous patronage now in the hands of the gom- eral government, General Grant has only to convince the ‘workers’ of his party—not mon like Bristow, but mon like Morton—that a crisis has roally come which makes his remaining in office @ necessity. ama emestol ‘the thing is done,”

Other pages from this issue: