The New York Herald Newspaper, June 4, 1875, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD! AND ANN STREET. BROADWAY JAMES GORDON BENNETT, BROPRIETOR NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Yonx Hxnarp will be sent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in ihe year. Four cents per copy. Am- tual subscription price $12 All business or news letters and telegraphic Gespatches must be addressed New Your HiznaLp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned, Letters and packages should be properly sealed, LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—RUE SCRIBE. fubscriptions and advertisements will be received und forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XL- satwecesensNO, 155 eee AMUSEMENTS 0-NIGHT. Bal ed THEATRE, near sixth avenne—MADAME SAgutativinrone aoe. AM, Migs Boldene, BAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, Brose ruer of iwenty-ninth, street-—SZGBO NSTRELSY. M atBP, M.; closes at l0P. way.-THE DONOVANS. Messrs. Larrigau and bar BOWERY OPERA HOUSE, | a5 gg Bowery.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; Clowes at 1005 . M MIROFLA, at 6 P. M ERRACE GARDEN THEA’ Payee street—German Opera—: Pyke MUSEOM, Beer Gark ot Thirtieth street—SHERIDAN & |ACK'S GRAND yVARTETY SoM BIN RITOS: ater. M.; Gleses at 1045 P.M. Matinee at? P.M. THEATRE COMIQUE, Wo, 5:4 Broadway,—BUF ALO BLL BM 10:45 P. M. METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, at oP. BL; closes ‘West Fourteenth street —Open from 104 M.w5P. M. K THE. Broa may EMERSON» S Cat ORNTA MINSTRELS, meP. LYMYIC THEATRE. geass DEV ARIETY aC 87 A; closes wt 10 5 SSE, 3 nee GILMORE’S bee, Barrer yinposrom Be: P, M.; closes at LL FIFTH AVEN ¥ THEATRE, eighth street and Broadway.—THE BIG BO- ats P. M.; closes at lv Sub. M. JOOTH’S THEATRE, sy euird street and avenue.— M.; closes at Te ‘Miss Clara GARDEN. .* POPULAR OON- NTRAL PARK GARDEN, peta firomas Conc! cBRT, at SP. Me ‘TRIPLE § SHEET. NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JUNE 4, 1875. OO From our reports this morning the probabilities | are that the weather to-day will be cool and partly cloudy or clear. Wart Srarer Yzsrzxpay.—Stocks were generally lower and the market was excited, Gold advanced to 116}; large shipments are reported for the week. Foreign exchange ‘was steady. Coronapvo Berrirs.—The ravages of the Colorado beetle threaten to extend over the Dnion. We publish an interesting extract from the report of the Michigan Agricultural Board, which points out an effective way of flealing with this nuisance. Paris green care- fally applied is said to destroy this dangerous insect. Rosseny mm tae Treasczy.—A vulgar crime has been committed in the Treasury Department. Some unknown employé has allowed a package of forty-seven thousand dollars to tempt him to steal Detectives are busily engaged in endeavoring to discover the thief, but we bave not much faith in their puccess, Tux Stocx Tnrarz.—It is evident we will have to wait some time for the Black Hills, gnless we wish to risk a cortly and qasting war with the Sioux nation. The Indian chiefs at Washington have decidedly refused to sign the proposed | treaty. They are evidently resolved not to be | cheated any more by the white man if they can help it.. It must be confessed that the savages have displayed considerable ability | and tact in their diplomacy. Tue Cuvp Acatx.—Another man is at the point of death trom the effects of injuries in- | flicted by a police officer. If the dying state- ment of the victim be quite correct the con- | duct of the policeman seems to be wholly unjustifiable We hope the matter will be thoroughly sifted, and if the guardian of the | peace has exceeded his duty that he will be handed over to tue action of the law. Taxtxo tae Cuxsvs.—Mrs. Mrs. Sullivan's dis- like to the census takers bronght her into trouble. She thonght she had s right to have as many children us she pleased without being bothered by inquisitive people wanting to | know ber age, condition, and othe? per- sonal matters. Looking on her house as her tastle she cast forth the census taker, book, inkstand and ail, and for this assertion of ber independence an illiberal and tyranni- eal magistrate fined her three dollars—and ‘we boast of our individnal liberty! Tue Anraioyment oy Compraontzn Gnexn by the Board of Aldermen yesterday contains & long recital of grave malversations in office. | We do not see how Mayor Wickham can | eithér satisty his conscience or justify himself in the eyes of the community if he fails to take official notice of theseaccnsations. If he is satisfied on examination that they are well founded his duty is clear. He will be justly held responsible for these abuses unless he sttempts to rec them. It is his duty to act precisely as if his action were not subject to review by the Governor, and if Governor Tilden should fail to support him in a con- scientious discharge of his duty the respon. NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JUNE 4, 18765.—TRIPLE SHUBERT. | Reverdy Johnson and the Third Term. We publish this morning a forcible and pungent letter from the Hon. Reverdy Jobnson, of Maryland, commenting upon | General Grant's letter in reference to the third | term. Mr. Johnson is one of the foremost | men of the Republic, a statesman of wide and | long extended fame, a jurist of learning and capacity, thoroughly familiar with the history and spirit of our laws, His career embraces @ large part of the confederated life of the Re- public, He knows better than most living men upon what our constitution rests, and what are the sources and attributes of our national power, the value and the limitations of the federal and State compacts. He knows } especially how much danger there is in the proposition to make the office of the Presi- dency re-elective. Mr. Johnson in an earlier time was a disciple of Henry Clay, who eloquently sustained the dogma that has as- sumed new force in these later days, that the office of the Presidency should be limited to one term. It is natural, therefore, that in commenting upon so important a document as the letter of President Grant, and upop a question so interesting as the third term, be should not forget the teachings of the elo- quent and lamented statesman of Kentucky. As we indicated yesterday in discussing this subject there are many questidns that could be profitably considered by the country were we to believe a third term to be no longer a potent issue in our politics, It1s impossible to read what so eminent a statesman as Mr. Johnson says without seeing that this ques- tion is far from dead, and that General Grant’s letter, so far from destroying it, has given it a life it never before possessed. ‘What before was merely a political or news- paper speculation is now seen to have been entertained as a definitive Presidential pur- | pose. If we could feel that the third term was an impossible incident; that it was di- rectly forbidden by constitutional amend- ments, like those forbidding slavery and the payment of the Confederate debt, we could see well how the country could now enter upon the work of reorganization, of strength- ening the finances, of peace for the South, of achieving a sound tariff and revenue system, of doing what General Grant, who came into power six years ago with so many opportuni- ties and promises ot usefulness, has as yet failed todo. We could see how the next campaign for | the Presidency would be conducted upon a | broader, more generous and more distinctly national basis. We could feel that we were coming to one of those cycles in our politi- | cal history when new men and a new policy and new influences would govern the country. There ia no doubt that such a de- parture would be a great advantage to the Republic, We need change. Even the best instruments become deadened after long use, | and the most acceptable of our national ser- | vants ten years ago no longer have either | skill or opportunity. Consequently a drastic, | | deeply-reaching, widely-spreading change, be- | ginning with the Presidency and permeating | every department of the government, would give the Republic new life and enable us to enter upon a higher career of social and na- | tional progress. ‘We agree with Mr. Johnson that while it is | not probable that President Grant will be re- nominated or re-elected for a third term the danger of this issue in our politics is by | no means atan end. The cardinal error in | the letter of the President is that he holds his office of Presidency as something above and | apart from the people. It is incredible that | any statesman or any leader of public opinion should really feel in this nineteenth century | that the presence or the absence of auy Presi- dent would be “disastrous,” or even “‘unfor- | tamate’’ to the country. There is really no | independent, free nation dependent upon | | the genins or the courage or the | patriotism of one man. If the presence or | | absence of one man in the White House could | of itself be disastrous to the country it would | show that we have failed in the first duty of | republican government—namely, how to gov- } ern ourseives. So this, which is really meant | by President Grant to be a plain statement of | his own views asto a possible contingency which might compel the re-election of a | President for a third term, is really a humili- | ating confession by the Chief Magistrate of | the Republic that we had not yet attained the highest dignity of a. republican govern- ment and free institutions. This is what we | mean by Cesarim—the placing the office | above the people. There has been no Presi- | | dent since the time of Washington who has | made the impression upon the country in- | | spired by Abraham Lincoln. One would | think that Mr. Lincoln's death at the close of | the war would have been an irreparable calam- | | ity, disastrous to the peace and prosperity of | the nation, and at the peculiar crisis when it | | oceurred so grave a misfortune that its ex- tent could not be estimated. Events showed that Mr. Lincoln’s death was an individual disaster distressing to humanity. The country went on and on through trials almost as great as those of the war. And it is to-day stronger | and more prosperous and more powerful than at any period of its history. Now, if wo could strvive an event as “disastrous’’ as the | | assassination of Lincoln ata time when the | Union was torn and trembling, it is most ex- | traordinary that ina time of peace General | Grant should deliberately feel that under the most exacting ,circumstances the man would be a necessity to the office, or that the coun- | try would find a Lincoln, a Washington, or | even a Grant indispensable to the nation. This placing the Presidency above the peo- ple is a grave error. Itis the most unforta- nate form of Casarism As Mr. Johnson aptly shows, the ground taken by the Henarp | from the very outset of this discus- sion, that the tradition of two terms had in itself become by custom as sacred ®& principle as the written provisions of | the constitution, is the true ground. Mr. | Jobnson ecalis attention to the present condi- tion of the veto power in England. By an ancient law of the realm the Crown possesses | the right of veto. There is no enact | ment under the English constitution forbidding veto; yet by custom this prerogative has so failen into disuse that | were Queen Victoria to exercise it to-morrow in its original spirit and fulness there would bea revolution, Therefore, as Mr. Johnson says, in England, and as it should be in America, wo see how under the operation of representative governments a tradition can sibility will lie at bis door and not at the | assume the honors of precedent and the Mayor's. power of a written and printed law. | us one term. There is our safety. We have | contended from the beginning that the tra- dition against a third term was as much 8 part of the constitution as the tradition against the veto power in England. Our criticism upon President Grant and his party | is that they have ever yet admitted this to be true—they have despised the tradition as mere partisan expedient. We have contended that any attempt to violate it would be an act of moral treason against the Republic and against the constitution. The utmost we can obtain from the President on this point is that when he took the office he did not want it; that ctroumstances might arise when he would be compelled to take it again ; but just now he is perfectly indifferent and will cer- tainly not decline s nomination until it is offered to him. But if he chose to accept it he has the full right so to do. Ifwe do the President injustice in thus reading his letter we regret it, There is another fact also of a cogent character that must not be overlooked. President Grant is to-day the strongest man in his party. It is foolish for politicians, in making their calcu- lations, to count the President as a cipher; and it is this folly that underlies: much of the republican opposition to the thirdterm. Itis unjust for republican politicians to ask tho independent press of the country to break down the President and get him out of their way—to do what they are too weak and timid to do themselves. Wo have no doubt that Blaine and Conkling and Morton and Wilson and Boutwell and Washburne would all re- joice it it were in the power of the indepen- dent press to tumble General Grant, Casarism and his whole Cabinet into one grave and heap millions of acres upon them. What complicates this discussion and gives the utterances of the President so much power is that General Grant is to-day, speak- ing of him simply as a politician, the most available Presidential candidate the republi- can party contains. We do not know any leader who, stained as Grant is with errors of administration, would begin to- poll as strong a vote within the party, or who would command as much respect out of it. It is this that gives the real danger to the third term. It is this that embarrasses the calculations of poli- ticians and renders it impossible to make any definite, successful plan. It is this that leads us to say further that the only legitimate end in this discussion is the adoption of a one- term amendment to the constitution. Let that be accomplished and there will be an end to Casarism. It cannot be done by tame resolutions in Pennsylvania and Ohio, nor by ignoring the real power and popularity of General Grant. Every democratic conven- tion and every republican convention should speak with no uncertain sound, and say that | the genius of our institutions demands that there should be no re-elected President. Give | It is more and more apparent every day. If we had adopted such an amendment in obedience to the wishes of Henry Clay and his school we should not, now be sparring with executive power and listening anxiously and eagerly try- ing to comprehend the half-expressed oracles | of the Washington Sphinx. Responsibility in Asylums. It has at last happened in this community that a man has been sentenced to imprison- ment for a term of years for an outrage com- | mitted upon a person subject to his care in a public institution. In this case the public can sympathize with that afflicted woman whose busband rejoiced that she had at last found a man under the bed, inasmuch as she | bad looked for one there every night for | seven years. Our people have waited pa- tiently a great many more than seven years for the experience that has come at last. Not a year, scarcely a month, goes by but we are called upon to chronicle outrages in the pub- lic institutions. In the hospitals, the prisons, | the station houses, the lunatic asylums, men and women and children are constantly sub- jected to the fury of attendants, never chosen with regard to their fitness for the duties they are to perform, and the victims are often maimed and not infrequently killed, as was the lunatic for whose murder his keeper has just been tried and sentenced. One case of this sort, in view ofso many in which keepers | like the one now convicted have been assisted to elip through the fingers of justice, scarcely warrants a hope that we have come upon better practices; but we naturally trust that this good result is not merely an accident. If we are to see the regular punishment of peo- ple who abuse the wretched creatures com- mitted to their care in our asylums it will be a reform full of humanity, and a reform that we trust may especially be extended and ap- plied in the police force. The Atomic Theory. The essays of M. Papillon in opposition to | the atomic theory so long upheld by chemists as the foundation of nature and life are just now attracting great attention among scientific writers. These views of M. Papillon and the opinion of M. Berthelot, who, as early as 1864, declared that the atoms of simple bodies might be composed of one and the same mat- | ter, are set forth as if they were confined to the French school ef philosophy and worthy of the most serious attention. Now, the truth is that an American savant enunciated this theory before the Frenchmen ever thought of it, and was very heartily laughed at by his associates in the American Associatitn for the | Advancement of Science for his boldness. The hypothesis of Papillon and the others | was first set forth in a paper on the “Paradoxes of the Atomic Theory of | Chemists,” by Clinton Roosevelt, read before the American Association in Angnst, 1860, and reported exclusively in the Hznarp at the time. In this paper Mr, Roosevelt denied the existence of the sixty odd elements or kinds of atoms, as claimed by chemists, and de- clared that he was for repelling the atomic theory altogether. After summing up the hypothesis of this advanced philosopher the | reporter of the Hxnanp observed that Mr. Roosevelt's paper was very long, but did not seem to meet with much favor. Now, how- ever, the stone which the builders rejected | has become the head of the corner. We only refer to this mutter at the present time to show that among scientific men the absurdities of one decade become the truths of the next, and that the savant who is lan by the whole Academy of Sciences may see the credit of his discoveries coolly appro- priated to-morrow by some other philosopher } omid the applause of his scientific brethren, hed at to-day | Deadlock in the New Hamp- shire Legisiature. We will try to explain this exciting muddle so as to make it intelligible to readers not accustomed to the constitutional forms of New Hampshire. It must be premised that in that State it requires an absolute majority of the votes cast to elect public officers. If A has 1,200 votes, B 1,000 and © 300, A is not elected, as he would be in New York. The 1,300 votes against him as effectually prevent his election as if they had all been given for one candidate. Another requirement of the New Hampshire laws is that the full Obristian name and the full surname of the candidates yoted for shall be printed or written on the ballots, and that all ballots which misspell or abbreviate the name (except that the initial letter of middle names suffices) must be thrown out as null and not counted at all any more than if they were so many pieces of blank paper. Now it so happened in the Second Sen- atorial district that there were threo candi- dates—James Priest, democrat; Nathaniel Head, republican, and Joshua ©. Merrill, prohibitionist—Priest having more votes than either of the others, Head standing next, and Merrill receiving enough, with Head’s votes, to make a majority against Priest and defeat the election of a Senator in that district This would have been the result of the poll if Head’s namo had boen correctly spelled on his ballots. But instead of Nathaniel Head they were printed ‘‘Natt” Head, and by on explicit provision of law they should have been flung out and not counted at all, treating them as blank and void. Priest, the democratic candidate, had a majority of the legal votes, and his title to the seat is unquestionable according to the laws of the State. The republicans do not admit this, but the law is so plain and precise that’ their argument founded on the intention of the voters cannot stand for a moment in the estimation of any impartial person capable of reading and construing a statute. So far the democrats are clearly right and the republi- cans wrong. But this is not the whole of the case. The election Jaw is clear, but who is authorized to apply it? There is no doubt as to whose duty it is to apply it in the first instance, nor who is to apply it\in the last resort as the final judge. As votes for ‘‘Natt’’ Head were illegal and null, it was the duty of the local election officers to throw them out and not count them ; but as they did count and return them, it is the duty of the Senate itself to rectify their mistake. The constitution of the State makes the Senate the judge of the elec- tion and qualification of its own members, and its judgment is final and cannot | be reviewed. But there happens to be an | intermediate body standing between the local officers and the Senate which is authorized to | canvass the election returns and provisionally declare the result. This canvassing body consists of the Governor and a set of official advisers called the Council. The New Hamp- shire republicans contend, with great seeming force, that the State constitution does not authortzé the Governor and Council to go behind the returns of the local election | officers, but requires them to state the result of those returns as actually received, the rec- tification of illegal returns belonging to the | Senate itself, which is the final judge of their val:dity. And just here is the real | pinch of the controversy, in which the republicans are probably right and the demo- crats wrong. But the mistake of the Gov- | ernorand Council can be rectified by the Senate, which is not bound by their action. | The Senators to whom they gave certificates had a priméa facie title to the seats which the | republicans were legally bound to recognize until the Serate took up the disputed claims | for final action. But instead of this the re- | publican Senators seceded in a body, the | minority assuming to decide a question which could be legally determined only by | the whole Senate acting in its organized ca- | pacity. The republicans are wrong in every part of the controversy except in disputing the authority of the Governor and Council }to go behmd the election returns. These canvassers decided correctly a question which they had no legal | right to decide at all, and on this point the whole question hinges. The election in the | Fourth Senatorial district is involved in a similar dispute, differing only in the fact that | the rejected votes were given for a: candidate | who had only resided four years m the State, whereas the constitution requires a residence | ot seven years to make a person eligible for | | Senator. Itis just as clear that the law for- bids the counting of these votes as those for “Natt’’ Head ; and the right of the Governor and Council to throw them out after the local officers had returned them is open to dispute on precisely the same grounds. Pending this deadlock in the Senate caused | by the withdrawal of the republican Senators the House, after organizing with a republican | majority, has taken up the subject. But, as the State constitution makes each house the | judge of the election of its own members, it | is not apparent by what right the House con- | cerns itself with the election and qualifica- | | tions of Senators. They propose to refer the | | question to the courts; but as the constitu- | jetion makes each branch of the Legislature, and not any Court, the judge as to who aro | entitled to seats in that house, it is not easy | to perceive the legal propriety of such » pro- ceeding. If the Governor and Council awarded the two disputed seats illegally the | Senote is competent to rectify the error and unseat the members. In every part of the | controversy the republicans would seem to be | Wrong, except in contending that the Gover- ‘nor and Council went beyond their authority | in anticipating and deciding a question which | belonged to the Senate itself. The Boxcen Hrt.—The next date of conse- quence in the list of centennial anniversaries is the date of that memorable conflict in | which the British troops sallied from Boston | to storm a redoubt in the lines of the be- siegers, which redoubt, if held by the patri- ots, must have made the city immediately | untenable to the troops. That battle came in | | such relation to the Concord fight as to prove | to the world that the names of Concord and Lexington were not to drop into insignifi- cance as the scenes of merely accidentally | | and inconseqnent collisions of an armed | fores with an irritated people, but were to | stand forever as preludes to the series of un- | equal struggles that were to lead to the in- | | unfulfilled promise, | bration. | to recover the plunder. | in dependent existence ofa great nation, In view of the interest that the history of Bun- ker Hill will have for the public in this anniver- sary time we give in another column a sketch of the previous celebrations on the fiftieth and seventy-fifth anniversaries of the event and an account of the ceremonies at the dedica- tion of the monument, with a copy of an in- teresting letter from Lafayette. Lieutenant General Sheridan’s Wup= tials, The marriage of General Sheridan and Miss Rucker, celebrated yesterday according to the Roman Catholio ritnal, seems to have caused some disappointment in the circles of Chicago fashion by its simplicity and absence of social ostentation. It strikes us, however, at this distance, that the modest simplicity of the wedding attests the good sense of Gen- eral Sheridan and the excellent taste of his young bride. Ofcourse we do not mean to imply that the celebration of a marriage should always be on the same unpretending scale, It is wise and well when two people, both young, and one or both belonging to families of affluence or social distinction, have given their hearts to each other, and their union for life is consecrated, that the Jeunch should be made a festive occasion, gayly decorated .with flags, enlivened with musio and cheered with the applauding good wishes of a throng of friendly specta- tors. But propriety in such matters, as in all matters, depends on fit- ness and adaptation, and General Sheri- dan and his bride have exercised a just and refined sense of propriety in not making what is called a splendid wedding. Nor is this any reflection on the display made when General Sherman gave away his young daugh-— ter to a young bridegroom, Whena youthful pair, both in the bright morning of their years, are launched upon the sea of matri- mony, there ia a reasonable prospect that they will accompany each other throughout the voyage, and that their children, if Heaven blesses the union with children, will continue to have the protection of both father and mother until they reach a mature age. Besides this security for the happiness of offspring the ordinary chances of life encourage the ex- | pectation that neither party to the marriage will spend a long period of widowhood, dis- consolate for the loss of the other. But when a geptleman of forty-two is wedded toa lady who is but a year or two outof her teens, although such a union is entirely proper if it be founded on mutual love, it involves the risk of more than twenty years of widowhood on the part of the wife, with the care of young and fatherless children. With gett persons such a marriage has as well as a festive side, pe a subdued and chastened joy is more ap- propriate than the gayety of a brilliant fash- ionable wedding. We do not see that Gen- eral Sheridan’s high rank in the army and great military fame should make any differ- ence. The fact that he has already achieved the great work of his life and rests on his lau- rels differences him even more widely than his age from a young bridegroom whose career lies still before him and whose standing amung men is yet to be gained. Harvest has its beauty, but it ia not the beauty of spring; and dancing around the Maypole and crown- ing the Queen of the May with flowers is not suitable to all seasons of the year. Mrs. Sheridan has not run the risk of uniting her- self to a young husband who has yet to make his mark in the world; but, on the other band, she cannot contribute by helpfulness and sympathy to a success which is already achieved, and in which she has no other part than to enjoy its fruits. The generous trust | of a maiden who gives herself away toa man whose usefulness is as yet mere and the stre: and inspiration which « right feeling man derives from ‘such confidence, are as beau- tiful as the buds and blossoms of spring amid which the birds sing merrily, although they | may all in time be blighted. The more sober joy ofan autumn laden with richest fruits may be more substantial, but custom and good taste require a different mode of cele- We trust and believe that this will proves happy marriage; and friends may more sately tender congratulations when they observe the thoughtfulness, fitness, wise decorum and excellent judgment with which this simple and impressive wedding has been ordered. There seems everything to justify the choice of the husband, the pride and affection of the young wife, and the expecta- | tion of many years of happiness as unclouded | as falls to the lot of humanity. The Attachment of Sweeny’s Prop- erty. Ingersoll’s affidavit, involving Peter B, Sweeny and his brother, James M. Sweeny, | as sharers in the dishonest booty ot the Ring, is likely to bear immediate fruit in attempts Attorney General Pratt has filed notices of attachment against the property of both the brothers Sweeny, contemplation of an action in which | the city will demand judgment for the eum of $7,152,598. A list of the pieces of property to be attached Us pendens will be found in our news columns, consisting of twelve parcels of valuable real | estate assumed to belong to Peter B. Sweeny | and four belonging to James M. Sweeny. The | matiagers of the prosecution have no doubt | that this property is liable for the satisfaction | of the judgment they expect to obtain. Of course such a mass of property will not be | surrendered without a struggle, and the suits | | will produce a great crop of fees for lawyers, even if they should result in nothing else. It is alleged by those who are most active in bringing these suits that it has been Swee- ny’s purpose to take advantage of the statute of limitations. H2 has been for some time in a foreign country, and, according to the statute, time passed abroad for the purpose of escaping justice does not count as a part of the six years. The prosecutors allege | that Sweeny has been back at least once, and perhaps more than once, with a view to give proofs of his continued resi- dence and protect himself against tho operation of that part of the statute to which we have just alluded. But even if the time runs on continuously he is liable for all the embezzlements since 1869, and the most gainful frauds of the Ring were perpetrated subsequent to that date. Let the axe of justice fall! Those members of the Ring who have fled from the country cannot be brought back to share the San Paneer fave of Tweed, who 1s serving out 9 criminal sentence; but so faras they have left prop erty behind them which can be proved to bé theirs they can be made to disgorge, and the moral sentiment of this community will strongly support the prosecutors if the prop erty they are attaching cam be holden for the satisfaction of judgments. Let the axe of Justice fall! Belligerent Miners, The troubles in the coal regions are by no means at an end. The fight, which is ree ported in another column, shows that the men on strike are prepared to use violence in order to secure the triumph of their views, It was hoped that the good sense of the men would have prevented them coming in conflict with the law, but they have shown by their conduct yesterday that the strong hand of authority must be used to preserve the peace and secure the right to labor for those who do not share the views of the strikers, Whatever sym< pathy may be felt by the general public with the workingman in his struggle against tha oppression of capital it will never go tha length of countenancing interference with the rights of individuals. No one will deny to the workingman tho right of refusing to work at a rate of wages farther and attempts to prevent, by violence and intimidation, other men from working at the rate he refuses, public opinion will decide against such an unwarranted outrage in no hesitating spirit. The authorities have taken prompt action to preserve the peace, and should the riotous workmen attempt to carry no doubt, receive a severe but merited lesson. The Cuban Question in Europe. There was a grim humor in thé reply mada by Lord Derby to the deputation of the Anti+ Slavery Society which called on His Lordship tourge that the British government should intervene as mediator in the Cuban struggle. He said the time was not opportune—a phrasa His Lordship may have familiarized himsel{ with, by reading the Washington utter« ances on the same question, It ig rather curious that he bases his argu~ ment wholly upon Spanish sensitiveness. He does not attempt to deny that in the interest of humanity something ought to be done to stop the useless slaughter that has been going on for more than six years in Cuba, Nor can he give any hope that Spain will be able to crush the insurrection until Carlism has been finally suppressed. Just now this appears a rather remote contingency. ‘If the Cuban war is to go on until Carlism has been utterly crushed then the Cuban insurrection has a long lease of life. It may be quite true that this country has abandoned all intention of annexing Cuba and, no doubt, British states« men would rather seo that beautiful island reduced tothe condition of St. Domingo than that it should belong to the Union. Still, hu« manity has some claim even on statesmen, It may be that the people of this country will get tired waiting for the suppression of Carl- ism, and may take such measures as would render the holding of Cuba a task altogether beyond the power of Spain, even were the Carlists quite suppressed. There can be na longer any question as to the issuo of the struggle now going on at our doors. Had it been possible to suppress the insurrection it would have been done long ago, but its vitality is too great to give Spain any hope of ever reasserting her past dominion over the island. It would, therefore, be an act of real friend~ ship for some Power which could intervene witbout exposing its motives to suspicion to make an effort to restore peace. Cuba, even now, would be willing to pay Spain a large mgth | indemnity if she would abandon her preten- sions to sovereignty over the island, Ovn Oansmen are busy preparing for the coming aquaticstruggle. Yale, with sharac- teristic pluck, is pushing sturdily to the front and is resolved to leave no effort to secure victory untried. Our letter on the subject of the College Regatta willbe found of general interest. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, General S, C, Armstrong, of Virginia, is among the late arrivals at Barnaa’s Hotel. Commander Lewis A. Beardsiee, United States Navy, is quartered at the Gilsey House, Congressman Charles H. Adams, of Cohoes, MN. Y., 1s sojourning at the Windsor Hotel. ‘The pleasantest way to take cod liver oll is te fatten pigeons with 1s and then eat the pigeons, Mr. James W. Steele, United States Consui at Mat “{nability to labor continuously on the line of any policy” is the trouble with Mr. Disraeli just now. . Baron de Sant? Anna, Portuguese Minister at Washingion has apartments at the Futh Avenue Hotel. Roeeia has now joined Germany, England, Bel- gium and France tn @ decree against American potatoes. Mr. James Forsyth, President of the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, arrived last evening at the Giisey House. The Duchess of Edinburgh insists on wearing strings to her oonnet and the fasnion makers don’t Know what to do about 1%, Mr. Wilitam D. Bishop, President of the New York, New Haven and Martford Ratiroad Com pany, isat the £1tth Avenue Hotel, ‘ There isagentieman now in tho British Parliae ment whose election expenses were $75,000, or about $10 for every vote he received, Vice President Henry Wjisoa retarned to this city yesyerday from his Western trip and took up his resitence at the Grand Central Hotel. At one of the Sankey gatnerings in London Mr, | Gindstone, as he left, congratulated Mr. Mooay on” his broad, deep chest, from whica he could speas | audibly to such multitudes. “Ay, satd sir, Moody, “| wish Pa your head atop of it.” The venerable artist and ex-President of the National Academy of Design, Asher B. Durand, with his son, Jonn Durand, and the Rev. Dr, Clover, Visited the Century Club on Monday last, Mr. Durand was one of the founders of the Century. There 1s a bill before the English Paritament ror the regulation of vivisection, and the Baroness Burdett-Coutts asks the puolic to “pause before | permitting legisiation which will in certain cases render the act for the Prevention of Craeity tc Animals inoperative.” Six hundred thousand dollars have been sum scribed to starta paper in Vienna, trom the edi torial departments of which all Jews or “persons of Israeiitish extraction” are to ve excluded, All the other Vienoa papers are in a gregt degree ig the hands of this race, The President aod Mrs. Grant, Mr. and Mre, Sartoris, Mrs. Colonel F. D. Grant and General Babcock lef: On yesterday morning for Long Branch, where they intend to spend the summer, The Presidential pariy arrived at Long Branch at forty-five minutes past iour?. M. Mr, L. P. Lackey, private secretary to the President, | remains la charge of the Bxvoutive mansion, he may deem unfair, but when he goesa step ° out their threats of further violence they will, _ nzae, Cuba, is registered at Baroum’s Hotel, «