The New York Herald Newspaper, March 2, 1875, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and | after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly | editions of the Nuw Yor Hznatp will be | sent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12 All business or news letters and telegraphic Gespatches must be addressed New York | Hernawp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. __ | | LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK | HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. [ Subscviptions and advertisements will be | received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. | VOLUME XL----0+e0+e. = AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. | sreseseeereeeeNO, O1 LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Sixth avenue.—QUEEN ELIBA- a ats P. ie closes at 10:45 P.M. Mme. Adelaide COLOSSEUM, Broadway and Thirty-tourth street PARIS BY NIGHT. | exhibitions daily, BOOTH’S THEATRE, wintiys Twenty-third street and Sixth avenue.— BY V., at5 P.M. ; closegat P.M. Mr. Rignola. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, ray, comer of, Twenty-ninth street —NEGRO ESTE Fis¥, at's P.M. : closes at IP. Me some Strteenth street.—BEGONE DULL CARE, atsPeM; closes at 10 :45 P. ™. oe Maccabe. TIVOLI THEATRE, hth street, between =econd a Third avenues— VARIETY, at 8 P. M. ; closes at 12 P, M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, | Broadway.—THE SHAUGHRAUN, at 8P. M.; closes at | WF. M Mr. Boucicault. MRS. CONWAY'S Lorik wei THEATRE, Brooklyn.—ROSEDALE, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M | Mr. Lester Wallack. BS | { | | WOOD'S MUSEUM, corner of Thirtieth street. KIDNAPPED, atl cloees at 10:45 P.M. Broadw: bP. M.; Matinee at 2 OLYMP: (EATRE, No, 624 Broadway.—V ak atsP. ML; closes at 10:45 ROMAN HIPPODROME, Ptae tin) th street and Fourth avenue.—PEDES- TRIASI:M. Professors Judd and Weston. THEATRE COMIQUE, Fo sis Beceaway.—VARIETY, ats P. M.; closes at 10:45 | STADT THEATRE, Pee HOEBNER, at 8 P. M.; closes at AVENUE THEATRE phe BIG BO- ms at rien .M. Mr. Lewis, Fives 5 P.M. Migs Davenport, Mr. Gi TONY TAsrom = : OPERA eee No. M Bowery. P. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Mates ‘av? Y ? em BROOKLYN PARK THEATRE, ee avenue. —VARIETY, at § P. M.; closes at 1045 | x | BRYANT’S QPERA HOUSE, | West Twenty-third street, Sith avcnue.-NEGRO | | MINSTRELBY, ac., at 6 closes at 10 P.M. Dan Bryant. GERMANIA THEATRE, ‘ourteenth street.—ORPHEE AUX ENFERS, at 8P. M.; Howe seins. M. Miss Lina Mayr. French 6 pera Boule GtROPLE. -GTROFLA, ra Boufle—G at 10 ASP. P.M. B hiya My ‘aloees . Mile. Coralie Geoffroy. Pavw--? axD REESE, atsP. M.; closes at 5 PL TRIPLE SHEET.| NEW YORK, TUESDAY, MARCH 2, 1875, | From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be colder and clearing. Watt Srezet Yesraapay.—Stocks were ac- | tive and higher. Gold advanced to 1143. | Foreign exchange was steady. Mz. Bencu was yesterday tried f for contempt of court by Recorder Hackett, who, after hear- | ing the argument of counsel, exonerated the | defendant. The explanatory affidavit of Mr. Bergh was considered consistent with inno- cence; but, notwithstanding the 8. P.C. A, the Recorder was guilty of a little cruelty in reminding Mr. Bergh that people who live in glass houses should be careful how they throw stones. Tae Excuisn GoverNMEnt | is disposed to repeal the discriminating laws of which Ireland with so much reason complains, and that Parliament will promptly act upon the bill introduced by the Chief Secretary for Ireland is indicated by the support given to it by the liberal leader, the Marquis of Hartington. The Chief Secretary made a clever political epigram when he said that many returned emigrants had acquired West- ern vices and forgotten Irish virtues. One of these American vices is, no doubt, a love of liberty, and probably the chief of the Irish virtues would be, in his opinion, patient submission to tyranny. Tae Cant Voor Casz Setrizp.—The cele- brated case of Carl Vogt, accused of the’mur- der of a Belgian nobleman, and claimed by the German government, of which he was a subject, has been decided upon a new issue. Since his discharge from the claim of Germany an extradition treaty has been made between the United States and Belgium, and under its authority Commissioner White has ordered his surrender. It is understood that from this decision the counsel of the prisoner will appeal to the Circuit Court. An interesting point of international law is involved in the question as to whether the treaty can apply to trimes committed before it was framed. Tue Jersey Mvp Bawgs.—Under the di- rection of the Secretary of War General Newton was last summer engaged in an ex- amination of the mud banks in the Hudson River opposite Jersey City, and his report, elsewhere printed, contains the facts ascer- tained and his opinions. The accumulation of mnd affects the tides, and by diminishing the depth of the river is an injury to commerce. One cause of the evil General Newton believes to be that (he opposite shores are under dif- ferent governments. Piers project beyond the proper line, and thus encroach upon the channel. Dredging he does not think would insure permanent benefit; but estimates are submitted of the cost of that remedy. The goatter is one of great importance to the com- mercial interests of New York, and some action should be taken upon the report by the covermmens | concerns the peace of the community that con- | therefore, the final court of appeal has decided | may be evident to sound lawyers that the | decision was erroneous. | yesterday in relation to Louisiana matters |, | real settlement. The Hzraup has favored and | that, if cordially accepted, it would put an | control of the lower house of the Legislature, | gress could not adjourn in the expectation | that it would be acquiesced in asa settlement, | lutions were offered together as connected | parts of a plan for tranquillizing the State, | requisition to get separite vote upon each. | that recognizing Kellogg as Governor went | reason to doubt that they will both pass the | Senate, and if they do the Louisiana question | is disposed of for the next two years. As the | rejected by the Senate. | by violent, revolutionary methods. | any more than the same movement had last NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MARCH 2, Leuisiana—Arkansas. We approve of the action of the House yes- | terday in the Louisiana case, not as right in itself, but as expedient under the circum- stances. As Kellogg was never legally elected, but was made Governor by the indefensible order of a federal judge who overstepped his jurisdiction and was hastily suppcrted by the President, there is nothing to be said in de fence of his title or its merits. But since it is | more important that Louisiana should have peace and tranquillity for the next two years than that Kellogg should be put out we are not sorry that Congress has undertaken to settle the question and put an end to this dis- turbing controversy. We hope that the two resolutions which passed the House yester- day—since nothing better is attainable—may also pass the Senate and prevent a recurrence of attempts, like that made last September, to put Kellogg out by violence in any accidental conjuncture which may excite hopes of suc- cess, It is for the public interest that all disputed questions should at last reach a definite decision and be taken out of the arena, This is the theory on which our courts of justice are organized. Courts of last resort are not infallible; their adjudications some- | times do injustice to litigant parties; but it | troversies be not kept open forever. When, a case itcan never be reopened, although it The two resolutions passed by the House embody, taken together, the substance of the compromise accepted by a majority of the Louisiana caucus, but since assailed by so formidable a local opposition as to make it no supported the compromise, because it believed end to; strife and insure tranquillity in the State until the citizens can right themselves by a new elec- tion. The basis of the compromise is well understood. It gave to the conservatives the which they won in the last election, on condie tion that they would recognize Kellogg as the lawful Governor during the residue of his term. There has been developed so much local opposition to this compromise that Con- and the House has done wisely in attempting to put the question at rest. The two reso- but parliamentary tactics were brought into The one recognizing the coce«uvative Legis- lature was passed almost unanimously, but throngh by a strict party vote. There is no practical result will be substantially the same as would have followed from a united acceptance of the Wheeler compromise we sincerely trust that the resolutions not be The effect of their | passage will simply be to give the formal sanction of Congress to the substance of the | | the Carlist revolt. Spain is no nearer paci- | compromise and establish it on — firmer | fication under the rule of this boy than it was basis than would be possible if it depended on mere voluntary consent. The chief advantage of such a settlement consists in the estoppel it will put upon agi- tating attempts to disturb and upset Kellogg | Such attempts could have no permanent success | without instructing him on that subject the State in the interest of general tranquillity. It the Garland government is distinctly recog- nized by Congress the President can take no steps to subvert it, but if Congress adjourns position he took in his Arkansas Meseage almost binds him to overthrow the new con- stitution of that State, depose its officers and install Brooks as Governor. Such a proceed- ing would convulse the country from end to end, and we hope that Congress, in the in- terest of peace and order, will recognize the Garland government before it adjourns. 5 Politeness in Office. One of the most frequent causes of com- plaint against Comptroller Green is his de- meanor toward all who have business with him. Mr. Green’s unfortunate temper breaks out on all occasions. In this respect he resembles very much the accounts we have of Secretary Stanton when he first took charge of the War Department. A re- port of any of the proceedings in which the Comptroller takes part reads like an old-fashioned Tammany Hall meeting. We have the Comptroller, when he is “sarcastic” and “stern,” suspecting everybody, resenting any proper inquiry and assuming that he is the only honest man in the world. This results from overweening egotism, and we have little doubt that vanity underlies many of Mr. Green’s mistakes. It is always an indication of narrowness of mind for a public officer to show bad temper in the discharge of the duties of his office. The first duty of an official is to be courteous to those who seek him. People have a right to complain seriously when public officials— who are, after all, their servants— treat them with suspicion and con- tempt, or without a due regard for the conventionalities and amenities of life. If we could trace the cause of the opposition to Mr. Green which is now so general a large part of it would be found to result from his own angry and ungenerous temper. The les- son which his unpopularity teaches is that those of our citizens who are in public station should remember that when they become office-holders they do not necessarily cease to be gentlemen. The Recognition of Spain. The announcement that King Alfonso has addressed a letter to President Grant, offering him his friendship and asking recognition as the legal ruler of Spain, is confirmed. We do not yet know what course our government will pursue in dealing with Spain. The new | monarch has been recognized by all the Pow- ers of Europe, England included. Russia, which has recognized no Spanish government since the fall of Amadeus, and whose monarch is supposed to be friendly to Don Carlos, has hastened to accept Alfonso. The eagerness of this recognition forms a singular comment on the sincerity of the motives controlling the foreign Powers. The objection to a formal | recognition of the Republic of Castelar was | that it had not been .‘confirmed by the peo- ple,”’ and that it could not be considered a settled government until it had suppressed the | insurrection of the Carlists and restored order to the kingdom. Now, the monarchy | of Prince Alfonso has not been recognized by | the people, nor has it succeeded in repressing when Castelar was President. But the differ- ence between the two systems is that Alfonso is monarch and the head of a kingdom, while Castelar was a republican and the Presi- dent of a Republic. In other words the whole influence of the European nations is against any system of government that is not monarch- ical. If President Castelar had been encour- September, and it is wise to preclude any | Tesort to abortive revolutionary methods, | which could serve no purpose consistent with | civil order. It being morally certain that | | Kellogg will continue to act as Governor | until the end of his term, it is better for all interests that the controversy on that subject | should be closed and the people of Louisiana | be grven a period of repose. If they will be | patient and quiet they can recover all | their mghts in the State election of 1876, and no evils which can come from Kellogg's temporary occupancy of office, with a conservative branch of the Legislature to hold him in check, can be so great as the tur- moil and violence which would attend irregu- lar efforts to displace him. It is a necessary incident of our institutions that the people must sometimes submit toa chief magistrate whom they would never have chosen. The people would never have chosen John Tyler as President, and yet they had to submit to him for four years lacking one month. Nor would they have chosen Millard Fillmore or Andrew Johnson to fill that high position, but they bad to endure them both. Our national constitution and our State constitu- tions would be practically worthless if they did not put such restraints on executive power that accidental incumbents, not elected by the people, can perpetrate no fatal injury. When Tyler, Fillmore and Johnson became | Presidents without the choice of the people their only solace was to look for- ward to the next Presidential election, the continuance of those unpopular ineum- bents being a far lighter evil than a resort to lawless force to get rid of them, And, by parity of reasoning, it is wiser for the people | of Louisiana to submit to Kellogg for two years longer and elect his successor than to | keep the State in a fever of excitement in the vain hope of flinging him out by force on the | | | occurrence of some possible opportunity. The resolutions which passed the House yesterday merely give the sanction of law to the volun- | tary compromise which a majority of the con- | servative cancus assented to, and if the com- promise was wise and desirable—which we tully believe-—it is a good thing to have it es- tablished on an imamovable basis. We regret that the Arkansas contro- versy ot put in the course of settlement by the same method. Louisiana and Arkansas are the only two States the regularity and legal validity of whose governments have been called in question. In each case the Presi- dent has asked Con to decide the questions, direct his course and relieve him | from an undesirable responsibility. If the Louisiana resolutions pass the Senate his duty will be clear in respect to that State, and it ought to be made equally clear in respect to Arkansas, Considering the menacing intima- tion contained in the President's Arkansas | Message Congress ought to existing constitution and authorities of that | eighteen years in the navy. | aged by England, if the enemies of his admin- istration had not been directly assisted by France, there is little doubt but that he would have succeeded in consolidating the Republic. | But Spain was isolated, ignored, denied recognition, ruled out of the family of na- | tions upon one pretext or another, until | a king was placed by the army on her throne. We should not be in a hurry to recognize Prince Alfonso as King of Spain. The American government has probably more influence over Spanish policy than any foreign Power, because of our rela tions with the Spanish dominions in the West | Indies. We are bound, of course, to recog- nize any government that legally rules Spain. We are not permitted to question the right of a people to accept a king or a president; and | we would give King Alfonso the same recog- nition that we would give to the Emperor Alexander. But as a representative govern- ment, based upon the will of the people, and recognizing that will as the first element of | authority, we should wait until King Alfonso is recognized by the Spanish people before we regard him as the King of Spain. Thus far he is simply a successful military usurper, recalled by the army and kept in power by the bayonet. Before accepting him let us be sure that he is acceptable to Spain. We can at least make this moral protest against the business—unhappily too common of later years—of stamping out liberty by mili tary power. A Volunteer for the Pole. We said the other day that there would be no want of volunteers for an Arctic expedition, cos ‘ana Its Fature. No fact is more suggestive, as showing the real strength of the victory recently gained by the republicans in France, than the decla- ration of a legitimist leader, that his party would ‘unceasingly war’ upon the new institutions. This follower of the Count de Chambord gives the Republic a text. He shows the nature of those who support the monarchists and the crown. So long asa country will consent to be governed by a prince, an aristocracy and a standing army— so long as it will surrender its resources to the control of one man, whose only claim to power is hereditary, there will be peace. The moment a people attempt to express their own will, to select their rulers and frame their institutions, there will be war. Looked at in the light of civilization and justice there ¢an really be no sentiment more atrocious. Speaking for Henry V. and for his ancient and illustrious house, he declares to France that without a Bourbon there will be agita- tion, strife, outbreaks, “unceasing war.” In other words, France is nothing, her people are nothing, the public prosperity is of no value, the wishes of thirtyeeight million Frenchmen are disregarded. They must accept either Henry V. or war. If we look at the movements of politics in Europe forthe last hundred years there is nothing surprising in this declaration. Take the French Revolution, about which so much is written, and which appeals so vividly to the imagination of mankind. The French Revolution would have been peaceful and legitimate and fruitful in beneficent results but for the determination of the royalists that France should either accept the monarchy or “anceasing war.’’ No one who reads his- tory carefully denies that the Revolution in France began upon a just cause and was animated by high patriotism. Every one feels that it would have been true wisdom on the part of the King and his followers to have accepted it. But, on the contrary, the mon- archists felt then as they feel now, that there should be no peace that did not recognize their ‘divine right’’ to govern France, Con- sequently there were intrigues, armies invaded French territories, the allied Powers of Europe, in the interest of ‘divine right,’’ made ‘‘un- ceasing war’ to strike down the Republic. The answer was the guillotine and all the mad frenzy that came after. The ‘Terror’ of 1793 was the direct result of the policy of the royalists of that day, who endeavored to stay | the just expression of the popular will by “anceasing war.” The republicans of this generation have learned wisdom and meekness. They are too strong to descend to the guillotine and terror. Experience has convinced even monarchists like M. Thiers that in a country where there is only one throne and three preterders for the crown there cannot be a peace except upon the basis of a conservative republic, | France feels that she should have the right to | name her own rulers without resorting to a barricade ora revolution. She believes that when she is badly served by ministers or princes it should be in her power to dismiss | thom without a battle of the boulevards or a massacre at Lyons or Marseilles. She sees that with the Republic there would be no more Commune, and that with the control of the foreign relations and the military system in the hands of a patriotic Legislature it would be impossible for any prince, anxious only for his own aggrandizement, to throw the coun- try into the maelstrom of Waterloo or Sedan. Wise men, even those who believe in princes, see that the disasters of France for the last hundred years have been solely the work of her kings. In an impassioned lyric, written by Auguste Barbier on the occasion of the erection of the statue of the Emperor Na- poleon on the Column Vendéme by Lonis Philippe, he gave expression to this feeling in words of fervid rhetoric. He pictured France as a wild young colt, beautiful and free, upon whose flank the harness of the stranger had never rested, eager for battle and for freedom, driven again and again into combat and | strife, until, with bleeding loins, she sunk ex- hausted to the earth, to be outraged by Cos- sack and Prussian. For this the poet heaped curses upon the memory of Napoleon, and saw only in the image of his greatness a mon- tion of his native land. Unlike this, the Republic means peace. There will be agitation, of course, and, so far as it is pos- sible, an effort on the part of other nations to smother, wound and destroy the young Re- | public. They stifled Spain and would stifle France. The legitimists have publicly an- nounced ‘unceasing war.” The Bonapartists, | unger the command of daring politicians, aro present government. In the republican party itself there is a large element, headed by such men as the eloquent Jules Favre and the austere and illustrious Louis Blanc, who will | be reconciled to nothing that does not give them at once the extreme ideas of republican- ism. learned from nature. Strength comes with growth. We cannot in day undo the in- stitutions of a thousand years. When we founded our own Republic the influence of England was so strong that between the conservatism of Washington and and that young men of thorough training and scientific capacity would rejoice to undertake the duty. To-day we publish a letter from | Lieutenant Commander Edgar ©. Merriman, now commanding the United States flagship | Pawnee, who offers his services as leader of an expedition to the North Pole, and who, under certain conditions, ‘‘is willing and | ready to become responsible for its success or failure."’ Licutenant Commander Merriman | has had valuable Aretic experience with the | Polaris search expedition and has served He is a native of New York, and his offer shows a spirit and | resolution which is honorable to the State. ‘The embarassment is not likely to be found in the lack of volunteers, but in the difficulty of selecting from an excess of capable aspirants for the service. With this letter we print a translation from advance sheets sent to ns by Dr. Petermann of an address lately delivered at Vienna by Lieu- tenant Weyprecht, the leader of the second Austro-Hungarian expedition. The scientific resulta of that celebrated expedition, the ef- fects of Arctic cold and a new plan for recognize the | governing Polar expeditions are embodied in this interesting address. | mnch they may concede, George ILL. there was only a shadow of differ- ence. But our fathers were wise enough to | accept the fact that we had a republic, and from year to year to liberalize and broaden it. What Washington founded Jefferson estab- | lished. American polities for three genera- tions have been controlled by the genius of the | great Virginian who made our Republic demo- | cratic. Let it be the aim of the wise and cau- | tions men who now control the Assembly to They have gained that | found the Republic. one fact, precions in itself, uo matter how Let it be the effort of those who come after them to liberalize and strengthen it, and show to Europe the exam- ple of a great nation governing itself accord- ing to the will of the people, and not the ereature of the king or the dormant, yielding, sluggish servant of an imperial adventurer, Tcx Gorcrs.—In these days we hear of ice gorges in all the rivers that run down the middle of wide valleys in our mountain dis- tricts. reported as thirty-six feet in height, and if the nment to the tears of mothers and the humili- | already using every effort to overturn the | But the lesson of true republics may be | Hamilton and the constitutional monarchy of } oughly safe, growing every day in popular- It solves the problem of rapid transit by | 1875.—TRIPLE SHEET, On the Housatonic the obstruction is | | water should rise thirty-six feet in that valley | the devastation in the extent of country | fcommunication. | transit is to utilize what we have and begin at | ity. Jervis, the accumulation is such that the de- struction of the’ town and its beautiful wire bridge is threatened. Will not some of the authorities at points thus menaced try the simple experiment of a can of nitro-glycerine on one of these ice dams? Our opinion is that a charge of the New Jersey rendrock would open a way for the water, and that the dam ; would disappear. If one would not half a dozen would, and a town like Port Jervis seems to us worth the experiment. The Neglect of the Building Law— The Duty of the Mayor. The accident at the Duane street church is now a piece of sorrowful history, and as such will soon pass out of the memory of all ex- cept those who are suffering from injuries in- flicted or mourning over. the lives that were lost in the calamity. It is to be deplored that such visitations make but a transient impres- sion on the public mind and that the interest they excite for the moment is soon lost in the rapid succession of events. The press may do its best to point out the carelessness that led to the fatal occurrence and to warn the people of the dangers to which they are ex- posed from similar recklessness and neglect, but churches, theatres and other public build- ings that are little better than traps for human life continue to be well attended, and in a week the warning is forgotten. Nevertheless, the Mayor cannot be excused if he should fail to promptly punish the officers intrusted with the enforcement of a law to the disregard of which the accident is directly traceable. The duty of the Superintendent of Build- ings is very clear. The wall of the Shaw building was condemned as insecure after the late fire, and the pastor of St. Andrew's church received notification of the danger. If the owner neglects to secure or remove a condemned wall or building by noon of the day succeeding that on which he is notified by the Building Department of its insecurity, the law empowers and requires the Superin- tendent of the Department to step in and do the work necessary for the-public protection. Immediately after the fire of the 12th of Jan- uary the Superinténdent became officially aware of the danger in Duane strect and gave the required notice to the owner of the Shaw building; yet the wall was left standing until the fatal even- ing when it fell, six weeks afterward. It is idle to say that it had been ‘‘braced.’’ The fact of the insufficiency of the means taken to render it safe is shown in the terrible result. If the Superintendent of Buildings believed that the bracing was sufficient he is an in- competent officer and unfit to hold his posi- tion a single day. If he lent himself to the cheap way of repairing the damage adopted by the contractor his removal is even more imperative. It is not in this instance alone that the in- capacity or neglect of the Building Depart- ment is shown. There is a general disregard of those portions of the Building act that are particularly designed for the protection of large gatherings of people. Section 29 of the law, which will be found in another portion of the Heraxp, points out the precautions for egress, which are enjoined under penalty, necessary to guard the lives of those within places of public assembly. It is the duty of the Superintendent of Buildings to see that this law is faithfully ob- served. The liet already published iu the Henatp shows that out of 169 churches ex- amined by our reporters 27 only have ex- terior doors opening outward, 19 have slidizig doors, while 123 have doors opening inward, which are so many traps for human life in ease of a panic anda rash for egress. It is notorious that the managers of our theatres frequently block every passage with chairs and camp stools, rendering the escape of the audience in case of fire almost an impossi- bility.. It is not practicable, probably, that in all cases the heavy exterior church doors shall be made to open outward. But in the few instances in which this cannot be done there should be two sets of outer doors provided. The large doors should be made to double back against the inner wall, and should be securely fastened in that position during ser- vice, while the extra doors, such as are used in theatres and saloons, of baize or cloth, should be used to exclude the cold and noise, and made to swing outward. Nothing is more certain than that a wise law, framed for | the protection of life, is shamefully disre- garded by those whose duty it is to enforce it, and there is no safety for the people in such a case but in the removal and punishment of the unfaithful or incapable officers. Common Sense of Rapid Transit. The position of the Hzganp toward the rapid transit discussion is this:—We are in favor of every plan that can possibly be sug- gested of solving the great problem of quick The way to obtain rapid the beginning. We have a steam railway running from Forty-second street to the Har- lem River, and thence to every part of the Union. This railway is double track and as well built as any in the world. That is one fact. We have an elevated railroad running from the Battery to Thirty-fourth street. This was an experiment. Timidly accepted at first, it has steadily grown into favor. It is not an inviting and attractive road, but thor- conveying passengers from the Battery to Thirty-fourth street in fifteen minutes. Now, why not make a connection between the Ele- vated Railroad, at Thirty-fourth street, and the Harlem Depot? The track might run through Forty-fifth or Forty-sixth street, could be carried over Fifth avenue bya graceful bridge, and could con- nect with the trains. This would be the be- ginning of rapid transit, and from this begin- ning we could go on and build our west side and east side roads and perfect the whole scheme of quick communication. Let us have anything for a beginning. If we had statesmen among our rulers or enterprise among our citizens to adopt a com- prehensive plan it would embrace three features :—Virst, an east and west side double track steam railway ; second, the com- pletion of the Brooklyn Bridge, with a steam railway from the City Hall into Long Island ; and, third, the tunnelling of the Hudson, so that the trains from Philadelphia and the South could come directly into New York. By this means, with railroads running in all flooded would be equal to the calamities of a | directions—to Kings, Westchester and New | campaign, In the Delaware River, at Port | Jersey—New York would have the same on- portunity of spreading as London and Paris, and we should enter upon a career of renewed greatness and prosperity. But as we have said, the way to secure rapid transit is to take what we have and utilize it. The Shaughraun and Skibbeah. When the Shaughraun, in his wrath, called the Skibbeah ‘the thief of the world” it is not strange that the latter, in his resentment, took prompt steps to vindicate his reputation. The Skibbeah, who was accused of taking the property, followed it up by taking legal advice, and, thus fortified in a lawful way, intimated that the Shaughraun was a libeller of his superior. The damages he had sustained by this libel he estimated at fifty thousand dollars—a mighty sum to plaster such a grievousinjury. And thus began the swelling prologue to the imperial theme. But after the Skibbesh hed brought his libel suit be feared that the Shaughraun would not abide the end, and so yesterday he made application to Squire Donohue to have him arrested to keep him from running off. The Skibbeah wanted the Shaughraun locked up in a prison stronger than that from which he escaped by the chimney hole, for it will be known that the Skibbesh had heard of the tricks which the Shaughraun had played the law when he got the Australians to exile him back again to his own old country. He said to the Squire:—‘‘Please, Your Honor, the Shaugh- raun is like the fox he tells us he hunted, which has more than one home to seek, and thus it is proved that he has no home at all, and at any time he may go to it, and where, then, will be my fifty thousand dollars? For after he goes to Boston he intends to go to England, and’ the divi] himself knows when he will come back. So, I ask Your Honor please to lock him up till ] can get my money for being called a name which it would be too much condescension for me to utter.” Now, it will be seen that the Skibbeah is very anxious about his fifty thousand dol- lars, and, unlike Mr, Tilton, does not bring his suit for the glory of it, but goes for the money, which is, after all, the main thing, If the Shaughraun stays he is sure of it, but if he runs away how will the money stand? The ‘Squire was considerate to the Skibbeah, but he said, ‘Now you need not be afeared that the Shaugh raun will be extradited by his own will, for he is not, in my opinion, a transient person. Now, do you go home and take things easy as you can, for I can’t arrest a steady man.’’ But the Skibbeah was not con- tented, andso he said, ‘Your Honor, if I should get the judgment against the Shaughraun, and he be away over the salt seas, I fear that the money would be forever non est invenius.” “Not at all,’’ answered the Squire; ‘when you get the judgment I'll go bail for the money.’ But the Squire did not tell the Skibbeah that the ‘‘when” was the main question of the case, and so the Shaughraun walked out of court as free as he entered, and the Skibbeah said not a word further, and so the matter stands. Ir Is Dirricuit To UnpEEstanp how we can havea harmonious and efficient city govern. ment under the system initiated by the Cor. poration Counsel and the Fire Commissioners, and supposed to be indorsed by Governor Tilden. The Mayor of the city prefers or en- tertains charges against a head of a depart ment of the city government, notifies the accused, hears his defence, finds the charges substantiated and certifies the removal of the officer to the Governor. The removed officer ignores the Mayor and sends a new defence directly to the Governor, in which he impugns the Mayor's motives and questions his ve racity. Ifthe Governor should entertain such appeals and retain the officer in position in spite of the Mayor, what harmony could there be in the city government? What confidence could the Mayor have in his subordinates? How could a Corporation Counsel thus re tained be the confidential legal adviser of the Mayor? And how could we get rid of the discord, wrangling, inefficiency and suffoca- tion under which the city has suffered for the past two years? ‘ PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Senator-elect Bootn left San Francisco for the East yesterday, General William F. Bartlett, of Massachusetts, is staying at the New York Hotel. Congressman Alexander Mitchell, of Wisconsin, is residing at the Hoffman House. Senator-elect Francis Kernan, apartments at the Windsor Hotel. Mr. Alonzo M. Viti, Italian Consul at Philadel phia, is registered at the Metropolitan Hotel. Senator John 8. Hager, of California, arrived from Washington yesterday at the Windsor Hotel, of Utica, hag Marie Christine, the new abbess of the Theresi- ~ anin Convent at Prague, is an archduchess and ts sweet sixteen. Mr. Franklin B. Gowen, President of the Phila delphia and Reading Railroad Company, is at the Brevoort House. Senator Reuven E. Fenton ana Senator-elect A, S. Paddock, of Nebraska, left this city yesterday for Washington. Eighty thousand dollars from Spain on account of the Virginius, and we spent at the time $4,000,000 on our navy. Dr. Kenealy in his election speeches said on one occasion he hated Mr. Disraeli and his govern- ment as the devil hates holy water. Chancellor John V. L. Pruyn, Judge Amasa J, Parker and Mr. Erastus Corning arrived at tne Giisey House iast evening from Albany. Mr. Samuel Bowles, of the Springfleld Repuhli- can, and Mr. Edwin B. Haskell, of the Boston Herald, are sojourning at the Brevoort House, ‘The father of the present French Ambassador to London served in the British army through the wares against the first Republic and Napoleon. He was an emigrant noble. Mr. Charles Bradiaugh arrived in this city last evening !rom Boston, and isat the Futh Avenue Hotel. He will sail for Engiand to-day in tne steamship City of Bookiyn, Mme. Franc®, in Charivari, serves to the Frenchman of the period a nice dish of soup Bisque ala Republique—with the assurance that this time it Is not “too peppery.”’ Good society in Nice. Marquis Lavreati, whe frequents the Mediterranean Cinb, wrote anony- mously toa member, Count Ugolini, to send him 600 francs, or expect the exposure of secrets that would lead to his expulsion, Pion-Plon 18 aj claiming the grade and pay of a French general, but the Minister of War says he don’t know him; thatif he ever was a general it was in some complimentary sort of brevet way, and that ail those generals went out with tne te pire. Women who take babies to kill are to be looked ater in France. Every child under two years 9) age put out to nurse is now by law made a special object of police surveillance, and the nurses must, under severe penaitics, keep the authorities im formad of their whereabonts.