The New York Herald Newspaper, February 8, 1875, Page 3

THE CROWN OF SPAIN. Don Alfonso’s Accession the Doom of the Cause of Don Carlos, The Pretender Surprised by the Sud- den Change. How the Dynastic Event was Accomplished. Serrano, Bismarck and Isabella Deeply Inter- ested Agencies. The People Fatigued by the Politicians--- Languid’ and_Indifferent. CARLOS’ LAST. AND ONLY CHANCES, eee Esreuva, Jan. 8, 1875. Don Aifonso, the son of Isabella, has been pro- claimed King of Spain by Marsnal Serrano’s om- cers, He has been accepted by the army, ana although the party that one would think the most interested in the event—the people—nas not been consulted at all, he may be already considered King of Spain. It 1s, of course, diMcult, almost impossible, to predict anything as to the course of events in Spain, or to predict with anything like reasonable certainty what will ve the effect of any given event, but, so far as can be judged by appearances, this event will prove the deathblow to the hopes of Don Carlos, The news has as yet produced little etfect here—I may say no effect at all—for these peopie do not see any difference be- tween a government headed by Serrano and one headed by Don Alfonso; nor wili they begin to perceive it for some months te come. DON CARLOS’ SURPRISE. ‘Strange as it may seem, the King himself (Don @arivus) does not appear to have understodd the gravity of the event at first. When tne news came ‘to his beadquarters, the Ministers and the govern- ment were at Surango, but he himself, with his ‘brother-in-law, tne Duke of Parma, and asmall Suite, were Off on & sort of pleasure excurston along the sea coast, One would have thought that ‘me would instantly return to the seat of govern- ment and assemble a council of ministers to con- Ser on what was best to bedone. Notatall. He only returned to-day, the 7th, and not till to-mor- yow will the council assemble. However thick events crowd upon eacn other in Spain, men, at Qeast, do not hurry themselves. HE WAR TO BE MAINTAINED. ‘Tn saying that this event will prove a deathbiow to Don Carlos’ canse I do not mean that the war will be conducted with more vigor than it has itherto been; that better generals will be em- ployed, or that the young Von Alfonso’s govern- ment will possess any such power as that required to crush Carlism ata single blow. Don Allonso’s generals may be as little able as Marshal Serrano’s to take Estella and penetrate into the formidable fmountain wedge held by the Carlist forces, but Don Carlos is’none the less doomed to deteat in ‘the end, unless, indeed, there should be a great YFepublican rising in the South, whicn I think hardly probable. THE REASON WHY. Putting aside Don Varios’ claims to divine right, jhwg Dest and most practical reason ior taking the Held was the absence of any established govern- ment at Madrid.- The tenure of power of every government since that of Isabella was very pre- carious, and each successive one grew more feeble. The power of Marshal Serrano wae a mere shadow. In spite of his rec- ognition by Germany, nobody ever believed in his government for a moment; nobody was willing to fignt for it or lend 1t money except at most exor- | Ditant rates of interest, or to risk anything on it. It was oniy the result of a coup d’état which, how- ever justifiable when tha Cortes proved its inca- pacity for governing the country, in itself had mevertheless neither the matertal force of & gov- ernment of the people nor the morat force nor prestige of amonarchy. It lacked one of the very first requisites of any stable government—that of name. Either a monarchy or a republic would Dave had at least one party to supportit. Ser- Tano had only a few personal friends. BISMARCK'S DIPLOMATIC POLICY. It is very difficult to understand why Bismarch should have moved heaven and eartu to recognize ;@ government he himself must have foreseen ‘would be overtnrown before the year was out by eitner Don Cariosor Don Alfonso, unless it was simply to show his power over France and Eng- Jand, CABINET LOGIC. Against such a government Don Carlos had only to act upon the defensive, in order to overthrow 4t. Marshal Serrano had no other title to power ‘than that of any other dictator—the right of ‘might. But so long as Don Carios rewained in the Mela that right evidently did mot exist, If Serrano could crusn the Carlist insurrection, westore peace and order, give the country prosperity and tranquillity he would have very %nuch the same sort of right to rule as Napoleon had in France. But if he could not do this, if he could not put ddwn the Carlists, he had no more right to power than one of nis own soldiers. Don | Carlos, therefore, had only to act on the defen- sive, he had only to maintain himself in bis moun- tains—or, in other words, he had only to exist— and Serrano must inevitably fall. THE CARLIS£ PROPAGANDISM DURING THREE YEARS, For three years Spain has heard of notning but Don Carlos—at first on ihe French frontier issu- ing proclamations whjcn everybody laughed at. Then there was news of his partisans—tfugitives among the mountains of Navarre—who were continually being stamped out only to spring up again in otner places more Vigorous than ever; then as bands of guerillas burning raiiway stations, pulling down telegraph wires and blowing up bridges; then of considerable forces of undisciplined men, without Uniforms and without arms; then of smal armies, More or less disciplined, offering battle ana win- ming victories, until they at last find Don Carios at the head of victorious armies, amounting in the Aggregate to 60,000 men, laboring under the one disadvantage of being separated from each other, but providea with 100 pieces of artillery and some Cavalry, and as completely King of a large part of Spain as though he had been enthroned at Madrid, Each successive government had promised that he should be put down, the country had been making great efforts and had been heavily taxed, it had | submitted to contribution after contribution and levy after levy, in the hope that each snould be the Jast and that Carlism would be effectually crushed ‘Once for all, only to see {t spring up more vigor- ous and deflans than ever after every attempt, MARSHAL SERRANO, especially, had oeen prodiga: of promises. He had said that the war should be ended at Somarros- tro, afterwara at Aburzuza; he bad raised tare sums of money at exorbitant rates of interest, ‘with which to prosecuie the war, and Don Carlos, jike 8 vigorous young tree, oniy seemed to grow stronger and to strike his roots deeper into tho country after every shaping. The Spanish people, from mere dint of hearing of him, were beginning at last to believe in him. Since the battle of Aburzuza Serrano had taxed the strength of the country to its utmost for one tremendous, dem , perate attack upon Estella, and had promised tat he would at last give the crushing biow to Cariism. It was evident to the most Casual observer, as it was to Serrane himself, that this attack must be the last; thi duced to make another attempt. Serrano himself would never é' have attempted to return to Madrid, there woula have been revolutions or outbreaks ail over the country, and in the state of anarchy which would have ensued Don Cari atthe head ©f @ victorious and compact little army, would have crossed the Ebro and have reached the capital. It would have been too late to set up Don Alfonso, and Don Carlos would have been hailed as a dleliverer. ALFONSO THE REPRESENTATIVE OF 4 FIXED SYSTEM. With Don Alfonso once placed upon tne throne | the position is very different, Don Alfonso has a very different title to power from that which Ser- rano bad, Serrano’s only title to rule was his sup- posed power to crush Carlism and make the laws obeyed. This title Don Carlos had successfully dis- puted, Don Alfonso’s ttle to govern Is that of a |. legal ana lawiul king. The monarchical tradition, is all powertul in Spain, and the new King has this on his side. If he cannot put down the insurrec- tion 80 Mauch the worse for the country, it a great misfortune, out it 18 not: the King’s fault, He 1s not responsible for it. Unlike Serrano, Don Alfonso can, if beaten before Bstella, commence again and again. He can afford to be beaten where Serrano could not. “HE CARLISTS CANNOT KEEP UP THE WAR.’” Tn spite of what Don Carlos said to the contrary 10 the interview I had with him, Alfonso can bem the Basque provinces tn, act on the defensive and simply tire them out, The Carlists cannot keep up the war forever; it already weighs heavily ; upon them, and if they have not murmured yet it | ts because they saw that Serrano’s government was tottering, and they hoped that Don Carlos would succeed him. Up to the present Don Carlos | was victorious us long as he simply held is own, | Now the positions are reversed, and he is obiiged to take the offensive; to cross the Ebro; to march upon Madrid. This I do not think be will ever be able to do, because he will have to overcome armies three times as strong numerically as ns own. It will become a simple question of endur- ance, in which the weaker party must be eventa- ally tired out. Don Carlos, who had arrived almost to the very steps of the throne, has now probably lost 1t forever. 18 ALFONSO’S DYNASTY POPULAR ? Ido not, however, think this complete turn of | the wheel of fortune is in the least owing to the .popularity of the young King Alfonso, The son of nis mother hardly can expect to be popular until | heearns his popularity. Nor do I think it ts be- | cause his government will be a very strong | one, or that the constitutional monarchy | in Spain will possess any peculiar prop- | erty or merit that will enable it to} suppress insurrection or estabiisn order. But | possession is said to be nine points in law, and Don Alfonso’s strength; as compared to Don Carles’, 18 & simple question of possession, If Don Carlos were placed upon the throne he would be | stronger than Don Alteoso. I will go further and | Say that Don Carios is more loved of the Spanish people than Don Alfonso, and that had the hal dozen generals who made the pronunciamento for Don Alfonso declared instead ior Don Carlos he would have been received with greater enthusi- asm than the present King. THE PEOPLE FATIGUED AND CARELESS: The truth is the people are so tired of these per- petual revolutions and changes that they will hail with joy any government that promises the one | requisite—without which the best government is only & curse—that of stability. ‘They would accept the father of curses himself providing they thought they could keep him when they haa him. Either Don Carlos or Don Alfonso would be con- sidered @ legal king, no matter how irregular or illegal the means used to reach the throne, be- cause they both may be regarded as heirs to the crown, ana this is why Amadeo, although legally sanctioned by the Spanish people—if elections held under such circumstances could sanction any- thing—was never really regarded as a legal king. Dop Alionso, therefore, gives a promise of stabliity—first, because he is a legal king; second, because he 18 in possession of the throne; third, because he has no faults to anawer tor as yet, and fourth, all of these things combined give him one \ more element of strength, Inasmuch as they make the people and the world believe in him. Don Carlos, had he reached the- throne, would have had all of these things in his favor, and something | more—a strong head ana an iron band, that would have put a stop to pronunciamentos for fifty years to come. HOW WILL CARLISM END? It has been generally supposed that the Cariists, as soon as they heard of the proclamation of Don Alfonso, would immediately disoaud and disperse, and that there would not be a single Carlist under’ arms a month afterward. This is a very great mistake, The proclaiming of von Alfonso has been greeted everywhere througuout the Caritst country with the greatest indifference, and the | truth 1s the people do not perceive the slightest | difference between the new and old order of things, nor will they for months to come. It 18 supposed, too, that there will be a| great many defections among the Carlist | chiefs, that many of them are Alfonsists | at heart, that many more are accessible to bribery, | and that, in snort, Von Carios will soon sec him- | self abandoned by his vest oMcers.g With the ex- ception of a few adventurers, who have no really important commands, there will be no defections among the Carlist chiefs, The men who have es- Poused the cause of Don Carlos are men who fignt upon principle, ana without the slightest regard to the chances of success. ‘The prospect of ulti- mate victory or defeat does not have the least in- fiuence on the question of continuing the struggle as long as it is possible to continue it, and it must be confessed that there 1s something to be admired in this stern adhesion to principles in the face of certain defeat, ButIam afraid THE CAUSE IS Lost | all the same. Whatever the good will of the re- voltea provinces, It will be impossible for them to Continue the struggle very long, even though their enemies be unable to drive them irom their almost impregnable positions. It is money, tne | sinews of war, that will fail them in the end. The | | War may continue a year or eighteen months yet, but if at the end of that time the people find they are Making no progress, that they are no nearer Madrid than they were before, that the govern ment of Alfonso is growing stronger every day and striking its roots into the country—which 13 | perfectly, possible without crushing Carlism—they | will apdoubtedly give up the struggle in despair, | | but mos till then, ONE CHANCE LEFT. In spite of this dark view of the Carlist pros- | Pects it must be confeased that they have a chance | Or two still, and it {s only fair that I snould put it in the most favorable light. Don Carios himself | Maintains, with some show of reason, that the same men who overthrew Isabella, who muraered Prim, who made Amadeus’ government impossi- bie, who overthrew the Republic, and, finally, Ser- rano, Will likewise overthrow Don Alionso, There | 18 @ good deal of ingenuity in this argument, ana to any one acquainted witn the men who have put | | Alfonso on the throne !t certainly appears plaust- | ble, when one remembers what a hotbed of | intrigues, conspiracies, plots and counter plots | | Madrid bas been for the last ten years, When it 18 besides borne in mind that nearly every man | Row in place and power was in some way impit- | cated tn the overthrow of the King’s mother, who, | \t is already said, 1s going back to Madrid, and | ‘Who will prove to be implacably opposed to these men, the theory of Don Carivs certainly does not @ppear so very tmprobabie. ‘Those who hope most | from Don Alfonso’s government say that | QUEEN I3aBELLA | Will not return to Spain, or that if she does sne will endeavor to conciliate everybody. -When we remember the insults and outrages to which she was subjected, and that she “ls a Bourbon—of whom it has been said that they never forget anything and never tearn anything—tnis appears to be a somewhat unreasonable expecta Mon. If the young King were a man with a will ‘and a head of his own there would be little cause | for apprehension, or if there were a single patriot among the men who are lgoked up to as the | @tatesmen of Spain there would ve no dount as to the result, As it is it, must be confessed, there i some chance for Don Carlos yet. Should Alionso XIL, in his turn, be overthrown, as everything else has been tried, the only other possi»ie solution of | the diMoulty would be she advent of Don Carlos, ! A Depten tls me the compicy could not pe ip: | Qué pire vernas ~ NEW YORK HERALD, MONDA THE CENTENNIAL. | Director General Goshorn’s Letter to” Governor Tilden. New York Hotel Keepers o the Qui Vive. n PHILADELPHIA, Feb, 1, 1875. The following is a copy of an official communica- tion addvessed by Mr. Goshorn, Director General | of the Centennial Commission to Hia Excellency INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION, 1876. BNITED STATES CENTENNIAL COMMISSION, SAMUML J. TILDEN, Governor of New York, Srr—In behalf of the United States Centennial tention to several subjects connected with the In- ternaiionai Exhibition of 1876, of great importance snould be made this year. It has aiready become manifest that a } pro- vided ior ina creditable manner by the manuiac- turers anu producers of the several States. But tion 18 esgential to @ complete representation of the material and social conditisno. the comma- the ;ower of au individual to collect, Of this de- scription ure tae unwrought vatural resources of tation, &e. It ts so largely upon their wealth in this direction that the growth of Siaies will be critically studied by those interested in the problems of imm'gration and o! tie invest- every State would do well to provide liberally for the thorough and exhaustive representation of other department that should be inaugurated and prepared under the auspices 01 the state govern- the Governor of New York :— imal Rapellen ea Jan, 30, 1875, Commission, | have tne honor to direct your ai- to your commouweaith, and for whicn provision Portion oj the articles to be exhibited wit pro- there remain large Classes of objects whose coliec- nity, yet Which 1t 18 not to the interest or within the land, suck as its inineruis, soils, woods, vere- depends that ‘his department of the Exmoition ment oi capital On merely economical grounas the actual ans possible produc's Of its soll. An- ments 1s that which may be termed tue nistorical and statistical, Uniess done by official Cirque’ | there wiil not be a complete presentation of suc! Matters as the history of the early settlement vi the State, its physical features, climate. geographical position, government, law ani punishment of crime; system of State and muni- cipal taxation, revenue and expenditure; benevo- lent institutions and charities; education, scien- ufie, industrial, commercial, learned and religious societies; agricuitural and manulacturing inter- ests; the extent and effects of railrouds aud other means of transportation; the history and growth in population and wealth of the State. All these subjects, among others, ougut io be so rep- resented as to atford a summary view Oo! the his.ory, progress und present coudition of every dtate. Unless this is accomplished the Exnibiuon Wil seriously fail in that part of its purpose which contemplates a representation of the nation’s growth during the arst century of its existence. Official resources only are adequate to the satis- factory execution of the task thus proposed. It 13 hoped, thereivre, that each of the States, either by iegislative action or otherwise, will adopt such measures as May De deemed necessary to empower existiny Organizations or ageuctes to ve created ener an exhibition O1 its native resources and moral and political advancement as hereia indicated, A collective representation of this characeer will not only be interesting as illustrat. ing the prosperity oi the country, but will also be of inestimaole archives of toe nation, as a correct history of the birth and progress of the several communities that have contriouted during the century to the growth and strength of the Union of States. How tar your State will participate in these sug- gestions is the question \hatI have the honor to must respectfully submit and recommend to your | early consideration. Your obedient servant, . T, GOSHORN, Director General. As Governor Tilden has already expressed a deep interest in the proposed Exposition, it 1s prob- able that the proposition stated above will re- ceive not only his personal but also his official in- dorsement, Though addressed to His Excellency the Gov- ernor, the contents of the document are of more than ordinary import to every citizen of the State of New York. Alreagy the readers of the HERALD | have been made familiar with the growing in- terest of the metropohs in the great affair of 1876, | and already the brancn office of the Centennial Commission at the St. Nicholas Hotel, under its able And accomplished management, is doing good and noble work. NEW YORK AND THE WORLD'S FATR, Our hotel keepers are already rejoicing over the prospect of a vast influx of foreigners next year “J should not be surprised," said one of the pro. prietors of.one of the principal hotels yesterday to vhe writer, “if a8 many a8 100,000 foreigners should attend the Centennial Exhibition, and of course nearly all of them will avail themselves of the op- portunity to visit the metropolis of America, only three hours distant, Lexpect that our hotels and lodging houses in New York will be crowded to excess between April and Octover, 1876,” These foreigners will not only lodge at our hotels and lodging houses, but eat at our restaurants, and will undoubtedly be compelled to make certain purchases, whicn will cause many os the most stagnant branches of business to revive. Bat what is the number of Joreigners compared to the residents of the Pacific slope, the West and the South. who, in going to see the Exhibition, will undoubtedly see a wel- come chance Oi spending a few weeks among the delightful dissipations of Gotham, which, to the provincia! Amerjcan mind, present as great ai tractions as do those of Parts to the countrym: in France? THE DRY GOODS BUSINESS will ye particularly benefited by this influx of strangers, and hence our dry goods merchants ought to contribute liberally to the Centennial Fund. Business bas been dull for so long a time that the prospect of @ revival next year—even though it be only an artificial one—is viewed with delight by the commercial community. Ot course, when a city like this is filled with strangers there 1s almost no branch of activity which 18 not | affected to some eXlent. Strangers not only sleep 1m hotels and eat in restaurants, but they also visit theatres, ride on the street cars, engage cabs and leave their money in various other ways that are delightial to contemplate. There is only one dark side to this pleasing picture, It is feared by some young men tliat by the influx of handsome British lords and German counts the array Of marriage- able young ladies in America might be suddenly decimated. ‘This is a dreadful thought, but we bid these young gallants not to lose heart, but to struggie bravely against the ascendancy of the blue-biooded swains of Europe and to be’ sure to capture all the pretty American heiresses for themselves, GERMANY’S APPLICATIONS. How great an interest the Centennial Exhibition has excited in the Fatherland, for instance, may | be gathered irom the remarks 0! a wealthy Ger- man business man who visited Governor ler yesterday at the St. Nicholas Hotel. He said he Was ap agent for a number of great German com- mercia! houses, and inquired if he could have no less than 1,200 application forms tor the use of those firms. In the course of a long conversation he ex- pressed his surprise that ail the Centennial stock should not bave been taken already by the Ameri- can peopie. whico had been aroused in Germany by the Cen. tennial that he entertained no doubt that the stock could be easily disposed of in that country, He haa been ‘old by hundreds of Germans that they intended to visit the Exhibition, and thought that mauy even would come who had never before leit thelr mative land. There was @ great desire in Germany, he observed, to become better acquainted with the true condition of this country, regarding which they leatd such extravagant and fabulous reports. He predicted thai at ieast 60,000 Ger- mans Would come to attend the celebration, many of bem in companies of 100 ans 200, which the | customs of the country rather favored, THE FINANCIAL PROSPECT. The editorial in to-day's HERALD,” said Gov- ernor Bigler to the writer, ‘on the ‘Coming Oen- tennial’ bit the nail upon the bead, and was, in fact, one of the best I have ever read on the sub- ject. ur great troubie is procrastination. There is nobody who turns bis back upon the Fourth of Juiy; but there are a great many peo- pie who seem disposed to postyone their aid to the future. ‘Walt ili the spring,’ some people will say; ‘lll do then what I can do.’ Now, this policy of procrastination cannot be too severely deprecaied. better that Wiese people said yes or no than that they should put off thetr duty to a future period— and 18 it not the duty of every American of wealth 10 aid this national eaterprise? Wui tne disgrace | Of a jailure before the nations of tve whole world Dot jal. upon every individual American ¥' In regard to the progress of the financt Governor Bigier haa no news to commun ber 1 work en somewhat interrupted oy his serious Even at less than the dasis of the last Paria Exhibition, the enterprise is sure to pay by the daily admissions of filty cents, and aa the pro- | ceeds oj the sale of the butidings, &c., are to be distriputed among the holders of Centennial stock, | te! vhe managers seem to be justified in their asser- tion that they will be reimbursed to the full APOUDE O1 WWE BORK tak EH ‘value lor preservation in the | He said so great was the enthusiasm | {t would. be much | PICTURES OF POVERTY. THRILLING SCENES IN THE HOVELS OF POOR—THE WINTER WORK OF 87. JOHN'S GUILD AS SHEN FROM DAY TO DAY IN VARICK | STREET, Charitable balis and routs and fairs are of fre- quent occurrence, and often absorb the public in- terest ior a day or a week, exciting the sympathies of the benevolent and the festive spirite of the gay. But they pass by, and, having performed their mission of a little good for a great number, are quietly forgotten, On the other hand, St. Jobn's | Guild pureues, day after day and month afier month, in Winter and in summer, the even tenor of its way. Its volunteers explore every court and alleyway, enter every tenement and lodging cellar, and bring to light, im season and out of season, the most lamentable cases of destitution and of human woe. Food, fuel, medicines and clothes are the instruments with which the Guila | Pursues its work of regeneration and reformation, } Beheving that kindness and pity are the best | agents for bringing about & moral revolution in “regions where social asphyxia is possibie,” and in elevating the mental by paying some attention | to the physical man, the volunteer vistiors pay no | Attention to proselytizing, but exert every effort | to ‘eea clothe and nurse the unfortunate. THE GUILD IS A NEW YORK INSTITUTION, though tt has proved the fountain irom which other “Guilds” have drawn inspiration in many of our inland otties. Its work, though confined to the metropolis, is of great magnitude, for some of | our philanthropists searching afar for a fleld of labor neglect the work to be done at their own | doors. A case of common notoriety may be used in tlustration, In one of our most tashtonable quarters there 18 a rich church which established in @ wretched aistrict by the river side an bumble mission, The clergyman In charge of this mission lived among his parishioners in a tenement. The people about him, whom he met aaily as neigh- bors and who worshipped at big chapel, were many of them this winter HALF-OLAD, HUNGRY AND SICK, and he went to beg for ‘them at the doors of his mother Church, He found the ladies of that church had organized a sewing society for the | peor. He sought an audience from them, and | gravely stated bis case. ‘‘My people,’ said ne, are, Many Of them, out of employment and sul- fering trom lack of clothing, as well as irom want | of feod and trom sickness. Warm garments for | one of them, whois a laborer, will enabie him to ; Support his family. Clothes for the husband and } father are olten bread for the wife and children, | Please give me what you can for my poor.” “Oh, no,” answered the ladies; “‘you mistake, We are making up garments for our Western missions, Look at these. These are for Sabbath wear among | the poor furmers of the Northwest, where itis verv cold, and our missions and membership are very poor’? “OR! GIVE ME A GRAIN OF CORN, MOTHER!” cried the starving child, during the famime in Ire- 4 jand in ’49, and ae thriliing appeals come irom the lips of children tn our mist daily and nightly. No country pauper ever feels the hunger and cuill | which creeps over the pennile-8 man or woman in this ae wilderness of humanity. Such want as assails the unemployed in this city of New York is | beyond the experience or imagination oi the coun- | try poor tomeasure. Families are hungry and | homeless here in our streets to-nignt, witn the bitter winds cutting through every tragment of their scanty covering, and with no refuge save the floor of the police atation or the bed of the river. Husbands, with their wives and children, pass briliiantiy lighted rooms and catch glimpses of tables heavily laden with !ood, and go sobbing and crying into the darkness, having tasted no 1ood and Jelt no warmth from a fire for many, many hours. . DYING FROM EXPOSURE. On. ele beautiiul lady sat crying at the Guild. From the Master the writer sought to learn her story. Jt was this:—Her husband was o printer, and they bad come to this city some years ago from Connecticut. The husband optained em- ployment from the American News Company and | afterward worked at the case in the Bible House. | | He became tll—was stricken down by tever—and goon they were penniless, On Monday of last week | they, with their chiid, were turaed from their lodgings into the street. Through all the sturms | of that day they wandered about exposed to the | | elements, unabie to And even temporary shelter. Nigat drawing on, an oid lady, who spoke to them jin passil airected the wife and cnild to the Home for the Friendiess, and the husband went to the nearest station house, There, thinly clad and whoily without linen or other underclothing, ne lay down to rest on the cold stone Moor. In the morning be was very ilL Hemorrhage of the lungs set in, and the victuin of Hospital. THE PAITHFUL WIFR of this poor man came to him belore he was re- | moved to Bellevue, and, taking off her single nan- | Del skirt, made for nim a shirt. ‘Then with naught but a thin dress to protect her person trom tue | | Cold she sought the ever open door of the Guild, | | where she found what littie of comiort and cheer | | can fall to the lot of one so unfortunate. and now | | she pasees some hours of each day at her bus- | bana’s bedaide, and returns to sit in a quiet cor- | ner of the Guila workroom to sew, while the | tears fall often upon the garment tn her hands. | . In an attic in Monroe street the writer. in com- | pany with a volunteer visitor o! she Guild, jound | another exampie of wifely faith and Glial devo- | tion, The husband had been employed in the | establishment of a leading merchant prince, where ne was injured by an accident. For fitteen months he had been coniined to bis bed, and his Wile, HIS ONLY SUPPORT, A CRIPPLE, had nursed him tenderly. This woman, a modern heroine, had not only earned money by dally washing to support her busband and provide aim | with medical attendance, but had paid the rent of | her attic ana purcuased food tor her invalid Jatier, mother and @ sick sister by the proceeds of her | labor. Still another case is that of a poor woman lately employed by @ famous restaurauteur, who lost employment through sickness, and, when starving, made her way to the Guild, which she reached only to faint at the threshold. Three times, while | waiting for her basket to be filled, she swooned, and the two physicians in attendance stated that | her weakness Was the result of hunger and ex- | haustion. THE RATS OF A TENENENT CBLLAR, Tn Allen stteet, in the cellar of a rear tenement | or rather @ dark hole, at the bottom of a wretcned | structure, where the ceiling was so low one las to bend iow when ina standing posture, a lady | was found lying in a Led upon which there were | neither sheets nor quilis, A dingy blanket covered her person, and nestling close beside her were her four children, One of them, a little fairy creature, Ol wonderiul beauty, with hair of burnished goid, and eyes that had stolen the bloom of violets, was | prattiing innocently and all unappalied by she gloom and horror of the place. Yet that child had seen the’ rats drag her littie cloak from the broken | chair where she had placed it, and rend it in pieces with their sharp teeth, while her mother and | sisters cowered shuddering in their beds. All night long one OF another of these poor creatures kept watch, while the others slept, lying in con- stant dread of attack from the nosome squeaiin creatures that thronged the Moor and clambere squealing about them. Yet this poor family ONCE POSSESSED A HAPPY HOME, from which they had been driven by financial re- | verses and the death of the husband and sather. The mother, @ native of Baltimore, had been bred | in aMluence, her tather holding an office of honor ana trust under the general government tor Many years. Death ana business disasters had brought them to this pitiful strait at lust and forced them to accept and gling to a shelter only fit for dogs. Such are the feariul phases 0: ite the Guild’s visitors encounter. The impressions they leave apon the mind will never fade, and the , lessong they tegon Lave a power that few Sunday sermons possess. & NO POOD,-SAVB 4 LITTLE MEAL, remains at the Guild to-day. Last Monday there were leftover, [rom the previous week twenty- five barrels of oatmeal and cornmeal, During the | week about $2,000 in money was sent to tue Guild. This was at once trausiormed into 1ood, Half the applicants only could ve ied, On Saturday 480 families, about 2,400 persons, received food, and | the names of about 400 additional familes were , taken for visitation. The struggle grows day by | day more desperate for the volunteers, and only | | prompt and generous support irom our citizens | | will enable them longer to drive starvation trom | the doors Of tae poor. THE FLOODS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, | {From the Soutn ani Mail (Cape Town) Dec. | Mr. Brink, of Richmona, ts now in Cape Town, | having come down overland, He gives us some details of the widespread character and disas- trous effects of the late floods in the Richmond, | Graaff-Reinet and Hope Town districts, The town of Graaff*Reinet in what are named the achter- | disease and want Was carried fainting to Beilevue | | republican forms. ae FEBRUARY 8, 1875.—WITH SUPPLEMENT. LOUISIANA’ SOVEREIGNTY, Extent of the Authority of Congress in State Affairs. REPUBLICAN FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. Ordering a New Election an Overstepping of the Constitutional Safeguard. OPINION OF GEORGE TICKNOR CURTI8. To THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD:— In compliance with your suggestion! send you my views of the proposal of an act of Congress ordering & new State election in Louisiana. The only constivutional authority for such an inter- ference tuat 1 have seen referred to 1s the clause of the federal constitution which declares that “Tne United States snall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government; and the only facts hat have been suggested, as showing that @ case nas arisen calling for the fulfilment of this guaranty, are the uncer- tainty that exists to the lawiul title of the acting Governor of Louisiana, the uncertainty that exists as to the right of the memoers claim- ing seats in the Legisiature, and the improbability that the political parties in the State will be able peaceably to settle these questions if left to them- selves. It would seem to be a plain non sequitur to assume that this condition of affairs, even sup- posing it to be correctly described, or to be much | Worse than it is, constitutes a want or an absence of @ republican sorm of government, or evena danger that that form of government will be lost. But as there is nothing ¢lse on which to base the argument for an interference by Congress one mast treat the cgse as it is made by the advocates for that interference, Whatever views I may entertain of the clause in the corstitution which guarantees to every State a repuodlican ‘ornrof government, they are not formed for this occasion or under tts influ- ences, More than twenty years ago I sought to know the meaning and operation of every | Part of the origimal constitution by the light of | historical facts and by the authority of its framers. I have seen no Teason to change whe lar, They may be erroneous opinions, but they were carefully formed. TIDE REPUBLICAN TYPE. Any one who desires to know the intent and Meaning Of the clause in question must take along with him the important fact that, at the time of the formation and adoption of the constitation of forms of government of the republican type as dis- tinguished from monarchical systems, The essence 01 this republican form consisted in the sove- reignty of the people as the source of all political authority, and in representative institations as the means of exercising tne will of the people. As the system that was to be established for a govern- ment of the Union was to be ol the same general character, it became a highly important and, in- | deed, indispensable object to prevent the estab- that was not of the same republican type. The dangers that were to be guarded against in this respect Were not wholly imaginary. Attempts to overturn the republican constitutions of the States and to establish monarchical govern- ments in their place, thas what the Revoluuion had settied, might come from they might spring up within, gainea without, the States. The | Means chosen to prevent this, and the historical development of those means, are very important | to be considered. Tne idea of @ guaranty by all the States, or by the combined power of the | whole, to secure the preservation and conuino. ance ofthe existing republican constitutions of the several States was broached at an early period in the Federal Convention, But in the form in which this guaranty was first proposed it in- cluded not only & “republican constitution,” but the “existing Jaws” of each State, it was soon perceived, however, that in this form the right o! self-government would be crippled by rendering changes of the existing laws impossible, and as the right of popular self-government, iq the treest possible condition, was the very thing | to be preserved, it wus oecessary to express the guaranty within @ narrow scope. Accordingly, | departing from the phrase ‘‘n republican consti- tution,” and discarding the term ‘existing lawa,’’ the guaranty was made to embrace only “a repub- lican form of government,” thus leaving every State free to deal with its own constitution as its peopie should see fit, so long as their government shouid be one embodying the idea of popular sovereignty im the form into which it might be cast. ,Union, at that time, this “republican” form ot government existed. [t existed even in Rhode | Island, which had no other written consutution than the charter granted by King Charles IL, but which, the people having succeeded to the sovereignty, after the Revyoiution, was under a repubiican, althoigh not a demécratie, form of government. The guaranty was. therefore, ap- plied to the continuance and preservation of that which aiready existed in every State; and so long as this existing form of government, described as “republican” on account of tts characteristics, the popular sovereignty and Its representative in- stitutions, showid be comtinued by the States, the general government would have no occasion to in+ teriere. This left the States at full liberty to change their éxtsting republican forms for otner “The only restriction imposed on them,” said the Federalist (No. 43), “18 that they shail not change republican for anti-repubdli- can constitutions—a restriction which, it is pre- sumed, will not be considered as a grievance.” WHEN DORS IT CEASE TO EXIST? if @ treaty were to be made between two in- dependent nations, by which each guaranteed to ‘| the other a republican form of government, tt | would scarcely be clatmed that either was at lib- erty to interfere with the internal concerns of the other without being called upon by that other for assistance, Bat let it be conceded that this clause in the federal constitution is something more than a treaty between each State ana ail the other States; thatit is a fundamental law which, im- posing a @uty, also confers an authority upon the general government, Even upon this view of the clause it cannot be denied that when the generai government | undertakes to exercise this authority it must pur- sue the authority. If, tnea, giving We bro.dest meaning to the term “guarantee,” and supposing © {t to mean that the United States shall prevent an anti-republican form of government from being established in any State, whether calied upon or not called upon by the State itself, t is apparent that the authority must dnd a limitation some- where, Where else are we to look for tts limi: tion bus im the true definition of “republican form of government?’ The object that 1s to be obtained, or the thing that is to be prevented, vy the exercise of an autaority that ts granted for that express purpose, is necessarily the measure of the authority itself. It is neces- sary to know, then, when &@ repubitcan form of government has ceased to exist in a State. Has it ceased to exist when there is a disputed election of one or more of the State officers? Dis puted elections are constantly occurring ; and not only do the laws of the States furnish the means of settling them, but even 1 they remain unget- tled it cannot be pretended that the repubitcan form of government is ioss. is it lost, or over- straats, where vuten tami eside who make | | @ living out of their gardens, sulfered | most; the crops and -(raits of these bein, all but entirely swept away. On account | of the flood having done damage to the main run of water in that direction, it is reported that the damage will not be made good tor at least three | months, In Hope Town district the results have | te, as | been very disastrous to the farmers, and on every | Over farm a loss is sustained of from some 60 to 1,000 sheep, ported that Mr. Distin nas Jost very considerably in both sheep and ostrich: in which latter tn- dustr) i has been of late very energetic and en- rising. sufferings of the armers irom the previously long- | enduring drougnt in the very same districss, must Sell Wit Vedy tegrible ceo, In the Middelburg district 1% is re- | ‘These facts, in conjunction with the | thrown, even if there has been no election of any of the officers, or none that can be legally ascer- tained? The answer to this question depenus upon the real and true meaning of that which is to be preserved, or which ts to be restored when it ts lost namely, the “republican form of government.” [ | consista in the sovereigaty of the people and tn Tepresentative Institutions as the means of exer- cising their will—a definition, whicn, I suppose, (cannot ve contradicted wishout contradicting al | Opinions I then formed in any important particu- | the United States, the Staces had constitutions or | lisnment in any State of any form of government | reversing | and | or | In every State in the ola | the term | have | | said that tne essence of republican government | American bistory and without overthrowing th@ @octrines of the American Revolution. Now, if seems to me that there cau de no clearer proposi- tion than this—tnat no legal interregnom in ang State office, or in any number of the State can displaces or destroy the sovereignty the people or the representative tnstitutions which they have established. These remain untouched and unimpaired. The sovereignty 01 the people is incapable of being abrogated or de stroyed by any condition of the offices, and the rep- resentative institutions which they have esta Ushed continue to exist although the representa: tives may not have been chosen to filithem. tf there are disputed elections, or even if the practie cal Condition of things renders .1t morally imposst: ble to ascertain with legal certainty who ts elected, what is there to fall) back upon but the soved reignty of the people, the right of self-government, which 1s incapabie of dessruction ? Does the guar anty clause of the federal constitution come in here to re-establish that which has not been over- thrown? The very thing which that guaranty clause was designed to preserve—the republican form of government, the right of the people to govern themscives, the right to correct all evils, to supply all omissions—remains in full and unims paired vitality. We are mot to forget, in construing this guaranty clause of the federal constitution, the potent and emphatic reservation of the tenth amendment, that ail powers not granted by the people of the States to the general government remain to the States or to the people; and it would be strange indeed, if the authority under which the general government ts to secure the preservation of thé reserved sovereignty of the peopie of a State should be turned into the means of overthrowing | or displacing it, STATE SOVEREIGNTY. : In the few observations which { had an oppors tunity to make at the Cooper Institute meeting of January 11 [expressed the opinion that. “whe @ State has the misfortune to get into such condition that it is without any lawial govern< ment (lawfully elected officers) 16 belongs tat the people of that State, im their sovereign and primary capacity, to take all the tnitin« tory and ail the final steps for the estab~ lishment of such @& government.” It wad impossible on such an occasion to expound | or to tllustrate this position. Let md do so now. Of course I regard the primary 80v- ereignty of the people of a State as the funda< mental idea of a republican form of government, according to our American political sentiments. Along With the sovereignty of the people | place,. as the only other essential element of a republl- | can form of government the representative ine stitutions which are known to ail our political, systems, What ts commonly called the govern Ment of a State, theretore—namels, its ofticers—~ does not, in my view, enter into the essential elements of ‘@ republican form of govern ment—that is to say, every office in the Stata may be vacant, yet the republican form of govern- ment remains, because the sovereignty of the people and the representative institutions remain. Now I do not forget that the people of a State may, have limited the exercise of their own sovereigns ty, by limiting in their constitution or other organic laws the modes in which they will fill their representative offices. Suppose this to have beem done; and suppose that there is a failure to eleew any ofiicers, or that the people will not recognize as lawiully elected those who claim to have beem elected. Congress then steps forward under the pleat that the republican form of government is lost ort destroyed, and orders an election to be held. The people of the State answer: | tution which recognizes our sovereignty, and wa have representative institutions for the exprea-7 sion and exercise of our will. These remain to usd They constitute republican government; they are republican governmént. What you propose ta guarantee to us remains in full life and vigor- Your interference cannot restore 1 to us, for id has never veen We decline your authority, to interfere in a matter which is not of tha essence of @ republican form of government—~ namely, the election of our State oMcers—any more than i$ wouid be of the essence of a repub« lican form of government ior you worder what laws we shall make, What taxes we shall pay fon the support of our government, or what we shall eat, drink or wear?” I am unable to conceiva reply cotild be made to this; and I have seen none by anticipation which undertakes td meet the objection, excepting this: thai + there 18 such an assumed state of anarchy and lawlessness in Louisiana that aniess there is soma interierence from without, society, law and orderi | will perish, But if this is really the case why dis¢ guise the interference under constitutional jorms® Why pretend that you enter the State in order ta guarantee a republican form of government, when, in fact, you go there with the strong hand to suppress the right of self-government because, as you say, the people are no longer fit to exer< cise it? For my own part, rather than havd | the precedent established of an entry by, Congress into a State to hold 4 Stated election on the pretexts or the reason: signed, 1 should prefer to take the risk of all that ma! happen from afd after a withdrawal of whe fede! troops, It seems to be generally conceded that if the troops were withdrawn the Kellogg governs ment, which novody can pretend is anything but | @ asurpation, would dissolve and melt ; away. Do the people of this country, then, desire, {or the ~sake of furnish ing & way out of the difficulties in which the course of the federal Executive has invoived the State of Louisiana, to see the guaranty claus@ of the federal constitution construed by a prece< dent that will overthrow the very popular sov-' ereignty which tt was designed to secure? The precedent, if made, will be one preghant with thea most portentous consequences, It will dwarf all the measures or steps of consolidation that hava ever been seen or thought of in our history. It will proceed apon the idea that without any call by the Stave or its people, and constituting itself the sole and absolute judge of the exigency, Congress may declare that a repubiican form of government no longer exists In a State, because the State offices have not been legally flied, or be- | cause a disputed election ofa Legislature nas re~ suited in an uncertainty, or oecause a majority or | minority of the people regard the acting Governor asa usurper. What will remain of the independent sovereignty and the autonomy of the States aiter such a precedent? ‘ PEDERAL INTER? “RENCE UNWARRANTED. » Doubtless the governing majority of the presen® Congress have the pnysical power to order a State election in Louisiana: but it is to be hoped that no democrat vote will be given lor such an act. It is only by @ steady and unanimous protest against such interference that the democratia party can now do anything to secure a return to the proper sphere of the federal government. Wa have arrived at a turning point in regard ta the character of our political institutions, As the course of the dominant party in regard to this matter shal! be suomitted to or repudiated by the people of the Cnion, so will tne future character of our government be determined. tt! will elther remain a itmited constitutional govern- meat. of defined powers of a specific character, or it will become a government of unlimited author- ity, resting on the physical force of a majority of the people, wieldea by the wili of one man or by the will of an oligarchy. Yours, Mr. Editor, verm respectfully, GEO. TICKNOR CURTIS. Ngw Yorg, Feb. 5. FATHER NEWMAN'S PAMPHLET, {London (Jan. 22) correspondence of Shefle:@ Tevegraph.) The general verdict about Father Newman's pamphiet is that it is lar superior to Mr, Giad- stone’s in controversial 8! ior the eminent re-| cluse of the Birmingham Ty has loug beem known as the most adie Controversialist of hig day. But he oniy succeeds in maintaining his po- sition by drawing distinctions far too subtle to appreciated by the mags of his co-religionists, an entirely repudiated by other Roman Cath writers.like ‘. Father Newman lim | Papal tnfallidtiity im a way which to the extrem: ultramontanes must be offenaive. He may right, but if 80 they cannot be. One must admi | this eloquent, conscientious and us: Moderpeesion iron ewe. Engi ssiol . it is said, is music, ana during his Oxtord career Arc! ate; used to say of bim that ti he had not taken to ti Charch he would have made a peg mm leader oi,