The New York Herald Newspaper, February 3, 1875, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY ANDO ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Youre Henarp will be gent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12 ‘All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed Naw Yore Hzmavp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- earned. {LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received ond forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XL. seoeeNO, 34 AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. GERMANIA THEATRI bined street.—DER GRWISDENS' ;eloses at lu45 P.M. Lipa Mayr. NIBLO'S, Brosdway.-TOM AND JUBRY, at 8 F. M. ;closss at 10:45 BM, at 8 P. BAN FRANCISCO ESTRELA. aan; corner of Twenty-nintn street.—NEGRO THELSY, at 8 P. M.: closes at WP. ux ARE, at 8 P.M; Bixteenth siregt BRGONE ELE closes at 10:45 P.M. Mr. Maccabe. GLOBE THEATRE, Broadway,—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 1020 P.M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, _-THE SHAUGIIRAUN, at 8P.M.; closes at . Mr. Boucicault, BROOKLYN THEAT! street.—LITTLE EM'LY, at Broadwa; 40 YP, ner P. M.; closes at Ws5 P. ACADEMY OF bg ow Siar, ot Twenty-third street a IBITION, OF WATER COLOR 9A. M. tol0P, M. venue.—EX- NGS Open trom Woops MUSEUM, Ryetrars sr z hirtieth street—WITCHES OF Se GrO'T. M-; closes at OTST. IL Matinee ax? pay ¥O! . M METROPOLITAN THEATRE, Fos Brogdway.—VARIETY, ats P. M.; Closes wt 10:30 NEW YORK STADT THEA’ TRE, atSP. M.: closes rat .—EIN SrAATSGRHETMNISS. at rine OLYMPIC THEATRE. Ee Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes st 10:45 THEATRE COMIQUE, gue Broadway. —VARLETY, at 8P. M. ; cloves at 10:45 BRUOKLYN PARK THEATRE, gogoman SIN)’3 VARIETY, at 8. M.; closes at 10:45 ROMAN HIPPODROME, Twenty-sixth street an Fourth avenue.—Afternoon and tvening, at 2and & TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, fo, 201 Bowery.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:45 FIFTH AVENUE THEATRI gery ‘hth street and Broadwav.—-WOMEN OF THE Day, P. M.: closes at 10307’, M. Mr. Lewis, Muss Davenport, Miss Jewett. ACADEXY OF MUSIC. Fourteenth strect.—kngiisn Opera—MIGNON, at 8 P.M Mise Kellogg. LYCEUM THEATRE, _— street and Sixth avenue.—A8 YOU LIKE iy, até P. MM. ; closes at 10:45 P. M. Mrs Rousby. wer, tren Ore or ame ano reet, near avenue.—! iNstRebst, 4c., at8P. M.; closes at 10P. M. Dan TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3. 1875, NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1875,—TRIPLE SHEET, honest man he will redeem that pledge, snd | that perhaps there was by this time » fortun & Temultueus Day im the House— The Right of Debate and the Rights of the Minority. Yesterday's session of the House of Repre- sentatives was the most contentious and ex- citing that has occurred since the opening scenes in that body at its first meeting under the Presidency of Andrew Johnson. It was indeed more remarkable than anything that occurred even om that memorable occa- sion; and we should have to go back to the passionate parliamentary tactics in the height of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle to find a parallel. The strenuous filibustering last weer, which kept the House in continu- oug session for two successive nights and a great part of three consecutive days, without rest or sleep, was very resolute and deter- mined, but at the same time exceedingly dull and business-like. Neither side lost its tem- per or its self-possession, and the incessant, wearying roll calls to take the yeas and nays on constantly repeated dilatory motions pro- democrats the full advantages which they claimed under the discarded rule, and if the effect has been to expose the absurdity of the rule the democrats must blame them- selves for pushing it to such an extreme as to necessitate its repeal. They “will lose nothing by the passage of the Civil Rights bill, if it should pass; and if the republicans should pass more objectionable measures for reducing the South to a humiliating military vassalage the democrats will be furnished with new party measures and will be strengthened for a successful appeal tothe people. But they will gain nothing by declaiming against the new rule or denouncing Speaker Blaine, who, bating some aspenty of language under strong provocation, has borne himself with great fairness and prudence throughout these extraordinary proceedings. A Sure Way to Obtain Rapid Transit. The meeting held at the Chamber of Com- merce the other day by the merchants and eceded with a heavy monotony which roused no feeling, inflamed no passions, called Bat the scenes yesterday ex- hibited a complete change of humor. Both House at a white heat and caused it to glow like a furnace. As compared with the sullen filibustering of last week, it was like the con- trast between a heavy, lowering sky and the vivid play of forked lightning ig a violent thunder storm. The victory was at last won by the republi- cans, but whether it was worth so fierce a struggle time and events will show. The new rule was adopted, not merely by a bere majority, which would have sufficed to pass it, but by a majority of two-thirds, which proves a loss of opposition strength in the course of the struge gle. The democrats were able to keep the House at a deadlock during the contest of last week because their opponents were unable to command a two-thirds majority. They lost that advantage in the struggle yesterday, but they might, perhaps, have retained it if the question before the House had not been varied. The tontest, in its final shape, was not for a simple suspension of the rules, but for the adoption of a new rule, which does not leave the minority so absolutely helpless as it would have been if the republicans had won their victory on last week’s batile ground. The new rule pays some respect to the rights of debate. While it inhibits more than one dilatory motion on any stage of a bill it does not permit any bill to be passed on the same day on which it is proposed, thus securing to the minority one day for debate, whereas by a simple suspension of the rules debate might have been cut off entirely and the opposition completely gagged bya mere majority vote. Another great difference in the two propositions lies in the fact that the new rule does not apply to bills making an appropri- ation of money or pledging the credit of the government. It does not fling the door wide open for the corrupt schemes of the lobby, as &@ mere suspension of the rules would have done. The effect, of the new rule is to take out of the hands of the minority their power to block all progress and defeat all legislation by parliamentary filibustering. The new rule is, perhaps, a salutary change, and the democrats, at least, will have no reason to complain of it in the next House, when they will be a majority. The minority have their rights, but those rights have a limit. They have a right to be From our reports this morning the probabilitis are that the weather to-day will be clearing, with rain or snow. Wart Srrezr Yzsterpay.—Stocks were higber and dealings large. Money remains at two and three per centon call loans. Foreign wxchange is steady. Gold was feverish and advanced to 114}. Tae Rev. Farner P. J. Dear lectured last night before the Historical Society upon «The First Catholic Mission in New York,’’ snd his instructive discourse will be found in bur columns. Tae Svicrpe of the Empress of China is reported by cable, and if true shows an ex- traordinary devotion to her late husband. It is also said that a child of three years has been proclaimed Emperor, under the regency of the Empress Mother. * Tue Frexcu Assrmsty yesterday passed M. Wallon’s bill giving the President, without concurrence with the proposed Senate, power to dissolve the Assembly. The majority of two hundred and nine shows that the dead- lock 1s broken, and that progress is to be ex- pected now in the work of forming a consti- tational government. Mra. F. W. Sewanp has already begun his services by presenting in the Assembly a bill providing for the paving of Fifth avenue. It is supported by a petition of many of our leading citizens and property-holders, and we bope it will have a rapid transit through both houses. Tue Revotvtioy in Venezuela is not annihi- lated. It is as solid asever. The interest in South American revolutions is increasing, as since New Orleans, Vicksburg and Harris. burg, not to forget Washington, we naturally look to South America to know what we may | expect at home. | Tue Tovrixxapunation of the silver bells is once more a tamiliar sound, and our account of the sleighing in the Park and on the ave- nues will be found lively reading. This isa winter in which ‘‘if the red slayer thinks he slays’’ he is not mistaken, Mr. Emerson not- withstanding to the contrary, Tae Commissioners or Accounts, under the -Girections of the Mayor, are engaged in an heard, but not a right to render the majority powerless. They have a right to prevent hasty, inconsiderate legislation, but not to prevent legislation altogether by blocking its wheels and keeping the House ina perpetual wrangle, with no other object than to nullify the will of the majority. No such scenes as our American filibustering are ever witnessed in the British House of Commons or any other legislative body in the world. It is the in- defeasible right of the majority to 4ntrol the action of the House. They are morally bound to allow the minority to express their views in debate, but that is a very different thing from giving the minority power to defeat the transaction of public business or to prevent the passage of any bills which they may dislike by interposing incessant dilatory motions and consuming the time of the House in endless calls tor the yeas and nays. The new rule is very unsatisfactory to Gen- eral Butler, who desired to gag the minority and deprive them of all influence. Speaker Blaine came down from the chair and made a vigorous speech on the floor in opposition to the views of Butler. The sharp sparring between him and several democratic mem- bers in an earlier stage of the proceedings might have justified the suspicion that he was carried too far by the heat of party feel- ing, if he bad not afterwards defined and vin- dicated his position by his speech on the floor. His rulings during the long filibuster- ing struggle last weck were impartial and considerate, and if some of his language in the early part of the day yesterday was tinged with unusual acerbity he had a good | deal of provocation from the filibustering democrats. But his speech against Butler was a full recognition of the right of the minority to be protected against sudden sur- prises and to have their arguments listened to. He favors no gag law such as Butler wished to fasten on the minority. But he | also’ asserts, and justly asserts, the | right of the majority to control the legis- lation of the House and to pass such bills as it may deliberately approve. The new rule, carefully guarded and restricted as it is, will be considered as unobjectionable by fair- minded men, and the democrats them- selves will not tindertake to change it when examination of the Finance Department. It is to be hoped that their investigation will be thorough. It is essential that they should carefully scrutinize all the facts connected | with the issue, redemption and renewal, of assessment bonds, the collection of assess- ments and arrears, the alterations of assess- ment rolls, and the use that has been made | of the moneys received from such collections, It is also important that they should ascertain whetber there have been any deficiencies in the annual tax collections, and, if so, how they have been met, and whether a deficit in the public treasury now exists, — they come into power in the next House. In | | ceedingly interesting. | Moulton in a secondary position. | that House Mr. Blaine will be the leader of-! the minority, and he professes his willinghess | to be bound by the same rule then which is | adopted by the majority now. He favors | deliberate legislation and fair opportunities | for debate; but a power to block the wheels of legislation and bring the business of the Honse to a perpetual deadlock is what | no minority has a right to ask aud no ma- | jority should be expected to assent to. We are glad this protracted contest is ended, and | are not dissatisfied with the result. We approve [poy rcersme to Blaine in aiving the others in favor of rapid transit discussed, among other questions, the probable cost of millions and others again computed the figures at twelve millions. These calculations are not to have rapid transit. Any sum, however large, expended in a practicable and adequate road, would be economy as compared with the extravagance of continued neglect. The present method of transit has cost the city of New York many millions of dollars already, and every year adds millions more, the loss increasing in more than arithmetical progres- sion. Every day that the metropolis remains without sufficient means of transportation for its vast population makes its burden heavier, So when the cost of building a road iy con- sidered by our merchants let them remember the cost of not building one, and be inspired by the contrast to efforts even more determined than those they are now making. Those prominent citizens who have grown up with New York, whose colossal fortunes are invested here, whose names are identified with the splendor of New York throughout the country, should have an especial interest in this view of the subject. Their wealth is depreciated and their reputations are lessened by the failure of the city to solve this problem of rapid transit, Their personal stake in the question is far greater than that of the ordinary citizen, who has not the power to remedy the evils by which he suffers, But the capitalists of the city not only largely feel and perceive the injury but possess the power to remove it. This constitutes a responsibility which they cannot evade and which we gladly believe they are willing to assume, There is no doubt that twelve millions of dollars would be sufficient to, revolutionize our present methods of transit—methods which Contrast with our other achievements as barbarism does with civilization. The street cars, with their diseases and delays and nuisances, disgrace metropolitan New York, with her splendid streets, her pure water, her gas system, her magnificent Park and all her multitudinous achievements, as much as an African nose ring would disfigure the fair face of a Fifth avenue belle. There ought not to be the delay of a week in securing the pledge of twelve or fifteen millions to remove this blot from our American civilization and insure the reform which will begin a new career of prosperity for the city. There are twelve gentlemen who could give New. York to-morrow the certainty of rapid transit, The pledge of one million of dollars each from such wealthy citizens as Messra. Astor, Cooper, Stewart, Vanderbilt, Anderson, Bel- mont, Duncan, Lenox, Tilden, Goelet, Brown and Taylor, would liberate our city from its chains, and make their names illustrious in its annals. Contributions so princely and yet so easily to be made from their imperial for- tunes would fitly crown their careers and en- title them to gratitude so long as New York remains a city. There is no surer method of obtaining the sum required, and none which would be of greater value to both the receiver and the giver. And it is these gentlemen es- pecially that we respectfully ask to remember, when they estimate the cost of rapid transit, what they have already iost for the want of it, and what they would lose in wealth, gratitude and national honor if they should now neglect the golden opportunity of their lives. They can he, if they choose, the re- generators of the American metropolis, The Beecher Trial. Mr. Tilton’s testimony yesterday was ex- His stoty is one in- trinsically sorrowful in any shape, but asa personal narrative it becomes absorbing. The principals in the case are like the great per- sonages in a play; no one of them can eclipse the others. From one point of view Mr. Beecher is the central figure, from another it is Mr. Tilton, and probably in the pro- founder sense he is the real hero of the trag- edy. Unquestionably this is the true position if his testimony is accepted, for he is at once the victim and the Nemesis. Mr. Beecher, on, the theory of his innocence, is like an angel caught and tortured by malicious creatures, and on the supposition of his guilt, he ap- pears more like the angel of ruin and desola- tion. From still another standpoint Mrs: Tilton seems the chief sufferer, whether she has wronged Mr. Beecher or is now wronging herself and Mr. Tilton. Yet none of these three friends now standing ‘‘apart, like rocks that have been rent asunder,’’ place Mr. He is the ambitious Atlas who attempted to carry a world of scandal, but, finding it too heavy, let it fall against his wish, and now stands among the fragments, The direct examination has brought out Mr. Tilton’s story in nearly all its details, and those portions ruled out by the Court are known to the public by the statements published. It is a long trial, but the extreme importance which is attached to | it is displayed in the increasing interest of the public, not merely in the climax of the tragedy, but in the development of the plot, scene by scene and act by act. Tun Lirtin Exma Sinven Mixz is now being worked in the Cour: of Common Pleas by Mr. Williams, who brought suit for an alleged libel in connection with that imagi- | nary Bonconda or Goinanza, for we have got | the two famous places confused. The decision of the Court upon the demurrer is published | to-day. Grant's Resignation—Its Vaiue as & Precedent. When General Grant came into public life as @ politician and candidate for office he made the remarkable declaration that under no circumstances would he have a policy against the will of the people. This was un- derstood as a protest against the irritating features of the administration of President Johnson. Mr. Johnson was in antagonism not so much to the will of the people as to the policy of the dominant party. We ques- tion now whether, if at any time during his term of office, there could have been an honest, accurate expression of popular will, free from the interference of federal and State patronage, party discipline, the military gov- ernments in the South and the corruption of the suffrage, as in Georgia and Pennsylvania, there would not have been s majority in favor of the much abused policy of a states- man who now, in a spirit of political justice, comes once agsin into public life, at a time when his‘ successor and antagonist is departing from it. When General Grant meant that he would have no policy at variance with the will of the people his prob- able idea was that he would always be in accord with republican sentiment. But this was not his generally understood meaning at the time ; his declaration rested upon higher grounds. If we could only bring him to accept and respect it now it would be a crowning act of his fame and a supreme benefit to the country. General Grant's administration is unfor- tunate because of many of its precedents, Let him do away with the evil resulting from them and give us a new precedent by resigna- tion, We especially refer to his executive misconception of the Presidential office when he entered upon its duties. The powers of the Presidency are prescribed by statute, and are largely colored by tradition and custom, It is a unique office, unlike any other in the world, with many attributes that are kingly and many responsibilities that could not exist in a royal system. Thus, custom has made it almost as absolute as a law that there shall be a cabinet, a representutive, responsi- ble body, composed of wise men, leaders of political movements, of ripe experience and purpose and skilled in representative govern- ment. There is no constitutional enactment giving the Cabinet a position like that assigned the President and Vice President; but it has an existence, and is as much a part of the gov- -ernment as any of the great departments recognized by the constitution, No President has admitted his obligation to remove a Cabinet officer at the dictation of a party or of Oongress. Presidents have protected their secretaries against such opposition, But whenever it has been seen that the party support- ing the administration has been really bent upon a change in the Cabinet the President always found a way of yielding. Lincoln found it when he sent his Secretary of War to Russia ; Buchanan’ found it when he sum- moned Stanton and Dix into his councils; Jackson found it when he threw out the secre- taries whom he believed to be under the infiu- ence of Calhoun, and named men more congenial and acquiescent. So that the tradi- tion of the Cabinet responsibility to the party and to the country has become a principle as fixed as if it were in our constitution. President Grant is the firgt Executive who has scorned this precedent, From that begin- ning we have had all our misfortunes. His administration, with ite violation of vested righte, its ignoring the will of the people, its wounding of the national pride, its apathy, callousness, and obstinate indifference to the higher purposes of govern- ment, its nepotism and corruption, springs as naturally from the President's course in foundirg his Oabinet as the oak tree springs from the acorn. The President hon- estly believed that his acceptance of the Presi-" dential office was like a transfer from one com- mand to another, that the Cabinet was his staff, that the republican party composed his battalions, and that his will was to be as ab- solute as when it erected the batteries at Vicksburg or planned the flanking movements in the Wilderness, Consequently the admin- istration has been drifting further and further from the haven of true republicanism into the fatal and alluring seas of anarchy and Ceesarism. The country has put its seal of condemna- tion upon the administration. The question therefore arises whether the President cannot be induced to accept this verdict in a per- sonal sense. When he delivered his second inaugural address he took pains to felicitate the country and himself upon the fact that the extraordinary vote which re-elected him was a personal vindication against calumny. If he was sincere in this construction of the electoral votes of 1872 let him apply the principle to tho votes of 1874. If he accepted the Presidential office the second time because it represented the condemnation of personal slanders, let him resign the same office, now that the country has declared him, with all his accumulated mistakes, unworthy of future confidence, There is every logical reason why he should resign. We do not see how he could decline it without belying the noblest words and best deeds of his whole career. Its value as a prece- dent cannot be overestimated. Many wise and grave men fear the effect of General Grant's further administration upon the coun- try unless we can turn the ship of State back from its present course into the one laid down in the charts of our fathers. The surest way to effect this will be to respect the will of the people. He will then show that a republican form of government is really republican in the highest sense—namely, that it respects the people’s voice so much that it cannot hold ower under any shadow of false pretences. It will bring back the gross and overladen office of the Presidency to the jurisdiction of public opinion. It will strengthen Congress, a body which for tho last ten years has become weaker and weaker before these encroach- | ments. It will give new life to the spirit of democracy. It will show the world that in America it is not possible by any combination of machinery, in the way of universal suffrage or a plebiscitum, fora President to become virtually master and king. ‘These are moral advantages that will inure | from the resignation of President Grant. We base them on his own avowal that under no circumstances would he hold power against | the will of the people. If he is a sincerely in doing so make a ¢ that will strengthen republican institutions, do away with much of the evil that has sprung from his own policy, add a new benefit to the coun- try and a new lustre to his fame. End of the Deadlock on the Civil Rignts Bill. The extraordinary contest over the Civil Rights bill, on which a week's time has been squandered in parliamentary filibustering and trials of physical endurance, has resulted in such a change of the rules as will preclude such tussles during the remainder of the session. In estimating this remarkable legislative battle we must not overlook the motives of the combatants on each side, Neither party. cares a straw for the Civil Rights bill on its merits. If the republicans had thought it wise and desirable they could easily have passed it at the last session, when it came from the Senate. It lay several months on the table of the House, but was not taken up because it was understood that the President would kill it by a veto if it should pass. Had the elections of the year been favorable to the republicans it would mot have been heard of again. But owerwhelming defeat of their party, and the new complications arising out of the military dispersion of the Louisiana Legislature, have forced the administration to a change of base. The republicans have determined to revive the negro issue and fight the next political battle on that question, The Civil Rights bill is merely a symbol of this policy. It is hoped that it will reunite the negro vote of the South, on which the democratic party were beginning to make inroads, and that it will arouse the decaying zeal of Northern repub- licans in behalf of negro rights. By setting . the ontrage mill in operation and flooding the republican press mill with highly colored ac- counts of White League murders the repub- lican leaders think they may reinvigorate their party. The filibustering opposition of the demo- crats proceeds also from mere political cal- culation. They would gain more than they would lose by the passage of the Civil Rights bill, but they think it necessary to de- monstrate to the Southern whites that they mean to stand by them and strenuously fight their battles, The Civil Rights bill will strengthen the democratic party in the South if passed in spite of democratic opposition in Congress. The negroes are too poor to ride in palace cars, attend fashionable theatres and pay for accommodations io first class hotels. Legislation may bestow on them the empty right, but it cannot put money in their pockets to be spent in luxuries above their condition. A civil rights bill might secure to negroes the legal right to bury their dead in Greenwood Cemetery, but it cannot compel the proprietors to sell them lots at a lower price than to white citizens, and people who are fastidious in such matters would have a complete guarantee against negro intrusion in the impecuniosity which places Greenwood lots beyond the reach of negro purchasers, The mere passage of a law conferring upon negroes -rights of which they can make no practical use is of little consequence one way or the other. So far as it had any operation it ‘would be for the ad- vantage of : the democratic party by shutting up one of the mills for the manufac- ture of outrages. Tht reason why hotel keep- ers and the managers of theatres refuse ad- mission to negroes is the fear of offending their white patrons. But if the law allowed them no liberty their white patrons could not take offence at what was done under compulsion, and political mischief makers would have no motive to supply presuming negroes with money to test a claim which was no longer re- sisted. The poverty of the negroes would then put the question to sleep and save every- body from annoyance except in rare cases. It is only admission to schools that could occa- sion disturbance; but if equally good sepa- rate schools were provided for both races negro children would generally prefer the colored schools, where they would avoid the jeers and contempt of white schoolmates, which no law could suppress or prevent. The passage of a civil rights bill would close up one source of agitation, and it is for the in- terest of the democratic party that the negro agitation should die out. We cannot see that the question is worth the vehement struggle and long deadlock of the last week. The Story of a Mysterious Book. Nearly half a century since the adventurous American, who is always on his travels, hap- pened to be in London; and while he was there some patriotic Briton gave to the world ® more or less accurate account of the life of His Sacred Majesty George IV. Rather, he would have given it to. the world, but the ruthless censorship intervened, and he only succeeded in giving it to the few lucky fellows who got an early copy each, or to the man of enterprise who always secures suppressed volumes and smuggled whiskey. Our American was perhaps one of the men of enterprise, for the American abroad has the faculty of seizing rare opportunities, At least one plate of the Vendome Column is now in San Francisco, and was taken out of Paris at atime when the police were in hot pursuit of those treasures, of which, indeed, they re- covered all but three or four. But the account of George IV. was more scurrilous than the common run of such things, In those days there were very fierce political passions in the land, and the quasi-republican system that the chartists demanded in 1838 was fermenting and was held to be greatly favored in men’s minds by a salutary exposition of the vices of royalty. So the dish was peppered to please the excited palate ot the people, and the suthor could not always be squeamish as to his authorities. It was perhaps because of the brilliancy of his talent that the Chamber- Jain asserted a well-timed authority. But our American brought his volume home and | kept it, conceiving that he had a treasure which would pay interest on the purchase money, and, perhaps, picturing in his mind a perfect panorama of the effects he would some day produce. He waited well—thongh this is not commonly the forte of our countrymen. At last the “Greville Memoirs” came. In a few snort weeks the editor of those memoirs made a fortune—out of what? Why, out of the same sort of material—as our traveller prob- ably saw it—out of a scandalous story about a number of persons of much less consequence than George IV. So it naturally occurred in that volume also, And then came a devics to prepare the public mind; to stretch us on the very tenter hooks of curiosity. From this point the acute reader perceives the true story of that erst mysterious volume Our adventurous traveller put forth this well constructed advertisement: — rig REwaBb—A BoOk.—Aany person hav- .e on 8 a corvain” Lm printed lackson, Newgate stree i 1880, with tte name of M. Lindsell, Paternost Tow, on the title page as pine wainet the punlication of which the Lora. Cl lior issued Hy a junction, it containing certein statements re ng & member of the ig Famuy, will re Scive the above reward in gold by bringing tne book to Mr. G. Golbourne, No. 35 Duke street, Lom don, or B, R. Brown, No. 599 Broadway, New York, United States, Only the one copy is known to 4 in the United States, Here is something to tickle the fancy of tha gourmands of scandal. Only imagine what dreadful things there must be to make it worth five thousand dollars to any one to sup» press these revelations; and consider also the fidelity with which the sleuthhounds of an effete monarchy have hunted the thing down when they have got to the point that there is only one copy in this great Republic which they contemptuously propose to wipe out with five thousand dollars! Cheap Republic they must think it, In the fancy of the adroit Projector the réle of the people was to start from this natural indignation at the attempt to deprive a free people of these succulent rev elations. Just as the tools of foreign tyranny were about to consume the mystery in fire some rich publishing house was to step in and with reckless extravagance offer ten or fifteen thousand dollars and give the great disclosures tothe public ata dollar a volume, to the ex- tent of fifty thousand volumes, if possible, But some of the joints of this game have ap- parently fallen out by the way and the pieces do not go together well. Our adventurous traveller has evidently overreached himself, He has certainly atiracted attention—a greal point, and has contrived his scheme well; but he is not ready with his book, and in the meantime books near enough alike it to answer every purpose will swarm on the mar ket and reap the harvest of curiosity prepared by his skill. Another of the errors of genius Warsz Ann tas Troors?—The scene ix the Pennsylvania Legislature may be consid- ered disgraceful to that State, but is it not even more disgraceful to the general government? Here was just the situation in which it was bound, by its, own precedents, to use the mili- tary to preserve order. General Grant turned @ sheriff out of his office at Vicksburg by the army. He sent Steinberger with a condemned howitzer in a war vessel of the United States to the Samoan Islands. He sent the troops to expel four members from the Louisiana As- sembly. Now, here was a casein which the Sergeant-at-Arms could not expel one man andin which the Legislature of Pennsylvania was resolved into a mob. The President claims the right to disperse mobs and remove the danger of bloodshed, and should consist- ently order a regiment to Harrisburg. Why does he not do it? Is it possible that a mob of democrats and a mob of republicans de» serve different treatment at his hands? A Surr Acanwr tHe Crry for salaries of certain officers was determined in their favor yesterday. Mr. Green was ordered to pay over twenty-seven thousand dollars, in- cluding interest, so that all the city treasury gains by his dispute of a fair claim is loss, Sree: Renoesee vl tinet iy Ate Green anyhow. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Mr, Ass Packer, of Pennsylvania, is residing a¢ the St. Nicholas Hotel. Mrs. Juila Ward Howe, of Boston, is registere@ at the Westminster Hotel. : An edition of “Moliere”’ in English, translated by Henry Van Lann, is on the tapis. State Senator Nathaniel Wheeler, of Connect cut, is staying at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, Don Carlos has a Count Gurowski on his stad who bates liberalism, which is but natural. Wong Uhinfoo, an educated Chinese gentieman, is among the iacest arrivals at the St. Nicholas Hotel. “Mr. John H. Gear, Speaker of the Iowa House of Representatives, is sojourning at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Assistant Attorney General E. ©. Briarley ar rived from Washington yesterday at the Grand Central Hotel, Colonel Thomas A. Scott, President of the Penn. sylvania Ratiroad Company, has apartments at the Windsor Hotel. Lyons sent to this country tn 1874 $12,000,000 worth of her fabrics, principally in silks, velvets, Tibbons and gloves. Mr. John King, Jr., First Vice President of the Baltimore and Onto Railroad Company, has arrived at the Fittn Avenue Hotel. Mr. H. B. Hurlout, Vice President of the Cleve. Jand, Columbns, Cincinnati and Indianapolis Raith road Company, is stopping at the Windsor Hotel, Yesterday Ml. P. Robeson, brother of G. M. Robeson, Secretary of the Navy, received a com- mission appointing him to the position of Assist. ant Collector of Customs for Camden, N. J. While the Duke of Edinburgh was waiting for the starting of a train at Paddington terminus his dressing case was mysteriously carried off. Evi- dently the rogue thought he had another case of Jewelry. The Americans residing at the Hotel Chauvin, Rice, gave a ballin January at which were pres- ent Admirals Taylor, Case and Scott, of the United States Navy; also the officers of the Franklin and Congress. The next Consistory will be held at the Vatican in March. On that occasion nine new cardinals will be appointed, including Archbishop Manning. Another chance for Baltimore or St, Louis or some other city. General Sheridan and party left New Orleans yesterday for Vicksburg. It 18 understood that they will not return to New Orleans. The head- quarters of the Department of tie Missouri will be re-established at Chicago. The testimonial fund to be presented to Mr. and Mrs. 8. C. Hall, whose “golden wedding”’ was cele. brated recently, is now pearly £2,000, Mr. Tenny- son, Lord Houghton ana Professor Longfellow are members of the Testimonial Committee. At a meeting of the League of St. Sebastian, the object of which is the restoration of the tem. poral power of the Pope, Mr. Owen Lewis, M. P., said bis only feeling for Mr. Gladstone was one of “contemptuous pity” for the “degradation into which so great a man had fallen.” Noone yet knows how Gladstone feels about this, Once on atime the Pope spoke of four English ex-Ministers. ne,’ sald the Pope, “I like and understand ;' ne I like, but do not understand ;” “one Lunderstand, but do not like;" “one I neither understand nor like.” Who the tourth was the Pope charitably forgot; but the second was Glad. stone, whom His Holincss by this time, perhaps, understands better than he likes, In Barcelana 1s an artist, Zuloaga by name, who takes a steef plate, incrusts it with gold and silver, and with bis bammer works out @ box such ag those of the Cinque Cento period, now so mucky sougns after. Aifonso XIl., it is stated, nag ordered of this artist a surtout delabdle, decorated with the arms of Spain and of England, wnich the Majesty means to present to the mess at the Wook wich Artillery Schvol as @ souvenir of bis sojourm ‘with bis late comrades,