The New York Herald Newspaper, December 18, 1874, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every | ‘day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- | mual subscription price $12. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and | @fter January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly | editions of the New Yoru Heraxp will be sent free of postage. asain All business or news letters and telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New Youx | bility of our Presidents has always been the NEW YORK FROM THIRD TERM TO ONE TERM. The third term question having been prac- tically decided by an overwhelming majority of the American people it is now in order to take effectual security not only against this question being ever raised again, but against the inveterate abuses which attend the re- election of a President at all. The re-eligi- weak feature of our free, popular institutions. As a general rule the people have disapproved, for the last half century, of a second term, as they always disapproved of a third. Just fifty years ago John Quincy Adams was elected President, and from that time till the closing year of our civil war there was but one instance of the re-election of an American RK HERALD, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1874. —WITH SUPPLEMENT. speeches and writings of Clay there are re- peated and vehement recommendations of an amendment to the constitution limiting the President to one term. In the great work of De Tocqueville, the ablest and most philo- our institutions, be qualifies his admiration by depicting in strong and lively colors the dangers and evils of permitting the President to be re-elected. Efforts to amend the constitution in this respect have heretofore been unsuccessful, because popular sentiment, the great pro- pelling force in all reforms, was not thor- oughly aroused to its necessity. The third President, and had it not been for the civil war there probably would never have been | another. Between 1832 and 1864 no Presi- | Henavv. Rejected communications will not be re- | turned. | Letters and packages should be properly sealed, LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK | HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms | as in New York. "VOLUME XXXI AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. PIFTH AVENUE @HEATRE, | ‘Twenty-eichth street and Bro 'ay.—LONDON ASSUR. ANCE, at SP. M.; closes at 10:0 P. M. Miss Davenport. | BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, ‘West Twenty-third street, near Sixth avenne —NEGRO MINSTRELSY, &c., atS'P. M.; closes at 10Y. M. Dan Bryant BROOKLYN THEATRE, Washington street JANE BYRE, at SP. M. Miss Char- dotte Thompson. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, Broadway, corner of Twenty-ninth street NEGRO MINSTRELSY, at 8 P.M; Closes at 10 P.M, ROBINSON HAL! Sen street.—BEGUNE DULL "CARE. Mr. Mac. cade. GLORE THEATRE, | Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8P. Mj closes at 10:30 P. M. LYCEUM THEATRE, | Fourteenth street and Sixth avenue.—CHILPRRIC, at 8 W. M.; closes at 10:45 F, M. Miss kmily soldene. | | NEW PARK THEATRI Fulton street, Brooklyn,.—1HE ORPHANS: R. M. Car- Foil and Sons. GERMANIA THEAT! Fourteenth streets WIN KELSCHAETBER, at8 P.M. WOOD'S MUSEUM, | 2 a t Closes at 10:49 P.M. J.B, Tinsot Shp METROPOLITAN THEATRE, | oe 585 Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; ‘closes at 10:30 | OLYMPIC THEATRE, [oy rg Broadway.—VARIETY, at8P. M.: closes at 10:45 | RAND OPERA HOUSE, third crest and Highth avenue. at 8 P.M. jcloses ai ll P.M. Twent: Fatiry —THE BLACK PARK THEATRE, Broadway, between Twenty-firac ana Twenty- ox streets. GILDED AGE, at§ P.M; closes at 10:30’. ir. John I. Raymond. NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, Bowery.—LUC INDE VOM THEATER, at SP. M.; aci0:30P. M. Miss Lina Mayr. Soa THEATRE COMIQCE, o,f Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8. i. ; closes at 10.30 BOOTH’S THEATRE, Gormer of Twenty-third street and Sixth avenue. THE | HERO OF THE HOUR, at BP. M.; closes at 10:40 P. Mr. Henri Stuart ROMAN HIPPODROME, sixth street and Fourth aveaue.—FETE AT | noon and evening, st2 and 4. = ecalga sats this aera i pokalics | are that the weather to-day will be partly cloudy and colder, with brisk northwest winds. Watt Srreer Yesterpay.—The stock market was dull. Gold steady at 111}, and money on call loans from four to five per cent. Foreign exchange closed weak. Tar Rercrsinc Boarp in New Orleans has decided the elections in twenty-three parishes, which give the House thirty-seven conserva- tives and thirty-three radicals. Now for the rest. Tue 'Lonasnoremen strikers have gone to | work, where work was to be had, and the rest are, no doubt, anxious for employment. | Union No, 2 still holds ont, but this action can do no good to the men nor any harm to the companies. If a nnited strike failed what success can be looked for by a partial | one? Mr. Tween appeared again in Court yester- | day, and it is plain that if the law offers any | method of escape for him his lawyers are re- solved to findit, The grounds on which he demands his liberty are published to-day. The case was postponed till next Tuesday, when the Court will probably decide it. Ovr Conresponpent in Berlin, ina letter ‘written on the eve of the Von Arnim trial, says that many of the friends of the Count held the opinion that his true course would have been to have appealed to the judgment of the world. This appeal must ultimately | be made, for no Court can settle the questions | involved in so remarkable a case. Tae Asvse or Postat Canps.—The prose- ‘cution of a person charged with having sent annoying and scurrilous postal cards to a | debtor will be productive of good. These open cards were intended as a public conven- ience. If liable to be used in an offensive | manner they would become a public nuisance. ‘Their abuse is severely punished in England. Tae Coroner's Verpict in the case of Mosher and Douglas was rendered yesterday. The Messrs. Van Brunt and their companions were properly commended for their courage, Bnd the killing was declared justifiable. We present the evidence taken yesterday. Un- happily nothing new has yet been discovered in relation to Charley Ross, but the police still hope that he will soon be restored to his family. Carn Is, We Tusa, a much abused indi- vidual, He was the first murderer, it is true, but far from the worst, The ‘spirit of Cain” was gentle and kind compared with the spirit of some.of our modern murderers, as, for in- stance, the negro whose bloody deeds near Manassas, Va., are described in a letter from that place this morning. The cold-blooded cruelty of such @ monster shows how greatly _ Magistrate in the height of a great war. There | was really but little force in this argument, | of those Presidents reached 6 @ secon | motive but an honorable fame, founded on ef- | they may refuse to re-elect a President, they | ing in Congress, without the powerful im- | cent emphatic verdict of the people on the | | third term question is the effect of a powerful | is a more favorable period than is likely soon | to recur for carrying such an amendment | as it contemplated a term of seven or six dent was re-elected, and it is quite | certain. that President Lincoln would not have been re-elected in 1864 but for the felt danger of changing the Chief for if Lincoln had been in the last year of a | second term in 1864 nobody would have then ; proposed to elect him again. The fact that none of the eight Presidents | | who followed Jackson were re-elected may be taken as a proof that, for a long period before the war, the people bad settled into a practi- cal indorsement of the one term principle. j And yet during all that period the country , | suffered, in unabated force, the evils of the | principle of re-eligibility ; for, although none | term, they all schemed and intrigued for it and | prostituted the power and patronage of their | office in vain efforts for its attainment. Had | the constitution locked the door against such | aspirations no President would have had any | forts to promote the public welfare. It is, there- | fore, no valid reply to the arguments against | re-eligibility to say that if the people disap- | Prove of a second term they have merely to prevent it in the elections; because, although cannot prevent him from abusing the powers of his office in such attempts. A constitu- tional interdict would take away this de- | moralizing abuse by extinguishing all hopes | of success. We therefore hail with peculiar satisfaction the proposal made a few days ago in the | Senate, by Mr. Wright, to amend the éonstitu- ; tion and limit every President to a single term. An amendment of this part of the constitution will never be carried through Congress until the public mind is’ stimulated | | body. As Mr. Benton said in commenting on | the failure of the effort made in 1826:—‘‘Such, | there is too much reason to apprehend, may be the fate of future similar propositions originat- pulsion of the people them through. Select bodies are not, the place for | popular reforms. These reforms are for the | | benefit of the people, and should begin with | the people, and there should be no despair on account of the failures already suffered. No’! | great reform is carried suddenly.’’ The-re- to urge tide of popular sentiment, on which the radical reform, of which the necessity has so | Jong been felt by our most eminent statesmen, | may be floated to success if advantage is taken of the ‘opportunity before the publfc cools on this important subject. This winter | through Congress and submitting it to the | States for ratification. There is only needed | such a popular awakening as was created by | the independent press on the third term question to secure this great reform in our constitution before the next Presidential election. The necessity of this change has been felt by sagacious minds from the beginning. qt would be tedious to sketch the whole history | of this question, even in outline, and we will | merely give such glimpses as will prove the deep and abiding convictions which have been held on this subject by our most far-seeing statesmen. In the Convention which framed | the constitution the original draft on this point was many times changed, but there was @ preponderance of opinion against re-eligi- bility until within the last ten days of the ad- journment. The first draft made the term of the President seven years and forbade his re-election. The period was repeatedly short- ened and again lengthened by amendments, until at the very close of the session it was cut down to four years, and the ineligibility clause | stricken out, by way of compromise between those who wanted a long and those who pre- ferred a shorter term. The reduction to four years was wise, but it was a great mistake to discard the limitation to one term, which had been the purpose of the Convention, as long years. Jefferson, who was then in Paris, repro- bated this mistake with great vigor of language as soon as a copy of the constitution reached him, and he maintained that it ought not to be ratified without an amendment forbidding the re-election of the President. He expressed himself strongly on this point in letters to John Adams, to Madison, to Washington and all correspondents with whom he had such relations as permitted him to speak freely. To John Adams he wrote:—‘‘How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly has proposed. Their President seems a bad edi- tion of a Polish king. He may be elected from four years to four years for life.” And he went on to point out the dangers to which such @ provision must sooner or later lead. He wrote another long ‘4nd emphatic letter to Madison on the same subject, in which he said:—‘The second feature I dislike, and strongly dislike, is the abandonment of the principle of rotation in the case of the President.” He also wrote to Washington, objecting to ‘the perpetual re-eligibility of the President,” but adding, ot the close of his letter: —‘‘How- ever, I shall hope that before there is office of President the good sense and free spirit of our countrymen will make the changes necessary to prevent it." And in his auto- murder has been improved since Cain first in- trodneed it to the world biography, written in old age, he restates his | population of New York. in office | donger of this change taking place in the | term controversy, which has agitated the country from end to end within the last year, great reform. by which third term hopes have been swept away like chaff before a hurricane needs only | to move on in the same direction to tear up the whole evil by the roots and lay it pros- | trate. We are in the most favorable con- | juncture possible for removing the worst abuse of our political institutions. The re- | publican party, which has suffered _ so signal | a humiliation in the strong “popular verdict against a third term, can more than recover all it has lost by this question if it will plant | | itself on the idea of Jefferson, Jackson, Clay | and mauy other eminent statesmen, and sub- | mit to the people at this session an amend- ment which will not only forever supersede | the third term question, but remove for all j,coming time the temptation which begets our | | Presidents of exerting their power and patronage in subservience to personal ends. The democratic party cannot oppose this re- form, if it be pressed in earnest, without speedily exchanging positions with its de. | feated adversary. THE COST OF STREET CLEANING. The expense of cleaning the streets of New York for the month of November, or rather the money taken out of the pockets of the people under the pretence of cleaning the streets, amounted in round numbers to fifty- two thousand dollars, or a little less than two thousand dollars a day. For this amount a number of decrepit hangers-on of ward politi- cians have been supplied with a living at the public expense as sweepers; over twenty- three thousand dollars has been paid for a month’s cart hire, mainly to the same worthies; some of the more particular friends | of the Police Commissioners have enjoyed the better paid positions, such as superintendents, | foremen and inspectors, and the streets have | to bring a strong p io hear ok: Gat | been kept in as filthy a condition as usual. It is notorious that half the money thus squan- dered by the Street Cleaning Bureau might as well be thrown into the mud and slush which ere seldom removed from the streets for any benefits received by the public from its expen- | diture. The only streets of the city that are really kept clean and in decent order are those which are swept by private | parties hired and paid by the residents, The people who are heavily taxed for the expenses of the Street Cleaning Bureau must pay | private contractors over again to clean their streets, or make up their minds to live in | perpetual filth. As the Police Commissioners, or some of | marck has served the interests of Prussia them, have complained that the amount ap- | propriated to this bureau is not sufficient to enable them to do the work effectively it is two million the annual expenditures in Paris for last year to have been: — For Police and Fire departments com- bine «+ $3,978,000 | street clean g. 170,000 Total.ecs.... « « $4,148,000 The appropriations for these purposes in New York for 1875, under the provisional esti- | tionment, are as follows: — | Fire Department Police, without Street CI Street Cieaning Bareau. Toate spent im Paris. Excess spent in New York Thus, with a city one-hal! we pay nearly one million and a half dollars more than is paid by the Parisians for the support of the Police and Fire departments and for cleaning the streets. At the same time the service is not one-half so well per- formed in New York as in Paris. These are facts deserving the attention of the taxpayers and of the Board of Apportionment. Ovg Latest Reports rrom Breiim state that Prince Bismarck had been in consultation with the Emperor, and hopes—or fears—were entertained that his threat of’ resignation would not be carried out. The opinion seems to be general that the Reichstag did not mean to express want of confidence in the Chancel- lor by ita vote of yesterday. It is said that in any case the Emperor would not accept his resignation, and we presume that the diffi- culty has been settled, as such difficulties generally are. But there is a moral in this event which the American peo- ple cannot fail to perceive, Here is the most powerful man in the most powerful monarchy in Europe so sensitive to the opin- ion of the nation that he offers to resign his great office—not because he is formally cen- sured, but because a single act of his is ob- jected to by the national legislature. In the United States we see the contrast of an entire sdihinistration condemned by a popular vote, and yet all the members of the Cabinet clinging to office in defiance of the expressed opinion of the country. Bismarck’s readiness to resign forcibly illustrates an ar- gument which we have been of late reluc- tantly obliged to use. prea ene Tae Cumpasn.—There has been no more graceful movement than the organization of a | society for the prevention of cruelty to chil- dren, It comes at the fittest time of all the year, a8 we are about entering into the hal- lowed festival of Christmas. The purport of the society, as we understand it, is to rescue children from ill-treatment and neglect. As Mr. Gerry well said, in expressing the inten- tions of the founders, ‘Boys of brutal parents swell the ranks of those who disturb peaceful society, and the girls are lost, body and soul, chientions and the reasons of them. We have before they arrive at maturity.” | mate recently passed by the Board of Appor- | | imperious spirit, that he betrayed himself by sophical foreigner who has ever written on | | i} | pire. ; associated in the French and German war, has broken up and mellowed the soil for this | ‘The mighty popular impulse | | married Bismarck’s sister. j gies, we are sure its officers will receive the warmest thanks and support of the community. COUNT ARNIM. The detailed proceedings of the trial of Count Arnim, as published in our recent despatches, justify the view the Heratp has taken of them. If this were the crimi- nal indictment of an officer of the Foreign Department for an infraction of the law it | would be an indifferent affair. But it is more than this. Count Arnim and Prince Bismarck are noblemen in the German Em- They hold high rank and have served the Emperor in the most responsible positions. They have been friends for years. They were especially in the completion of the Treaty of Frankfort. A member of the Arnim family Fora long time | they have been rivals for the confidence of the King. Suddenly the Ambassador was | degraded by the Minister from his employ- ment, and then thrown into prison and treated like a common fel: effort yras made to prove that e bad “I tera tee ot ai ceny and should be punished as a common thief, Our opinion is—and in this we are sus- tained by thé general opinion of Europe—that the whole affair was a political proceeding; that the struggle was for precedence and | power; that Bismarck’s extreme anxicty was, not to defend German law, but to vindicate Prussian policy, and that this policy, when it came to light, would show an illustration of , Prussian selfishness, both in dealing with France and the minor German States, that would seriously injure the fame of the Prus- sian Chancellor. Whatever may be the effect of the trial, so far as Count Arnim’s personal liberty is con- cerned, he has thus far won a victory. The | utmost that can be charged against him is that he committed a technical fault in diso- | beying the orders of the Prussian foreign service. To this he makes answer that | this act was necessary for the vindi- | cation of his fame. His whole bearing | during this trial shows the honor and | dignity of a high bred gentleman. He | shirked nothing, made no unseemly apolo- | avoided no responsibilities, did not lie, but avowed his act and rested his.defence upon his rights asa German citizen to protect his fortune and his fame. Wehave no doubt he fulfilled all his instructions as Minister in Paris. As he said pathetically, ‘the docu- ments relating to Prince Bismarck were a grave in which were buried the friendship | of his youth. Nothing could show that he | had at any time acted in opposition to his in- stractions. He could swear that he had com- mitted no illegal act.’’ So far as Count Arnim is concerned, there- fore, the trial is a political vindication ; so tar as Bismarck is concerned it is a condemna- | tion. The whole tone of his policy towards France comes to light. We find him forcing German influence into the details of French politics, striving to keep France weak, to in- | terfere with one faction against the other, and to use Italy against France, not to the advantage of Italy, but simply to serve the German purposes. We discover, also, that in this whole business Prince Bis- against those of Germany. When the history of these times is really known it will | well to compare our own expenditures with ; has been carrying out the old Frederick the | those of other cities. Paris is a model of | Great legend—to build up Prussia at the ex- | cleanliness. Its police organization is good | pense of Germany. The cry for a united and its fire department effective. Paris has | Germany means really a cry for the aggrandize- inhabitants—just double the | ment of the Hohengollerns and the extension Yet we find | | moral victory rests with Count Arnim, as the be found, we believe, that the Prince | of the Prussian system. Patriotism has been made subordinate to the ambition of a house. Bismarck and Arnim represent two princi- ples—the one Prussian, the other German. So | far as men are concerned the Prince has suc- | ceeded in putting upon his rival a mortifying, disgraceful defeat. Butso far as principles are ,concerned we believe that the end will show that the Prince yielded to a masterful and giving rein to his temper, that he invited that public condemnation to which even great ministers are not insensible, and that the representative of German liberality and prog- ress. b THE PACIFIC MAIL AND THE PUB- | LIC PURSE. In the Pacific Mail scandal we see one of | the, bad results—one of the abuses—of our | system. Publicassistance to great enterprises is purchased by a price paid to public ser- vants. Congressmen are chosen by the peo- ple and are given the power to vote away that public money which isthe product of tax- ation; but this power is given to them be- cause, as they are of the people, it is assumed that they will only vote to spend the people's | money in projects that are to render to the people an equivalent advantage. It results, however, that each Congressman, though a representative of the people, has a more vivid idea of his own interest than of the people's interest ; and, if the projectors of great en- terprises will pay to so many Congress- men so many thousands of dollars, these Congressmen will vote out of the people’s | pockets as many millions as may be de- manded, without any regard whatever to whether the schemes in favor of which they | vote money are such as tend to the benefit of the people. In this regard it is not the mere loss of so much public money that is bad; it is not simply the corruption of so many pub- lic functionaries that is to be apprehended, but the worst result is that it tends to excite the opposition of the people to every con- ceivable project of public improvement. It tends to commit the people ina resolute op- position to every project, no matter what ita benefit to the nation, that demands assistance from the public purse. Congressmen vote so much of the public money in favor of mere | schemes that the public seem to accept as a fact that whatever applies for the assist- ance of the public purse is merely a ' scheme—an empty swindle. In a country 80 | | vast in territory and with such great possi- | | bilities as ours it is obvious that many neces- sary improvements cannot be carried out without national assistance. Our Pacific Railroad was evidently of this class. The | parallel road that is projected from Texas to | the Pacific is in the same category. The We cen | build is of the same stamp. All such enter isthmus ship canal that we must some day | vision was inserted in the charter requiring | tions of politics that should not be permitted tions! assistance, and the greatest evil of villanies like the Pacific Mail subsidy is that they tend to discourage and put away into the indefinite future enterprises which the nation must inevitably and necessurily assist. THE CHARTER AND THE CITY APPOINTMENTS. The charter under which our city govern- ment is now conducted was framed under cir- cumstances that have left their impress, for good or evil, on its provisions. The legisla- tive majority and the Governor were republi- can at the time of its enactment. The Mayor, although acting temporarily with the repub- lican party, was of the democratic faith, and took pride in advertising his adherence to the principles of that organization. The munici- pal patronage was to be distributed among the victors in the election of 1872, and the momentous question with the republican leaders was how to render secure their logiti- mate share of the city offices. They desired especially to keep Comptroller Green at the head of the city finances for objects of their own which will now react and compel his removal by a democratic administration. The factional strife among the republicans defeated every proposition contemplating a mixed authority in the appointments, and compelled them to vest the power in the Mayor. So the Legislature, by a bargain, kept in office the President of the Police Board, the Comptroller, the Commissioner of Public Works and the Corporation Counsel, and gave the rest of the appointments to the Mayor, subject to the confirmation of the Board of Alder- men, the President of which was a republican. But, it having been suggested that as soon as the Legislature had adjourned the Mayor might turn out the retained officials, a pro- the approval of the Governor, expressed in writing, before a removal could be made. This very provision will now enable Mayor Wick- ham to get rid of Comptroller Green. The clause of the charter relating to re- movals reads as follows:—‘*The heads of all departments, including those retained as above, and all other persons whose appoint- ment is in this section provided for, may be removed by the Mayor, for cause, and after opportunity to be heard, subject, however, before such removal shall take effect, to the | approval of the Governor, expressed in writ- ing. The Mayor shall, in all cases, com- municate to the Governor in writing his rea- sons for such removal. Whenever a removal | is so effected the Mayor shall, upon the de- mand of the officer removed, make, in writing, a public statement of the reason therefor.” It is held that this clause ‘ties the hands of the Mayor." Such wag its effect while the Mayor and the Governor were of different political faith, but it will not be so when the Mayor and the Governor are in political accord. If Mr. Wickham removes Comptroller Green, as | he is expected to do, democratic “home | rule” will compel the democratic Governor | to indorse his action, A removal ‘for | canse” bears a very wide interpretation. If the Mayor considers that the Finance De- partment 1s incompetently and extravagantly managed, that is sufficient ‘‘cause’’ for a change in its head. If he is of opinion that the Public Works Department is not conducted in the public interests, that is a good ‘‘cause”’ for the removal of the Commissioner. If he believes that the Police Department and the Street Cleaning Bureau are mere political stop | shops, that unfaithfulness in subordinates is | condoned by a temporary breaking up of ex- isting ‘‘rings” and the transfer of corrupt | officers to new scenes of enterprise, that is an | excellent ‘‘cause’’ for the thorough re- | organization of the commission, Mayor | Wickham cannot, therefore, shirk responsibil- ity by pleading that the charter ‘ties his | hands."’ His first official act should be the reform of our financial policy by the removal of Comptroller Green. UNNECESSARY ISSUES. The trouble in New Orleans in reference to the attempt to force colored lads into the High School as students only illustrates the agita- tion that now and then disturbs the Southern communities. The High School of New Or- | leans is a city institution, and has heretofore been attended by children of white citizens, | There is perhaps no legal and no moral rea- son why negroes should not be admitted to | the advantages of this school ; but it violates the traditions and customs of the community and imposes upon the white lads, for instance, | a necessity of sitting on a school bench by the side of colored lads who have been their slaves. This is to compel a recognition of race equality which is not sincere and is therefore insulting. It intrades into education ques- in schools. It is an unnecessary issue, and those who press it do an absurd and wicked thing. The political point is that both white boys and black shall be educated. If there is any reason why education would be imperfect by reason of white children attending black schools or blacks attending white schools, then arrange the matter in the only sensible way—let the blacks stay together and the whites together. So they receive education and become fitted for useful membership in society 1t is of little consequence whether they study in one building or in two. RAPID ,TRANSIT. The new year that comes upon us so rapidly has no higher duty than the rebuilding of New York. Toward that result nothing is more necessary than the perfection of a sys- tem of rapid transit. Mr. ‘Tilden and his party, who come into power and are responsi- ble for the government of the city and State, must perfect some plan and carry it into oper- ation, This is one of the responsibilities of power, and there is none higher. New York is a stifled city. All the tides of growth flow toward Westchester and the upper part of the island. But with the miserable, selfish, crim- inal policy of the men who have ruled New York for years this natural, healthy process | has been arrested. Now Jersey and Long | Island prosper at our expense. The line of | villages on the Jersey shore have become cities, important, rich, growing, attractive. Brooklyn has grown with rapid strides, and when the bridge is finished there will bea new impulse, for then rapid transit will tend across the East River. All this time upper Neen, se ik ask eranato eae history. Suffice it to | imagine no wider field of usefulness than lies | prises that are necessary to thé national state that in the messages of Jackson and the | before the members of this organization, and | gr@wth are too great to be done: savé by na New York aud Westchester stand atill All “ner of selfish interests have conspired their prosperity. Legislatures would set railway bills until they became Lm elle ~ vith corruption. Private corpo- terlogged 4 to build the road, but rations proton it ne interest after nothing ever came d to postpone this another has supervem. needed reform. terest New York now demands n.* <i shall further interfere. The tim a5 into for rapid transit. The new nien whe, power must give it or show that they se, worthy of the confidence of the people. ~ THE COMPTROLLERSHIP. ) The new administration which will come into power at the beginning of the year must give the country an earnest of its sincerity im the work of reform. There can be no better evidence of this sincerity than the removal ef Mr. Green from the office of Comptroller. No matter what arguments may be adduced in favor of Mr. Green’s retention in office—his successorship to Mr. Connolly, his enmity to the Ring and the fact that he was nominated as an agency of reform—nothing is clearer than that he has forfeited the confidence of the people. As Mr. Dana tersely expressed it. in a letter written before the election, if Mr. Green does not pile up the debt as swiftly as Tweed he does it as surely. He represents the policy which stifles New York, and so long as he remains in power there will be no real reform—no reform that means life and’ progress. The duty of the new Mayor is to remove Mr. Green. This act of removal must be ap- proved by the Governor. But as the demo- eratic party laid down home rule as an es- sential plank in its platform, and 4s the Comptrollership certainly belongs to New York, the Governor cannot for a moment think of interfering with the Mayor in the ex- pression of his belief that there should bea new Comptroller in the city. There are many eminent and capable men who could fill this office with acceptability to all parties. Let us indicate a few from whom Mr. Wickham can make a selection: John J. Cisco, Frederick Tappen, President of the Gallatin National Bank; W. Seymour, the ex- President of the New York Stock Exchange; John T. Agnew, E. P. Fabbri, of the firm of Fabbri & Chauncey; Edward Cooper, John S. Hume and Abel Dennison, a re- tired merchant and President of the Ware- house Company. Any one of these gentlemen would make an admirable Comptroller; one in whom the people, without distinction of party, would have confidence, whose appointment would add to the credit of the metropolis and be the augury of better and brighter times. The new régime, however, will only begin when we have an end of Mr. Green's Comp- trollership. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, ma, Hdvana poss: satirical periodical devoted to theatrical affairs. Captain Jonn A. Upshur, United States Navy, is quartered at the Everett House. . Congressman elect John L. Vance, of Onio, is sojourning at the Hoffman House. Judge E. C. Kattell, of Binghamton, has taken up his residence at the Astor House. Assemblyman Cyrille S. Lincoln, of Naples, N. Y., is staying at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. General David B. McKibbin, United States Army, 1s residing temporarily at tne Astor House. Congressman elect Charles Hughes, of Samay Hill, N. Y., is stopping at the St. Denis Hotel. A. Hailstone, from England, was among the sea sonable arrivals at tae a Avenue Hotel yester- day. Chief Engineer Eawin Fithian, of the Wasbing- ton Navy Yard, bas quarters at the Union Square Hotel. Sir Hugh Allan was a passenger by the steam. ship Prussian, which arrived at Portland, Me., yes- terday. Colonel Thomas G. Paylor and Captain Robert Catlin, United States Army, are at the Metropoil- tan Hotel. Congressman Robert S. Hale, of Elizabethtown, |N. Y., arrived from Washington yesterday at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. The Russian government has ordered eighteen iron sloops-of-war for the Aral Sea, and two steam~- ers for the Amoo Daria. M. Emile Ollivier, ex-Minister, is reported as anxious to obtain authority for the issue in Paris of new political journal. Brevet Major General A. A. Humphreys, Chief of the Engineer corps, United States Army, is regia- tered at the Hoffman House. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel B. Holabird, of the Quartermasters’ Department, United States army, is at the Everett House. John Lawlor, the London sculptor, has a very beautiful marble bust on eghibition at Gouptl’s, Ita subject 18 “The Willow Wreath.” J. H. Phillips, of Prospect Park, L.f., @ welt | known trainer of horses, objects to the spread of the report that he recently died of heart disease. Lieutenant Wheeler, of the exploring and sur- veying expedition to the Territories, will deliver | @ lecture on that sabyect before the Geographical Society of the United States, at its hall in New York, on the evening of December 23, The American water color artists have passed resolutions excluding shadow frames and similar abominations from their exhibitions, They prob- ably think that if the carvers and gilders want ex- nibitions they should organize one.. In the recent Italian elections the Rignt gets, onavote of 486, a majority of 70, There are eighty-nine titled members, eight of whom are princes, four dukes and ten marquises, These are all with the Left—that is, they are in opposition to the government, which they regard as too liberal, The Pau Mall Gazette has published some statis- tics to show that France consumed, in proportion to population, leas coffee than any other nation. Will the Gazette now set on foot an inquiry as to what it is that the French consame under the name of coffee, or is that sufficiently well known? It is proposed to set up in ali the streets of St. Petersburg tablets inscribed witn points of locas information, Such as fire signals, the where- abouts of police stations, the house of the nearest doctor, the location of the nearest apothecary, | &c. Indications of this sort are already givem, + but on a less extensive scale, in many European { cities, ; Jonsthan Sturges was a wise old man. He left his money to those he loved, and enjoined on then, the duty of charity. They, therefore, are leftte administer his benevolence, How much better | this is than w series of bequests to the maching benevolence of charitable institutions, where the. old man’s charity would all go into the pocketsot presidents and secretaries. PRESS NOTES. E. B. Cooke, the venerable editor of the Water- bary (Comn.) American, les very iil, W. P. Powell has assumed editorial control of the Southern Catholic, Memphis, Tenn. Mr. McGeachy, who has been ediving the Dan- bury News during Mr. Bailey’s absence tn Europe, bas resig;ned. Cause—Trouble in the wigwam, Colov.el Samuel Pike, said to have been the oldest editor in the United States, aied in Lees burg, Ohio, on the 15th inst. Be is also said to have been connected with more newapapers tham any other man in the world. Colonel Anthony, of the Leavenworth Times, has been Aned $1,000 and semtenced to a year's im- prisonment for libel growing ontof s personal Quarrel of some kind,