The New York Herald Newspaper, December 17, 1874, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 17, (1874.—TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK HERALD} —_——- BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT. PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12. . NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Yore Henatp will be | sent free of postage. All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorr Herarp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO, 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions snd Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX............. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. ROMAN HIPPODROME, Twenty-sixth street and Fourth avenue.—FETE AT PLKIS, alternoon and evening, at 2 and 3. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.--THE SHAUGHRAUN, at 8.P. M.; closes at 40:40 P.M. Mr. Boucicault, TERRACE GARDEN THEATRE, Finy-eignih street and Lexington avenue.~VARIETY, cloges at 10°30 P. M. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, ‘eg street and oe aig —MAN AND WIFE, ; closes at 10:30 P. M. Miss Arnie Graham. BRYANTS OPERA HOUSE, Twerty arse. West Twenty-third street, near = es dy -—NEGRO | MINSTRELSY, OP. M. Dan ‘&c., ats'P. M.; clo: Bryant. BROOKLYN THEATRE, Washington streeL-—JANE EYRE, at 8 ¥.M, Miss Char- lotie Thompson, SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, L Sraadway, corner of Twenty-pinth street.—NEGRO DM sS1RSLSY, at8 P. M.; closes at lu P.M, ROBINSON HALL steenth street.—BEGONE DULL CARE, Mr, Mac- 243. GLORE THEATRE, } sadway.. VARIETY, at P.M; closes at. 10:3 P, M. LYCEUM THEATRE, irleenth street and Sixth avenue,—CATU PERIC, at 8 ML; Closes at 10:45 FM, Miss Emily soldene, NEW PARK THEATRE, oton street, Brooklyn.—IlHE ORPHANS, R. M. Car- * and Sons. GERMANIA THEATRE, rourtcenth streeL—ULTIMO, ar 8 P.M. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Droadway, corner Thirtieth street.-OLIVER TWIST, ai2P.M. ROBERT MACAIRE and QUITS, at8P. M.; eiuses atl P.M. J. Hi. Tinson, METROPOLITAN THEATRE, Pi ° ia! Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; “closes at 10:30 i OLYMPIC THEATRE, Kora Troadway.—VARIETY, at 3 P. M.; closes at 10:45 Me GRAND OPERA TIOUSE, Twenty third street and Kighth oom '~THE BLACK «ROOK, at 8 P. M. ; closes at 11 P. PARK THEATRE, Broadway, between Twenty-i sree and Twenty- enone. sree GILDED AGE” ats 5 closes at10:30 P Mr. Joun 1. Raymond. NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, Bowery.—SARBE BLEUE, at & FP. M.; closes at 10 30 P. M. Miss Lina Mayr. THEATRE COMIQUE, ie fie Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8. M.; :elores at 1020 BOOTH’S THEATRE, corner of Twenty-' ire a y and sixth avenue.—THE HERO OF HE HOUR, at SP. M.; closes at 10:10 P. M.. Me. Henri Stuart TRIPLE SHEET. Thursday, New York, Dec. 17, 1874, From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be cloudy and warmer, with rain or snow. Watt Srrzer Yzsterpay.—While there was less activity prices in the stock market generally advanced. Gold sold at 111§ a 1113. Foreign exchange was steady. Bonds were generally firm. A Goon Sicy.—We are pleased to note that Mr. Tilden, our new Governor, has given two thousand dollars toward the erection of a Catholic church. This is a move in a good direction. The mistake of our former legisla- tors has been to vote the people’s money for the building of churches, and to make party capital by applying the Treasury to religious purposes. Mr. Tilden pays his own money out, like a man, and the two thousand dollars thus judiciously spent will do him more good than a bill for ten times that amount lobbied through the Legislatara, Taz Persiun7’s Mrssace mm Cuna.—Quite little breeze has been caused among the Spanish newspapers in Cuba by the reference made in the President’s Message to the state of that island. We miss, however, the reck- less declarations of hostility which were 60 freely made in answer to former representa- tions. The truth is, the slaveholders have learned to despise the Washington government and its menaces, which mean nothing. They seem to have made up their minds that the people of this country will continue to re- gard the mutual slaughter going on in the island with the same indifference in the future that they have in the past. Their anger is, therefore, tempered by contempt. Should the insurgents, however, continue to progress westward as they have been doing the new Congress might feel called upon to recognize a state of war, now that the Cuban insurrection enters on its seventh year of duration, Tur Drap Burorars.—Further evidence is coming in to sustain the truth of Douglas’ dying confession. We publish to-day a fac- simile of the letter written by the kidaappers. lt is not often that crime meets with such prompt and exemplary punishment, and the story which we publish in another column must have a strong moral effect on the criminal classes, Sooner or later the men who war against society go to {he wall, and, like the wounded burglar, are (ain to confess that they have been beaten and auust “give up.”” vgainst the laws of society may avoid punish- ment for a while, in the end it reaches them anerringly even in this world. ‘Ihe inquest ix progress is not very likely to develop any | now details as to the manner of the killing. | The story told by the Van Brunts is a simple and straightforward one. In shooting down the two burglars they rendered good service ‘to the community, and the result of the pres- ent inqu'ry will only render the approval of the vublic the more emphatio, There is a Nemesis inevi- | Aibly following crime, and though the offenders | | The Louisiana Returning Board and Its Frauds. The Louisiana Returning Board is a con- clave of desperate conspirators against the tights of the people and public order, Their legal duties are the same as those which Lelong to the Board of State Canvassers in New York—not more difficult and requiring no more time for their proper discharge. Our similar Board always completes its work in a few days, but the Louisiana Returning Board has been in session a month and is not yet ready to ee the oe of the November election, They are ig ll thi fag plotting frou a in Ai tors and candidates. They do not find it easy to perfect a plan for transforming the oon- servative majority given in November into a radical minority, which is the prob- lem they have ~dishonestly set them- selves to solve, Our State canvassers in New York had, this year, an unusually complex and intricate task, in consequence of the separate submission of a number of con- stitutional amendments which were voted on in such a way as to impose great additional labor, and yet the counting and the official declaration of the result was long ago com- pleted, while the Louisiana Board, with merely the ordinary election returns to count, in a smaller State than New York, are not yet ready to certify that either party carried the election. This scandalous delay results from attempts to circumvent the actual figures and the inability of the Board, as yet, to discover a method of masking the intended frauds. Their first plan was simple, but the ob- stacles proved too great. It was to raise some question or difficulty about the returns from the heavy conservative parishes and put them over until the other returns had been canvassed, This plan would enable them to discover to precisely what extent they needed to cut down, throw out or falsify the con- servative vote. It was a plan modelled on that of the Tweed Ring in this city in the election of 1868, when they sent circulars through the State requesting their friends to telegraph the majorities at | once on the evening of election day, the object being to enable the Ring to determine, before counting the city vote, how large they must make the democratic majority in the city in order to carry the State. In like man- ner the Louisiana Returning Board sought to ascertain how much it was necessary to cut down the actual conservative vote to make a Kellogg majority. But their secret study of the returns con- vineed them that they had undertaken to play too daring a game; that the conservative vote, as actually sent in, was too much for them ; that they could attain their dishonest purpose only by adding forgery to fraud. As to forgery they had no scruples, but feared legal penalties; so the members of the Return- ing Board found it convenient to be absent for several hours one day, leaving the returns in the custody of clerks. During those three or four hours the clerks prac- | tised more industry than virtue; knowing what service would be most acceptable to their employers, they rendered it with the unshrink- ing loyalty of confederates in crime. They broke open envelopes, altered the contents to | suit the known wishes of the Board, resealed them to cover their tracks and put on an air of unconcerned innocence as if nothing had happened. This was on Thanksgiving Day. When the Board, who had given this oppor- tunity, came back they found everything apparently as they had left it, but during that convenieut absence a silver lining had been inserted behind the cloud which obscured the prospects of the Kellogg party. When the enyelopes were opened this silver lining would appear to cheer a eyes and irradiate the political night. But the slip which so often happens between the cup and the lip verified the proverb in this pretty case. The forgeries had been perpetrated with more zeal than skill, some of the changes having been so glaring and outrageous as to lead to immedi- ate detection. The discovery and exposure of these frauds prevented the declaration of the result of the election on last Monday which had been promised when the Board adjourned over on Saturday. The scheme was brought to a dead halt on Monday by the presentation of affidavits proving that forged returns had been substituted for the genuine ones. The members of the Board were put on their defence, and averred in self-exculpation that they had no hand in the undeniable forgeries, which they would have accepted as true returns had it not been for these outside exposures. The frauds were so gross that they were denounced and repudi- ated by some of the republican candidates who would have profited by them. Mr. Floyd, whom the cooked returns would have elected to the Legislature from St. Helena parish, honestly declared that he was de- teated at the polls, and would not serve if | counted in. The republican candidate for Sabine parish, whom the altered returns would have elected, telegraphed that he was fraud. Under these circumstances the Return- ing Board dare not declare the result of the election, and resort to expedients for excusing further delay. They adjourned on Monday on the false pretext that they were menaced with violence, It is true that public feeling runs high in New Orleans, and it ought to run high in any honest community at the ex- posute of such attempts to nallify an election. But ‘although the people are excited their leaders are cautions, and, knowing that acts of violence would promptly bring the fed troops on the scene, they intend to co their opposition to peaceful methods. It would be a blunder to act otherwise. Besides | the certainty of defeat it would enable their dishonest adversaries to change the issue from a question of legal resistance to frands toa question of resistance to the federal govern- ment, We trust they are too wary and have too much self-command to fall into this fatal trap. The strength of their case lies in the appeal they will be able to make to Congress and the country if these shameless frauds are consummated, They must not blunt the force of their appeal and prejudice their case by a resort to violence, They must not alienate the independent press of the country, which will fight their battle with persistent zeal so long as they keep the law on their side, but will be compelled to change its support into rebuke if they are hurried by pas- sion into indefensible measures of resistance, If these attempted frands are consammated ! and the result of a fair olection nullified the fairly defeated, and refused to profit by the republican majority fm Congress will be con- strained to intervene for their redress or give up all prospect of rehabilitating their broken party. Kellogg and his faction are embold- ened to perpetrate these frauds by the certainty that President Grant will abet them if they succeed. He has given repeated public pledges that he will stand by them to the last unless Congress takes some action to prevent him. If these new frauds are carried through, Congress can no longer evade its responsi- bility without bringing utter ruin on the re- publican party. If, therefore, the people of Louisiana have the wisdom to refrain from unlawful violence they will either find speedy relief from Con; or more distant, b but not long “Heiered. ois? hs th ‘the assured sucosss of the great political revolution which has already made such astonishing progress. It would be a deplorable blunder for them to spoil so strong a case as they will have for an appeal to the country if Congress does not re- dress their wrongs. The crisis calls for mod- eration, order, discretion and foresight, as well as vigor, firmness and resolution. This is a conjuncture in which the conservatives of Louisiana cannot afford to make mistakes. The Local Charities and the Consti- tutional Amendments. The question as to the effect of the new amendments to the constitution on the appro- priations to local charitable institutions is one of grave importance. These institutions are of great benefit in a city like New York, as they supplement the work of public char- ity, and by drawing into the relief of the poor, who would otherwise be wholly a pub- lic charge, the money and the labor of wealthy and benevolent citizens, lessen by so much the burden of general taxation. A wise policy has hitherto favored the encour- agement of local charities by extending to them assistance from the city treasury. But there have always been those too narrow- minded to recognize that the money thus expended is a public gain, These unfor- tunate cavillers imagine that they discover in the new constitutional amendments a pro- hibition against the appropriation of public money by city authorities to local charities of any description outside of the ‘‘Workhouse.’’ The arguments they use prove their profound ignorance of the subject they discuss, The new section restricting the gift of money or the loan of its credit by any county, city, town or village provides thal, the prohibition “shall not prevent such county, city, town or village from making such provision for the aid or support of its poor as may be authorized by law.” It might be supposed that the most ordi- nary intelligence would recognize in this clause the actual authorization of the city of New York to apply the moneys re- ceived from excise licenses to the “aid and support of the poor’ in conformity with chapter 642 of the Laws of 1874. That act provides that the excise moneys ‘‘shall, from time to time and in sums according to their discretion, be appropriated by the Board of Apportionment and Estimate of said city, by resolution of the said Board, to whatever benevolent, charitable or humane institutions may seem to such Board deserving or proper.” It was passed by the same Legislature—that of last winter—which agreed to the constitu- tional amendments, and it would be crediting that Legislature with ‘‘a vast amount of either duplicity or stupidity’’ to suppose it capable of enacting a law that would be wiped out in less than a year by those very amendments, Yet we find it argued that ‘after January 1”’ the excise money must go into the city 7 sink- ing fund apd canngt be applied to the ald and support of the city's poor. In like manner we are gravely told that other State laws that have from time to time authorized appropria- tions to local charities ‘for the aid and sup- port of the city’s poor” become unconstitu- tional through the adoption of the now amendments. The Evening Express, whose editor was a member of the Constitutional Commission that framed the amendments in question, declares that “so monstrous a result was not suggested in the Legislature, which twice passed upon the amendments,”’ and shows from the records of the Commission that the new section 11 of article 8 was modified so as to prevent the possibility of a construc- tion such as is now attempted to be placed upon it. Mr. Brooks himself insisted upon this modification. Mr. Leavenworth, on re- porting the amended section, said:—‘The Boards of Supervisors of the various counties and the Common Councils of the different cities have all the power they have heretofore had to pay to each class of said institutions the most liberal compensation for the care and support of the different classes of unfor- tunates for whom they were designed."’ This, certainly, ought to be sufficient evidence of the intent of the new section, as understood by its framers, and should prevent the need- less and expensive litigation with which the city is thréatened by those who deem that they understand the meaning of the amend- ment better than its authors, The question as to the time when the new amendments take effect is an immaterial one, The constitution as it existed prior to their final adoption provided simply that ‘df the people shall approve and ratify’ amendments by a majority vote such amendments ‘shall become part of the constitution.” One of the new amendments is the addition of article 16, section 1, which provides as follows: —‘‘All amendments to the constitution shall be in force from and including the Jst day of Janu- ary sticceeding the election at which the same were adopted, except when otherwise provided by such amendments,” This article supplies an evident omission in the constitution, But the popular and even the legal mind is under an erroneous impression as to the language of the above provision, which does not declare that the particular amendments voted on at the last election shall become qperative on January 1, but only provides in general terms at what time “all amendments to the constitu- tion’’ shall take effect, —__—____. Tae Franzma Privizece was regretfully discussed in the House yesterday, but it was concluded that this isa bad year for its res- toration. The republicans think it one of the questions which it will be safe for their party to pass over to a democratic Congress, But Messrs. Kelley, Maynard and G. F. Hoar made it evident by their remarks that this last perquisite ig “though lost to sight to memory dear.’’, Mr. Sterne’s Attack om Mayor Vance. We print in other columns along and ve- hement letter addressed by Mr. Simon Sterne to Mayor Vance, arraigning and denouncing his consent to the payment by the city of one- halt the cost of the Fourth avenue improve- ments. Whatever may be the intrinsic weight of Mr, Sterne’s arguments they strike us as irrelevant in the present stage of the busi- ness ; for we have no doubt at all that the claim of the railroad company is legal, and that the highest Court would so declare it if the claim were resisted. Mr. Sterne’s reason- ing would be pertinent if addressed to a Legislature before whom the bill requiring the city to pay half the expense were still pending; but that bill long since became a law, and, however improvident and injurious to the city Mr. “Bterné may deem it, “the ques- tion stands on a very different footing from what it did while it remained a subject of legislative discretion. A law of this kind, under which rights have become vested and heavy expenditures have been in- curred in reliance on the faith of the State, cannot be set aside by any court, and resist- ance can serve no purpose but annoyance to the railroad company and fruitless litigation at the expense of the city. It is to be preeumed that Mayor Vance has not taken this important step without con- sulting trustworthy advisers. His term of office is so brief that he would naturally shun the responsibility of a doubtful act in a casé of so much importance. By waiting a couple of weeks he could have shifted the responsi- bility upon his elected successor, and if he had not felt that he was taking a safe step, both legally in the interests of the city and personally in the interest of his own popu- larity, he would doubtless have pursued the prudent course of handing over the subject to the incoming Mayor. Mr. Sterne com- plains, as if it were a discourtesy and a dereliction of duty, that Mayor Vance did not consult him. But this would have been a waste of time if, as Mr. Sterne states, he would have presented the same reasons which he addresses to Comptroller Green. The Mayor did not want and was under no obli- gation to seek arguments on the question whether this law ought to have passed the Legislature. What he really needed for his oficial guidance was competent legal advice on the question whether that act, having passed the Legislature, is a valid law which binds the city to bear its designated share of the expense. ‘Bince the passage of the law the whole question is narrowed to that single point, on which Mr, Sterne offers no argu- ment and throws no light whatever. We have no doubt that the Bar of the State and the courts of the State would be practically unanimous in sustaining the view on which Mayor Vance has acted, however strongly they might be impressed with the original im- policy or injustice of the law which, once en- acted, is of full binding force. A Manifesto of the Vicksburg Law- yers. We print this morning a statement of con- siderable interest telegraphed to us from Vicksburg. The Bar of that city held a meet- ing yesterday to agree upon the form of a con- tradiction to the statements of Judge George F. Brown embodied in Governor Ames’ despatch to the Hznaup printed on the 10th of this month, The Vicksburg Bar impugn the veracity of Judge Brown and deny the truth of all the essential parta of his state- ment, They contradict and denounce his as- sertion that his court was visited by a mob of several byndred armed men, They declare that no violence Was offered or thieatened; that no indignity or disrespect was offered to the Court; that ‘there was no , inter- ference with its business and no necessity for its adjournment. They admit that the Court was without Sheriff, but assert that the laws of the State authorize the Judge to appoint another person to perform the duties of the office. They affirm that it was the pur- pose of the Bar of the city to wait on Judge Brown in a body and request him to make such an appointment on the very morning the attack was made on the city by the negroes, This despatch, sent to us by the Vicksburg lawyers, is an ex parte statement, as the state- ment of Governor Ames, including that of Judge Brown, was ex parte; and at this dis- tance, where we have so little knowledge of the personal standing of the parties, there is some difficulty in estimating the degree of credit due to the respective sides, But from the best information we have been able to obtain it is safe to conclude that Judge Brown is a vehement political partisan; that he adjourned his Court on the occasion in question in a fit of petulance, and after- ward colored the facts in self-justification. It is most unfortunate for a judge, whose official conduct should be marked by coolness and im- partiality, to have provoked these unpleasant relations with the Bar of his district. It is to be hoped, in the interests of justice, that when this angry storm has blown over Judge Brown and the Vicksburg Bar will make mutual retractions, or, at least, be able to declare that this language of theirs was meant in a Pickwickian sense. We trust that courteous relations may be restored between the Court and its counsellors, New Frenca Booxs.—The intellectual ac- tivity of France, as pictured by our corre- spondence from Paris, is so strange a combi- nation of good and evil that it is difficult to decide whether or not we should rejoice at it, Her novelists attack the foundation of societ; by making themselves the preachers “a apologists of immorality, while the Veuillots buckle on their armor and fight valiantly in defence of religion and Christianity. Tho remarkable feature is that French literature, whether devoted to the service of God or the devil, never Joses the brilliancy and wit which render it at all times interesting, It is per- haps regrettable that so much natural talent is wasted in Covering over and beautifying the moral ulcers that eat away society. tobe hoped that these poisonous works do not penetrate into the homes of the people, but float on the surface of Paris society, We are encouraged in this belief by the number of pure works of fiction which are certainly not written for the frequenters of the boule- vards, Tux Roppeny or rae Orv Com Dratern.— The mystery hanging over the robbery of Luther Bryant seems in a fair way to be cleared up. So far no trace has been dis- sorerad of the Jarza num of money ip gold et " pater coin said to have been taken from the old man’s apartments; but the police have succeeded in securing the conviction of a person, known as ‘Welsh Bobby," for par- ticipation in the crime. The arrest of this person was due to the finding of a pistol and two umbrellas, which were part of the booty carried off by the robbers, It is strange that if the thieves found, as is claimed, seventy thousand dollars in gold pieces on the premises, in addition to bills and jewels valued at fifty-three thousand dollars, they should have troubled themselves carrying off articles of so little value as a pistol and an umbrella. The pistol, too, was found in a pawn shop. The Case of Carl Vogt. This man, a Prussian subject, was arrested in this city about two years since, on a charge of having committed murder and robbery in Belgium. No treaty for the extradition of fugitives from justice then existed between Belgium and the United States. Vogt was demanded, however, by the government of Prussia upon the ground that it had the right to bring back to its own territory one of its subjects who was charged with having com- mitted a crime in any part of the world. Our Department of State did not yield to this de- mand, and Vogt was set at liberty. He was then arrested in a civil suit, from which he has recently been discharged. He is now again arrested upon a demand for his extra- dition under a treaty made between Belgium and the United States since the commission of the alleged murder and robbery and since his escape to this country. Whether he can besurrendered under this treaty depends upon the bearing of certain provisions in our con- stitution upon the treaty-making power. That a nation may make a treaty for the surrender of a particular individual, or one that will have'a retroactive operation upon a par- ticular case, when the treaty-making power is not restrained by the fundamental municipal law, seems to be clear. Every nation has the power to exclude such foreigners as it pleases from its dominions, and this power of exclu- sion embraces # right to surrender any indi- vidual to his own government for reasons that seem fit. But it happens that the treaty-mak- ing power of our government is regulated by certain peculiar provisions in our national constitution. By our constitution treatizs are made the supreme law of the land, and it is expressly provided that no ex post facto law sholl be passed. If this latter provision ap- lies to the treaty-making power it may follow t a treaty operating backward, #0 as to affect an individual in a manner in which he could not be affected without the treaty, is excluded. On the other hand, if the provision against ex post facto laws applies only to acts of the’ Legislature the treaty- making power is not restricted by it. Whether this is so depends partly upon the sound legal definition of ex post facto laws and partly upon the meaning of the provision which makes treaties the supreme law of the land. It has hitherto been the doctrine of all our best con- stitutional jurists that while a treaty is be- tween most countries a mere executory con- tract, a different principle prevails with us; that with us a treaty is equivalent to an act of the Legislature whenever it operates of itself without the aid of any legislative provision. Such is the view long since enunciated by the Supreme Court of the United States. A treaty which stipulates for the surrender of fugitives from justice operates of itself as a law governing the personal rights of any per- gon yho comes within its provisions— fhat is to say, it subjects him to the necessity of being surrendered, Congress may legislate to provide the machinery for ascertaining the facta which bring him within the treaty; but it is the treaty, ag a law, that deprives him of the right of remaining in the country and subjects him to the extradition. In this view, then, of the operation of treaty, the question arises in Vogt’s case whether a treaty which was made after his alleged offence was committed and after he arrived here, and which would deprive him of his right to remain and subject him to extradition, is an ex post facto law, prohibited by our constitution. That such a treaty is a law would seem to follow from the fact that it affects him in personal rights which would otherwise belong to him. Whether it is an et post facto law in its application to him depends upon the inquiry whether that class of prohibited laws embraces only our own criminal legislation, designed for the punishment of crimes committed in our ‘own jurisdiction, or whether it also embraces laws which subject individuals to depriva- tion of rights previously belonging to them, or whieh impose upon them liabilities to which they were not previously subject. Gen- erally speaking an ex post facto law isa law which punishes as a crime something that was not @ crime when the act wasdone. In this cage the treaty, assuming it to be a law, does not punish an act, but it takes away a right and subjects to a liability. It remits the party to another jurisdiction for trial and punishment, when he would have had a right to remain here if the treaty had not been made. But the difficulty of the case is that all treaties which affect the rights of indi- viduals change the rights which existed before the treaty ; and unless this man can make it appear that a treaty which operates to subject him in the hands of a foreign Power to a trial and punishment to which he could not have been subjected without the treaty is in the sense of our constitution an ex post facto law, we fear that he will have to be surrendered, But, of course, he will not be surrendered without very grave consideration of the new and difficult question that has arisen, When the State Department comes to act finally upon this case—supposing that Vogt is held by the Commissioner—it will have to consider whether, in a criminal case, a treaty that was made after the person who is demanded under it had committed the crime and had arrived in our territory partakes so far, in its appli- It is | cation to him, of the nature of an ex post facto law that it must be regarded as prohibited by our constitution. If the treaty is legislation, as it apparently is, it belongs to the category of criminal legislation, and so far it differs from laws or treaties which change the merely civil rights of individuals existing before, Tae "LonosnoreMen’s Sraxe.—Tho strug- gle between the ‘longshoremen and the steam- ship companies may be said to have come toanend, It has resulted, as every man of common understanding must have seen from the beginning it would result, in the defeat of the union, Under the advice of hot-headed and thoughtless men the members of the union struck work at a time when thou- sands of idlers were anxious to work at any price. As a result the strikers found their places occupied almost as soon ag they vacated them, and now, after exhausting their little savings, the men are obliged te seek the work they refused, and many of them, destined to seek in vain, will bitterly lament their folly through the winter. Shadows of Royalty. Ceremony is a gracious aspect of civiliza. tion. There are few things that interest the average mind more than these stories of atately greetings and festivities that come to us from the older lands. How we all dwelt upon the visit of the Shah of Persia to Europe, his reception by the Prince of Wales, the royal honors paid to him in Buckingham Palace; how the Prince drove down to the station at Charing Cross and brought him home in a pelting rain, which ruined all his feathers; how Her Majesty came to the door of Windsor Castle, surrounded by the princes and ladies of her Court, to receive her swarthy brother, and how the Shah, in a fina spirit of Oriental hyperbole; said that all the days of his life, yea, though he might live a thousand years, would be nothing, and he should only feel that he had begun to live from the hour he set eyes upon the illustrious Majesty of England. These narratives of high courtesy and compliment and respect are always pleasing. Republicans as we are, we are not insensible to the splendor of the demonstrations that carry us back to feudal times. We are reminded of them somewhat by what we read of the reception of the King of the Sandwich Islands by the President of the United States. The ceremony seems to have been as carefully prepared as a State paper, and we do not doubt that it has taxed the genius and industry of Mr. Fish. This is the first time that an actual and royal king has visited the Republic, What we do now will be henceforth a precedent. We have had dukes and ex-kings and people of that kind, but this is the first tima that history has youchsafed to us a real, living majesty, reign- ing by the grace of God. If we were disposed to analyze the elements of royalty it might be an interesting, though perhaps metaphysical question, to show the difference between the royal Kalakaua and Red Cloud. But the ceremonies upon the reception of the King of \¢ the Sandwich Islands and the Chief of the Sioux are different. When our Indian ‘kinga come. to Washington they are allowed to paint themselves, and ave marched into the White House to see the Great Father, and the Great Father tells them to be good In- dians and not to kill each other, and dis- misses them with medals and pipes and a promise of bacon and whiskey. But when Kalakaua came he had the royal honors. The Secretary of State met him on the way to Washington. He was escorted toa hotel as the guest of the government. He drove to the White House in state, and was met at the carriage door by the Secretary of State and the son of the President, who, for the first time in our history, performed an actual function in the government. He was then marehed into the White House, and there, at the door, surrounded by his Cabinet, the President received him, exactly as the Queen received the Shah of Persia. He was then led into a public room and sat on the sofa, conversing with the President, while ‘‘all the rest of the party stood up.” After a brief convatsaticn he took his 16¥0, All this is interesting, especially the fact that the son of our President appears before the people in a representative capacity as the collea, ot the Secretary of State in dis charging the high duties of government. When the Prince of Wales drives to Charing Cross to receive the Shah he goes as the heir- apparent of the Crown and the first subject of the Kingdom and the direct representative of the Queen. When Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Frederick D. Grant goes to the door to meet aking we suppose he in some respects exer- cises a similarfunction. All these ceremonies are interesting. But why should we not do honor to our royal guest in our own repub- lican way? It is not pleasant to see these shadows of royalty, these imitations of royal forms and courtesies, ina republican govern- ment, When a real king in Europe visits another real king—say when the Czar of Russia goes to meet the Emperor of Austria—he is always met at the station by the sovereign in person. The Queen has been released from this duty because of her sex. Andif Kalakaua is well up in royal etiquette he would have the right to ask the question why he does not receive as much attention from the ruler of the United States as he would receive from the Emperor of Austria were he to visit Vienna. Since we are becoming royal in our ways let us do the thing handsomely. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Count de Premto Real, of Spain, ts registered ab the Fin Avenue Hotel. General John N. Sarber, of Arkansas, ts staying at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Mr. Delos De Wolf, of Oswego, has taken up his residence at the Windsor Hotel, Colonel W. B, Beck, United States Army, is quartered at the Everett House, Congressman-elect Charles H. Adams, of Cohoes, N. Y., 18 at the New York Hotel, Chief Engineer J. W. King, Untted States Navy, has quarters at the Albemarle Hotel. Congressman-elect John Reilly, of Pennsylvania, 1s stopping at the Grand Central Hotel. Mr. Joseph Warren, of the Buffalo Courier, ts ree siding temporartiy at the Metropolitan Hotel. Ex-Governor Henry J. Gardner, of Massa chusetts, has apartments at the Windsor Hotel. In 1873 the total receipts from rates, tolls, duties, &c., in Eogland and Wales were £33,000,000, Ex-Senator Lafayette 8. Foster, of Connecticat, arrived in this city last evening and is at the itor House. i, Henry A. Tilden, of New Lebanon, N. Y. brother of the Gcvernor-elect, Is sojourning at the St, Nicholas Hotel. Congressman-elect George A, Bagley, of Water. town, N. ¥., 18 among the latest arrivals at the Union Square Hotel, ‘The offences of the Russian Abbess Mitrofania, nave excited some opinion tn Russia in iavor of the abolition of monasteries, lce formed so rapidiy on the Neva River that @ steamer plying between St. Petersburg and Crome stadt was overtaken and frozen tn. Mr. Willlam wv, Bishop, President of the New York, New Haven ana Hartiord Railroad Company, has arrived at the Filth Avenue Hotel. Messrs. Franklin B. Gowen, President of the Reading Railroad Company, and ) President of the Connecticut Rivet Raliway Cowpany, are at the Brevaort House,