The New York Herald Newspaper, November 6, 1874, Page 6

aa —— NEW YORK HERALD|*" BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT. PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12, All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Your | HERALD. | Letters and packages should be properly sealed. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth atreet.—Philharmonic Rehearsal. at 2:30 P. M.; Itaham Opera, MIGNON, at & P. M.; closes at 11 P. | M, Mile. Alpani. MRS. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE. LADY AUDLEY'S SECKET, M. ; closes at 10:20 P, | M. Mrs Bowers, J. C. McCollom. GERMANIA THE Fourteenth street—EIN ERFOL' Ww P.M, RE, atoP. M.; closes at | ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth street, between Broadway and Fifth avenue,— VaRibiy, ais, M Matinee at? P.M. BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, West Twenty-third street, near Sixth avenue,—NEGRO | BIRRTESLEY, £c., atcP. M.; closes at lv P.M. Dan ryent METROPOLITAN THEATR' | xo Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P, M.; closes atl0 — | TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No, 201 Bowery.—V ARIE’ 8P.M.; closes at 10 P.M. Matinee at 2 P.M. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, Broadway, corner of Twenty-ninth street.—NEGRO MINST MELSY, 8M M.; closes at 10 P.M. LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street and sixth avenue.—GENEVIEVE DE BRABANT, at SP. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Miss Emily Boldene. | AMERICAN INSTITUTE, | Third avenue, between sixty-third aba Sixty-fourth streets. —INDUSTRIAL EXHIBITION. | COLOSSEUM, | Broadway, corner of Thirty fifth street.—STORM OVE! PARIS and MKS. JARLEY’s WAX WORKS, at 2:30 P. . and 7:45 P. M. WOOD'S MUSEUM, | Broadway, corner of ihirtieth street—SIX DEGREES OF CRIME, at 2P. M. ACROss THE CONTINENT, at 8 gE, M.; closés at 10.45 P.M. Oliver Doud Byron, Miss NEW YORK STAD? THEATRE, Bowery—German Opera Bouffe—BANRBE BLEUE, at 8 ¥. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M. Miss Lina Mayr, OLYMPIC THEATRE, optes Broadway,—VAKLE tor. M.; closes at 1045 | PARK THEATRE, Froadway, between Twenty-first and Twenty second streets.—GILDED AGE, at § P. M.; closes at 10 30 P. M. Mr. John T. Baymond. THEATRE COMIQUE, ee Broadway.—VARIETY, a: 6 ?. M.; closes at 1089 STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth street—BEGONE DULL'CARE, at8P.M.; | closes at 10 P.M. Frederic Maccabe. BOOTH’S THEATRE, corner of Twenty-third street and Sixth avenue.—GUY MANNERING, at 1:0 P. M.: closes at 4P. M.; and at 8 | P.M. ; closes at 10:0 F, M. Miss Cushman. ROMAN HIPPODROME, Twenty-sixth street and Fourth avenue.—Afternoon and evening, at Zand & WALLACK’S THEATRE | Broadway —THE ROMANCE OF A POOR YOUNG | MANS. at#P.M.; closes at 10:30P.M. Miss Ada Dyas, Mir. Montague. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince ana Houston streets —THE DELUGE, at 6 P. M.; closes at IY. M. The Kirally Family. FIFTH AVEN' THEATRE, Twenty-eighth street and Browaway.—THE BELLE'S STRATACEM. at 8 P.M.; closes at 11P. M. Miss Fanny Davenport, Miss Jewett, Mr. Louis James. New York, Friday, Nov. 6, 187% | From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather {o-day will be clear or hazy. “Be Burr; I Am Sick.” Wat Srrezt Yesterpay.—Stocks were all higher and the transactions were large. Gold opened and closed at 110}, selling mean- while at 110}. Money was steady at rates last quoted. Government bonds were firm. We Are Sorry for the President’s illness, | but as the whole party is sick he could not ex- | pect to be well. Szcretary Bristow thinks the defeat was owing to the panic. Now, we should say the panic was caused by the defeat. Tae Presment thinks that Cesarism had nothing to do with it. It is unfortunate that the people did not agree with him. Tue Fanapar is successfully laying the new cable, although the weather makes the work difficult. Taz Recocyition of the Madrid govern- ment by Russia is said to be probable, and such an event could not fail to discourage the Carlists. We Wonvzr if the President when he issued his proclamation thought the Thanks- giving turkey would turn out to be a demo- | cratic rooster, Tue Canrxz, as in duty bound, agrees with the President, that it was not the third term. When the republican candidate hears what Messrs. Williams, Jewell and Bristow say on this subject he will observe, ‘‘Be brief; Iam sick.”” Tae Sap Lasr of the dead and wounded of the riot ct Eufaula, Als., is published in our despatches to-day, with an account of the bitter feeling the radical negroes express for the democrats of their own color. | Tae Temperance Party, during our late election, must have wandered off into Canada, for we have heard nothing of it on this side the St. Lawrence, Ir THe Canusts reduce Irun that victory will compensate for many of their losses else- where. The action of the Spanish govern- ment in suppressing reports of the war does not look as if it had received good news. No government objects to the announcement of Ar raz Mannattan Cuvn last night the democratic victories were celebrated in an appropriate manner and with the bottled-up enthusiasm of years. The joy was like old wine treasured for some great occasion. Of | the speeches made by Mr. Tilden and Sen- ators Stockton, Thurman, Eaton, Bayard and others we give a full report, besides some of the congratulatory telegrams which were sent er aa manana mene Negre Rights Put im Jeopardy by the Democratic Victories? The d-mocratic party is so evidently on the high road to national success that the friends of the colored race will feel some anxiety and misgivings as to the security of their newly ac- quired rights. The democrats so resolutely contested every inch of ground against the negroes, fighting the constitutional amendments one by one, fighting the enforcement acts, sympathizing with the Ku Klux intolerance, and denouncing with- out stint the abuses of negro supremacy, that democratic ascendancy in the federal government might seem like putting wolves over the flock in place of the faithful shepherd dogs. Peril to the negroes will be the chief topic of inflammatory appeal by the re- publicans in their attempt to stem the tide of democratic victory during the ensuing two years. This topic may be urged with great plausibility, but probably with no great suc- cess. Fears of this kind will be simulated by politiciaus who do not feel them. The re- publican leaders cannot so underestimate the shrewdness of their democratic opponents as to believe they will attempt to deprive the negroes of either their freedom, their civil rights, or the elective franchise. It would be impossible to conceal such a purpose if it were enterthined, and nothing would so cer- tainly arrest the political revolution now in progress as a belief that the Southern negroes would be remanded by the democratic party to their former condition. We have no doubt that the rights of the negroes will be more secure in democratic than in republican hands, It is the tendency and effect of the republican policy to array the negroes in hostility to the best classes of the Southern population, and thereby ob- struct the ascendancy of intelligence, character and property in Southern politics. Negro suffrage has proved to be a great evil, chiefly | on account of the divorce effected in the South between numbers and intelligence. | The Southern blacks have been formed into a political party under outside guidance and control—a party which had a set of interests, or supposed interests, separate from the gen- eral interests of the Southern community. In a healthy state of politics there is a “golidarity’’ of feeling between the pros- perous and the poorer classes, and although there may be two parties—as there always are in free countries—they are composed on both sides of the rich and the poor, the intelligent | and the ignorant, It is the prerogative of intelligence to control ignorance, and the chief evil of Southern politics since the war bas consisted in such an organization of | the blacks as has arrayed them in oppo- sition to the enlightened local feeling of the communities with which their lot is cast. But as soon as. federal influence shall cease to control the negro mind intelli- gence and capacity will reassert their sway and negro voting in the South will be as safe as the immigrant vote has always been im the North. The demo- cratic party will have no temptation to de- prive the negroes of the right of suffrage, be- cause it will have no difficulty in controlling the negro mind when the potent federal influence co-operates with local intelligence instead of frustrating and defeating it. Even under the great disadvantage of hav- | ing the federal influence opposed to them the | Southern democrats have made some headway in controlling the negro vote. In the recent election in Louisiana quite a proportion of the negro citizens acted with the democratic . As soon as democratic ascendancy is established in Washington democratic negroes will be as common in the South as republican negroes, and the negro question will then cease to bean element of disturbance. The true interests of the negroes are identical with the true interests of Southern whites, The negroes cannot prosper when the com- munity in which they live is im- poverished. They can find remunerative employment only when the wheels of business are in full activity. If capi- tal yields no profits labor cannot expect constant employment or good wages ; and the most important lesson the Southern negroes have yet to learn is that they cannot thrive on the depression and ruin of the owners of property. Their credulity has been too long abused and their simplicity deceived by in- terloping demagogues, who have inculcated the idea that they have a separate interest from their white fellow citizens. This state of things is likely to continue so long as the negro mind 1s led by the republican party ; but within a year or two after it is left to local coutrol a majority of the negroes will be steady democratic voters, and the negro problem will disappear from our politics. The democratic politicians, both of the North and the South, have always displayed a remarkable capacity for controlling ignorant voters. There has always been a large class of uneducated whites in the Southern States, but there was no section of the country whose politics, previous to the war, were so completely controlled by its intelli- gent classes. It has been in former times the active party in extending the suffrage ; it has always been foremost in defending the politi- cal rights of citizens of foreign birth ; it has always felt the most undoubting confidence in its ability to array the most despised orders of the community on its own side in politics and make them its faithful allies. The demo- cratic party has a genius for managing such classes of voters, and it would belie its ante- cedents and tendencies if it should attempt to attempting to manage them. Its past opposi- tion to negro suffrage is a transient phase of politics which has been further prolonged than it would have been if the Freedmen’s Bureau and the carpet-bag influence had not got so decided a start in .the control of the negro mind. Had the South been left to itself after the elective franchise was conferred on the blacks the Southern State governments would have fallen as com- pletely under the influence of the old govern- ing classes as they were when the same classes so successfully managed the uneducated whites. Nothing is more certain than that the mass of the negroes will never act inde- led. They have thus far been led by the re- publican party and arrayed by it against the enlightened public sentiment of the Southern communities; but from the moment the democratic party gains control of the federal from all pasts of the Union, government the republicans will have no ad- vantages for acting on the negro mind, which disfranchise the Southern negroes instead of | pendently in politics. It is their destiny to be | will then fall under the control of focal opin- | | ion. A war of races can in no way be so surely averted as by giving the intelligent classes of the South an opportunity to exert their natural ascendancy over the negro mind and _ gubordinate it to the ideas and public sentiment of their section. A war of races would be, sooner or later, inevitable, if a distant outside influence were kept perpetually acting on the negro mind and moulding it into jealous hos- tility to the white population, If the democratic party comes into power it will imitate the dexterous tactics of Disraeli when he passed the new Reform bill. Thero is no democratic leader in the North who does not know that the party would be ruined by an attempt to upset negro suffrage; and there is no democratic leader in the South who does not feel that negro voting would be perfectly safe if the politics of the section were left to the control of local leadership and intelligence. The era of good feeling between the two races will dawn with the removal of external ob- structions from the white demagogues who will lead and bamboozle the negroes. They will think it easier to accept negro suffrage and control it than to resist the Northern domination which would be reinstated by futile attempts to subvert it, The Von Arnim The controversy between Von Arnim and Bismarck seems to be more and more a con- troversy for power. The process of German unification, like all great national strifes, has degenerated into a contest for political su- premacy. It does not seem possible to sep- arate personal ambition from national pur- poses, Itis asatire upon the great movement in Germany that it should be delayed or put back by the ambition of two statesmen. It brings us vividly back to Tudor times and the absolute ways of a Henry VIIL to see a states- man virtually regarding the prison door as opening the way to imperial power. This is the feeling which buoys up Count Arnim in his misfortunes. His friends argue that his arrest was a desperate expedient on the part ot Bismarck ; that the Chancellor dreaded the influence of the Count and his family, and so felt it necessary to strike him a crushing blow; that he failed, as in the history of events extreme and unjust measures are apt to fail; that instead of destroying Arnim he gave him new power in the awakened sympathy of Europe and Germany, and that, failing in his purpose of destruction, he virtually madé the deposed Minister his own successor. Of course much of this will depend upon the legal issues that are so soon to be tried. But no one can for a moment imagine that Count Arnim, either legally or morally, has come within the jurisdiction of a crminal court. No one, for instance, believes that he pur- loined the papers or any paper from the archives of the Embassy, or that he did any- thing incompatible with his rank and his office. The charge is, therefore, a political pretext, and will fail, as all pretexts of this character have failed, when aimed against the honor or liberty of an honored citizen like Count Arnim. Bismarck is fighting for the mastery, and the real question is whether the great Chancellor can hold power or not— whether he will fall, like Wolsey, before a power as absolute and capricious as that which drove Wolsey to his fall. Case. What Henry Wilson Thinks. Vice President Wilson is one of the very few republican statesmen who saw the dangers to the republican party of the canvass now closed. He recommended to the President and the Cabinet a course of conduct that would have modified, if not altogether averted, this disaster. Going back as far as the degra- dation of Mr. Sumner from the chairman- ship of the Committee of Foreign Relations for presuming to have opinions on foreign affairs contrary to those of Mr. Fish, Mr. Wilson has always protested against the wan- ton acts of the President and the party. He saw the evil of St. Domingo, the incredible folly of the back-pay and ‘salary grab” busi- ness, and when the President was sullenly an- nouncing that his ‘dignity’’ would not per- mit him to speak on the question of the third term he said that unless the President did speak his silence would be the most serious burden of the canvass. As for himself he spoke with no uncertain sound, declaring that under no circumstances would he support General Grant or any other candi- date fora third term. This noble record on the part of the Vice President, standing out as it does in such marked contrast to the coy- ness of Conkling and the abasement of a ma- jority of the party leaders, gives his views on the recent canvass unusual importance, They will be found elsewhere as reported by our correspondent. In reading them we cannot help feeling how much wiser Mr. Wilson is than his fellows and how much better he would be as a republican candidate for the Presidency than nine-tenths of the statesmen who are named for the office. The republi- cans would do well to listen to Vice President Wilson. They may find his counsels neces- sary to victory in another campaign, Spontanzous Compustion on Coat Laven Suips.—An unusual fatality has attended ves- sels carrying bituminous coal this season. Besides the destruction of several British ships through the spontaneous combustion of their cargoes four first-class American ships from English ports, ard all hailing from Boston, have been destroyed from the same cause. The latest case is that of ihe ship Centaur, Captain Foster, bound from Liverpool to San Francisco, which was burned off the Mar- quesas Islands, as detailed in our marine colamns to-day, and attended unfortunately with the drowning of the captain and his boat's crew, The other American ships were the Sierra Nevada, Pocahontas and Mogul, all large vessels, each averaging over 1,300 tons, one of them being on her first voyage, and the others comparatively new. The frequency of these disasters suggests the query whether there be scguething exceptional in the character of the English coal now be- ing mined, rendering a change in its transpor- tation necessary. It, at least, is deserving of investigation, and can hardiy fail to attract the attention of those interested in bituminous coal transportation, Governor Keutoce is also sick. But he will be brief. He intends to go to Wash- ington, when he will no doubt have the sym- pathy of the President, NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1874.—TRIPLE SHEET. erie AR Ra hak ec eerste. air ob a alata yet ee Aer AR ARR Ni Ss a Votees of Sorrow. 4 Nothing can be more interesting at this time than the “‘explanations’’ we printed yes- terday, and which we continue this morning, as to the causes of the recent republican de- feat. Nothing is easier explained than past events, and we have no doubt a thousand “reasons” can be found for the defeat. The trouble is that men in the position of the | leaders of the defeated party are apt to give every reason for their downfall but the true one, The reveller with his morning headache never will admit that it was the wine, but more likely the salad or the pickled salmon, There was never defeated general who did not attribute to Providence the discomforture of his armies. So, in read- ing these opinions of the republican leaders, we discover that nobody was to blame. “Canny” old Senator Cameron has been all the way to California, und ‘knows little about the canvass”—the ignorant man; but if there is one cause more than another | it is the want of employment and the general apathy of business. We have not heard from General Butler, but we presume that states- man is in a stunned condition, and feels that the reason he was struck with the brick was that he happened to pass when bricks were falling. General Butler will be a more useful man in opposition than in support of the adininistration, and for this reason he would have had a wider field of activity in the next Congress than he has had at any time. Our vigilant Washington correspondents give us an idea of the impression made upon the Cabinet by the defeat. These satellites of the second Washington do not know precisely what to think of the tidal wave. Mr. Jewell, who has a ‘‘level head’’ in politics, attributes the cause to bad political management. This is one way of saying that the President did it all, although no doubt he had no such thought in his mind. Mr. Williams is in justness, frankness, fair dealing, and one editor loses his temper let the answer to him be that soft word which tarncth away wrath. Ob, friends, let us bave peace! Republican Party Presideacy. It will largely depend upon the actions of the republican leaders whether the defeat of Tuesday will be really » defeat or s repulse. That party has a power which should not be despised. It will bold the Senate for four more years, and with the Senate the distribu- tion of that vast patronage which gives the Executive so much power. Casarism is dead. General Grant will not run for s third term. His political carcer will close in 1876, unless the threatened impeachment shoald become o serious matter and bring it to an earlier close. So far as the Presidency is concerned, there are now three statesmen who may be properly considered as in the line of probable succes- sion. The first of these is Centennial Dis. His action in repudiating the third term, bis general acceptability as Governor, his Ulus- trious carecr, his great personal popularity, which, in spite of republican apathy, enabled him to practically check the wave of disaster in the North, all commend him to the consideration of the republicans as an eminent and available candidate. Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, has shown independence, courage and stateamanship in his high office. If his sagecious advice had | been taken there would have been no treason- able paltering with the third term. He pos- seases in an eminent degree the confidence of the masses and has a strength in character and conservative opinions above any other man in the party. E. B. Washburne, now our Minister to Paris, would be a splendid candi- date. He has madg every American feel prouder of his country by bis course in France. He has no association with the The end the ———$—$—$—$—— the political leaders should devote all they time to the election of men to office, instead ot giving to the country such services as maki office-holding honorable. 4 The Speakership of the Assembly. A glance at the list of democrats elected t the Amembly is sufficient to show that the suo cessful party will find it difficult to select from “their number a competent’ Speaker of th House. Not » single member, who unite experience with capacity, can be discovered on the democratic side. If the majority is to develop any ability, either in the pre siding officer's chair or on the floor, i must be looked for among the new members, Mr. Sherman, of Oneida, is the only expert parliamentarian among the opposition. He was for several years Clerk of the Assembly end has been subsequently Deputy Clerk of the House of Representatives, but he is a lib. eral republican and would not probably be a0 ceptable to the straightout democrats as Speaker om that account, The success of legislation depends largely on the capacity of the presiding officer, and a man may be as able lawyer, a good scholar and a forcible do bater and yet make @ very poor Speaker. With such sharp parliamentarians as ex Speakers Husted and Alvord on the floor as inexperienced member will have but an unen- viable position at the head of the next As sembly. Some Warre House Paxsina.—“Bo" is a very active verb, imperial mood. “Brief” is an adjective, qualifying the radical noun—Bab- cock, “I’' is @ Presidential pronoun, taking” “we, by the grace of the God’ in tho third term, and refers to Cusar. “Am” is a sorry verb to be. “Sick” isa noun common to all administration republicans, A Suonr pvr Excrrixo Sxssion will be the closing session of the Forty-third Congress, a solemn mood, and it would not surprise us-}blunders and misfortunes of the party. He which opens on the first Monday in Decem- to see him an active member of the Methodist Church before long. Mr. Robeson has de- ferred his Senatorial ambitions and Mr. Fish has nothing to say. The truth is that if Mr. Fish were to speak what he thought he would say o great deal. Our second Washington, whose opinion comes to us in side flashes, is said to be grieved. The President is not a sensitive man, but even he must feel chagrined that in two years he has squandered the precious politi- cal heritage conferred upon him when elected asecond time. He feels that somehow Con- gress is to blame for it all—Congress and the panic. There is some truth in this. Con- gress did a great deal toward the general overthrow. The recklessness which marked much of its legislation was atrocious. The great victory over poor Greeley was regarded as an invitation to plunder the Treas- ury. The President could have prevented this legislation, but he seemed resolute upon his own selfish aims. He took the office not as a trust but as a reward. He held it for his own comfort, and, as far as was necessary, for the use and comfort of his family and his friends. Believing that he had strength beyond and above the party he held himself apart from it. Although not avowing any wish for a third term he gave that almost trersonable suggestion a negative support, and justified the country in thinking that if any Marc Antony brought him the crown he would aceept it. In the division of responsibility for the defeat he must take the largest share. He may do much toward vin- dicating his fame in the remaining months of his administration, but what is done cannot be undone. History will say that no Presi- dent has been more highly honored and trusted by the people than General Grant, and at the same time no one has been visited with so se- vere and overwhelming a condemnation. It will say also that if the honors were just the condemnation was no less deserved. Oh, Friends, Let Us Have Peace. A Western newspaper recently proposed that some great journalist, some one of the Western giants of the press, who find oppor- tunity for growth in the wild freedom of the prairie, should be selected, brought to New York, and be paid an enormous salary to be The Monitor of New York Journalism. He would be the Grand Arbitrator or Final Referee, or Umpire, or Mutual Friend, or some such high-sounding and appropriate title. His duty would be to supervise the newspapers, reconcile differences between editors, incul- cate mildness and harmony, and see that jus- tice was done to all. During the progress of the recent extraordinary. canvass we have had occasion to regret that this idea has not been carried out, We felt sometimes like tendering our own services, free of expense; but the experience of mutual friends has not been ofa fascinating character. Then we thought of naming the editor of the Evening Mail for that high station and offering to guarantee his salary ; but dur- ing the canvass this tranquil and amiable jour- nalist became as severe as his brethren, Mr. Childs, of Philadelphia, naturally occurs as a proper man for the office; but what would Philadelphia be without this poet of domestic sorrow and friend of all mankind? Certainly we need some such a tribunal, for our editors were in as unruly a condition as the herd of Texas bulls who recently undertook to follow their instincts in our crowded thoroughfares. Libel after libel filled the air, and we never | knew what a rascally lot our editors were, We learned in the heat of that strife that amiable, accomplished gentlemen, who work | hard, wear decent clothes, earn their living like true men, pay their debts, fear God and love their wives, whose function is to educate public opinion, were, after all, so many Sing Sing con- victs at large—wife-beaters, forgers, ‘“‘unnatu- talized aliens,”’ thieves, ‘‘ticket-of-leave men,"’ bribed hirelings of one party or another. Now, if we had o Grand Supreme Editorial Umpire, like the editor of some of the gigan- tic prairie journals, all could be settled. But, in the meantime, what are we to do? There is one suggestion that does occur to us, now that the election is over, and whieh wo commend fo our brethren in future elec- | tions, and it is this: “Why cannot editors | regard each other as gentlemen?” Law- yers, physicians, divines (as a general thing) and professional men of all grades do the same thing. Why not editors? This sweeping denunciation does no good. The people do not respect it. Journalists despise it. The influence of the press is weakened, and we almost justify the snecring scorn of public men like Grant and Conkling. That represents the noblest aspirations of republi- | canuism, and as a candidate of the party would | be in every way acceptable to the nation. We have been disposed to think well of the | possibility of Senator Conkling as a candi- date. He isa New Yorker, aud by his brill- iant genius, his oratory and the possession of | rare high gifts, has on many occasions honored New York in the Senate, So from | State pride we have held ourselves ready to encourage Mr. Conkling as a candidate. But Mr. Conkling’s course in this canvass has made his nomination improbable. He would represent the blunders and disasters of his party, not its highest attributes. He knolt to | Cesar and dallied with Casarism. He has | been loyal to Grant at the expense of loyalty | to his country and his State. When the can- | vass began he was the rising man of the party. | But the “tidal wave’ sweeps him away, as in other years Webster and Clay and Seward | were swept away. He falls, wich his chiet, beneath the condemnation that has fallen | upon the party and the administration. Dix, Wilson and Washburne represent the glory of the past in republicanism and the hopes of its future. If the party is wise it will take one of these three men for its stand- ard bearer in 1876. Election of United States Senators. No sooner are the elections over than the resultant canvasses begin. The present year is no exception to the rule; indeed, owing to the sweeping victories of the democracy, the distribution of patronage, the election of pre- siding officers in the Assemblies of the differ- ent States and the choice of United Statés | Senators for the next Congress become not only the absorbing topics of political discus- sion but the chief ends of political action. In Massachusetts the republicans have saved only the Legislature, and there will be asevere ! struggle over the candidates who wish to fill | the seat which Charles Sumner occupied for | nearly a quarter of a century. In Pennsyl- vania, too, the republicans have barely saved the Legislature, and Senator Cameron may be compelled to yield something in the matter of the succession to Scott and remain in his own | seat, in spite of his wish to retire, in order to | save his party from disruption. In Michigan | Senator Chandler is beaten, and the choice of , his successor will occasion ao lively faction | fight and a democratic Senator is not an im- possibility. Senator Carpenter, too, is be- lieved to be beaten in Wisconsin. In this State the Senatorship will be the cause of un- ceasing agitation during the next two or three months. Twenty-six States in all will have | new Senators in the next Congress. Seven of these have already chosen them, five States have elected democratic Senators, seven more will certainly elect democrats, und this number may be further increased. Thurman will be his own successor, being already elected, and Morton will have a | democratic colleague. Brownlow is lost to the Senate forever, and even Ramsey may yield to a democrat. Many changes are im- pending, as will be seen by the completer analysis we present elsewhere. In all this there is great public and political interest— | an interest so great as to interpose a danger which we are all apt to overlook. In the pros. | ent crisis of political parties, when neither democrats nor republicans have any settled | policy, it becomes important that all living | issues should receive a living interpretation, The recent overwhelming victories fail to in- dicate anything like a fixed policy for the | growing up fat. | ber and expires at noon on the 4th of March, Only three months will be left to the repab- licans of the House for the settlement of their unfinished business, and they will probably make the most of their time in providing for their party in the appropriation bills, As for the financial question, they will doubtless turn it over to the democrats of the next House to see what they can do with it. And what will they do with it? Who can tell? Vice Puestpent Wizson, as it appears, be- lieves that their late severe chastisements will do the republicans good in taking the conceit out of them and in bringing them to their senses. We hope so. Toe ConxsrrrorioxaL Amenpuents.—What has become of those constitutional amend. ments? They went across the Spuyten Duyvil with au ugly majority against them, and we fear they are lost. Tur Gnaxorns appear to have been ab sorbed or submerged in the late elections out West. Where are the grangers? “Let Us Have Peace.’ 1868, Tam sick."’ 1874. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Imperial Cassar dead, and tarn’d to clay, May stop a hole to keep the wind away. Senator Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, is at the Fina Avenue Hotel. Ex-Senator Ji A. Bayard, of Delaware, is re- Siding at the New York Hotel. Guy Fawkes’ day waa celebrated tu the asual manner in London yesterday. Judge Amasa J. Parker, of Albany, bas apart- ments at the Brevoort House, M. Lefaivre, French Consul at Charleston, 5. C, is stopping at tae New York Hotei. Governor Charies R. Ingersoll, of Counecticat, has arrived at the Albemarie Hotel, Senator-elect Wiluam W. Eaton, of Connecticut, is registered at the New York Hotel. The Duke of Abercorn bas been elected Grand Master of the Free Masons of Ireland. Congressman Jobo 0. Whitehouse, of Poughkeep “Be brief ; | Ste, is staying at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, President Andrew D. White, of Cornell Univer- | sity, is sojourning at the Hotman House, Canon Kingsley is reported seriously ill. His Iness began while travelling in Colorado, Lieutenant Governor Jobn C. Robinson is among the late arrivals at the Metropolitan Hotel, “Tour in Russia” will be hed by Henry Holt & Co, At the request of General Garibaldi the Italian | national subscriptions Jor bia relief have been sue pended, Mr. Stephen Preston, the Haytian Minister, arrived from Washington yesterday at the Union Square Hotel. j Ex-Governor Alexander A. Bullock, of Massa- chusetta, has gone into winter quarters at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, France, outside of Paris, possesses at the present time 1,562 public lipraries, furnishing students ‘with 1,474,637 works, The remains of the late Earl Charleville are to be placed in Trinity churchyard unt their trans portation to Ireland for interment, Generais Palfrey, of Massachusetts, and Mowry, of Rhode Jsiand, and Mr, Hitz, Consul General of | Switzerland to New York, have arrived in Paris, In Paris they observe that young France tg Obesity, which hitherto only a tended maturer years, now seizes upon youth itself. Newspapers are now absolutely forbidden tn the Parisian guardhouresa and stringent efforts are made to keep political journais out of the bar. racks, sudge Theodore Miller, of Hadson, N. Y., the successful candidate for Associate Judge of the Court of Appeals, arrived last evening at the Filth Avenue Hotel. Petroleum V. Nasby will give us a book sing larly entitled “The Morals of Abou Ben Adhem, Eastern Fruits iu Western Dishes,” dedicated te bis mother-in-law. future, and the people will not be content to go into the next Presidential canvass without a settled course of action on both sides, The condition of the South, the depression of trade, the cry for in- flation on the one hand and the demand | for contraction on the other, all ask recog. | nition, with some plan of settling the question each of these problems presents. Just now we have parties without principles; but this cannot last much longer. If a year goes by and the democracy fails to fix upon a policy | which will commend itself to the people the | splendid triumph of Tuesday may go for nothing. The republicans can better afford to go without principles than the democrats, but neither can afford it, and consequently it tol- lows that the democratic leaders, if they would rule the country, must rule it upona A platform in unison with the popular will There is danger that they will give their time to assured results, as the election of United States Senators, in- stead of devising a satisfactory way out of the difficulties which now embarrass the country. Every new Senator ought to bea man who understands the best interests of the there may be peace let us have kindness, people, but the people are not disposed that Madame X. knocks at Mr. Y.'s door, “Whots there?” ‘It’s me, Mme. X, Are you visible 1 “My dear madam, I—{—am not precisely invisible, but, {n fact, 1 am—taking a bath.” Mr. Mclver, in nis address accepting the nomi nation of member of Parliament irom Uirken- head, England, to succeed the late Mr. Laird, promises to support Mr. Disraeli to carry out the principles of nis predecessor and to promote the annexation of Birkenhead to Liverpool, Here is something out of ® French repuviicas paper of the present time, which sounds a little like '93:—"You call us reas, but we have not that color yet; our purpose, however, is to become i red with the blood of the whites.” The whites are the supporters of Chambord and bis white fag. Lf Spain declares war on France, it is evident that France will whip her—if we can leave out of many. But we the case @ grave aspect for France. Austria? Assuredly nOt as they stood in tue last war. Recently a telegraph clerk in France retased w transmit @ Message in these words, “Third epiecie of John, verses 13 and 14,’ under the law whict forvids the transmission of despatches not writtes in plain language. Reference to the text inds cates that the despatch was merely an economy of words, Tne text ts as follows:—“l have many things to write, but I will not with ink and pes write unto thee; but I trust I sball sboruy seq qed, and we auall speak tage 60 trae’