The New York Herald Newspaper, September 4, 1874, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER Let Us Have a Nat al Conv of Peace and Reconstruction—Both Sides of the Southern Question. ‘The rumor that the President purposes to summon Congress together for an extra ses- sion to consider the condition of affairs in the Southern States does not seem to be con- firmed. We do not regard it asa probablo rumor, President Grant is not the kind of Chief Magistrate who craves legislative ad- vice. The relations between the President i: | and Congress at the time of the adjournment Ail Doings oe ann Menek SH ence | were ee harmonious enough to lead him to despatches must be addressed New Yonx | look hopefully upon the prospects of another ‘NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- pual subscription price $12, Hznatp. meeting. Among the last acts of the Senate Rejected communications will not be re- | Was to throw into the face of the President the Nomination of his well-beloved Shepherd. turned. i a Sie { With a Senate in that humor what might not Letters and packages should be properly | be expected? Experienced politicians have a sealed. : j fear of extra sessions. There is the ZONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK legend that ‘an extra session is i | generally sure to ruin an administration,”’ HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. | gua President Grant has enough Scottish Subscriptions nd Advertisements will be | blood in his veins not to be insensible to received and forwarded on the same terms | legends. Long Branch and its endless speech | as in New York. | of wave and tide is much more pleasant | Dee: than Washington and two roaring Legisla- _vssss..No. 247 | tures. The administration is now in the sixth | year of its existence and not in the sturdiest | health, Whether the President means to | allow it to drift into silence, satisfied with | what it has done, and feeling that its place in history is made, or whether, as some of bis | friends believe, he will make another appeal | to the.confidence of the people, nothing is to be gained by an extra session. But the fact that such an expedient is generally discussed shows how deeply the | public mind feels as to the Southern States. | We do not dwell upon the events that now take place in South Carolina and Mississippi, the riots in Kentucky, the threats of civil war in North Carolina, the feverish movement of Volume XXXIX, AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. NIBLO'S GAR: roadway. between Prince HE BRIDE OF ABYDOS, at 8 M. Joseph Wheelock and § ton streets. — 3 at 49 P. S THEATRE, nd OFF THE LINE, at 8P WALLAl Broadway —PAUL PR’ ‘ ‘Toole, j closes at LLP. M. WOOD'S MUSEUM, | Broadway, comer, of, Thirtieth street—BLOW FOR LOW, at'2P.M. THE LAST NAIL. at 8 P.M; closes ‘at 10:80 P.M. Louis Alarich and Miss Sophie Miles. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Roem Broadway.—VARIETY, at § P. M.; closes at 10:45 FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE. WHAT SHOULD SHE DO? OR, JEALOUSY, at 8 P. ™.: closes at Ll P.M. Miss Fanny Davenport, Miss Sara country afo always tew compared with the millions unseen who only await opportunity to act and speak. Can we really reconstract the Southern States without the aid of the real sons of the South? We have tried to do 50, depending upon the ignorant treedmen who yesterday were slaves and the unscrupulous white adventurers who yesterday fled from the North as political mendicants and soldiers of fortune. There is no reconstruction. On the contrary we see disturbance, civil outbreaks, corruption and disorder, and, worse than all, a war upon the national credit by means of re- pudiation that will be ag disastrous to the Union as if the rebellion had been a success. It would certainly be better in the interests of civilization and liberty to have two confedera- cies, governed by statesmen of honor and character, who respected credit and sacred obligations, than such a Union as we shall certainly see if Arkansas and South Carolina | are permitted to drag these federal States into the abyss of bankruptcy. This can be in no respects a wholesome living Union, and the end will be a destruction by repudiation more disastrous than would have been the destruc- tion by war. What then is the remedy? It is idle to talk of military power to keep the peace. No military power can keep the peace in a coun- try bent upon disturbance, unless by the ex- termination of the people. Spain has been trying for forty years to preserve order in her Biscayan provinces, and in the end she has a civil war as irritating as it was when Espar- tero made himself the Duke of Victory. The public sentiment of this country would not admit of any policy which looked to the armed occupation of the South. It would be an expense, an offence, a scandal, a burden that could never be cheerfully borne, a viola- tion of the genius of our institutions, On the other hand this public sentiment would never Jewett, Mr. C. Fisher and Mr. Janes Lewis. the popular heart in Arkansas, for they indi- LYCEUM THEATRE, cate now what they have indicated at any | Toaeere, rites set clocen at 30:50 F time since the war. They show that instead Hiei rapa ~ of an honest measure of generous and pacific | BS, st Brosdwag yA RinIy cee a; closes at 10:20 | reconstruction we have reduced the conquered | er ee | States of the South imto the condition | BOOTHS THRATES, of Poland and Ireland. No known sec- | LA TIMBALE | |. Mile. Aimee, | Sain Lawniacs agri and Soar ents " hi LAMAR, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:0 P.M. Joba | ti i 6 MeCullough and Miss K. Rogers Randolph, (ee conquered territory, not the — } most lawless districts of Westmeath, BRYANTS OPERA HOUSE, Wrest Twenty-third street, near Sixth uvenue.—~NEGRO AUNSTELLSY, ato P.M. “Dan Bryant nor the most impatient communes in Alsace, | are as disturbed as many of the Southern GLOBE THEATRE, States. This cannot be attributed to the pres- yore Le ae a ee | sure of war; for the war is over, and the SAN PRANCI'CO MINSTRELS, | harvests have long since enfolded with living | Tee eee ete ena minh street NEGRO | verdure the bloody fields. Nor does 1t come | from failures of crops, that frequent cause of +2t8P.M. | discontent, for all accounts tell us that cotton and sugar and rice promise an abundant P. sia shikck | yield. Nor does it represent the fermenting | aa EP == ambition that would rise in new rebellion, for | T R I P E H EK EB TT. no Southern leader—not Mr. Tombs himself— | See eae has hinted the thought of war. The cause | lies deeper. It has become a discase—a slowly ee | growing, irritating disease—what. might From our reports this morning the probabilities be called an ulceration of the whole are that the weather to-day will be cloudy, with | political system. Unless we remove it there Light rain. | can be noend but death. Already in Arkansas | and South Carolina we observe the first tokens | | of death in the shameless repudiation which | has become an accepted principle of legisla- | tion. Such examples should not be over- SETS GK | looked. If the Union cannot be destroyed by | Mz. Gorpon W. Buxuam has offered to | war it can be destroyed by repudiation. There place a colossal statue of Daniel Webster in | can be no wholesome union between Massa- | the Central Park. This is all very well, but if chusetts and South Carolina, between New Daniel Webster were alive and tried to play | York and Arkansas, on the financial con- croquet Colonel Stebbins would have him | ditions that exist to-day. Already the North arrested. Jaments its existence, and to-morrow, if re- RENT PS graphies of padiation continues to be the controlling sen- | two persons who lived to celebrate the centen- | timent of the South, we shall have the solvent METRO} INo. 585 Broadway.—P: CENTRAL PARK GARD! iheaintt strect and Sevent! We. 8 i New York, Friday, Sept. 4, 1874. Watt Srnzer Yesterpay.—The stock mar- ket was moderately active, and prices, after considerable fluctuation, fairly maintained. Gold advanced to 110, and closed at 109}. nial anniversaries of their births are given in our columns to-day. The history of Judge Harrison is notable independently of his extreme age. It is rarely now that we find citi- vens who are older than the Republic; ina few years they will have disappeared entirely. Fatt Fasnions.—The return of the belles of fashion from the various summer resorts bas caused a flutter of excitement and prepara- tion among the modistes. We publish in snother column some of the principal styles and materials ordained by Dame Fashion to be worn this winter. There is a marked Bbsence of the extravagances and absur- dities of former seasons and a marked im- provement in matters of taste. | | the Established Church as evils. But it was | patriot States of the North crying, ‘Who | shall deliver us from the body of this death ?” | Some of our empirical statesmen tell us | that the cause of this is slavery. We are | weary of this refrain about slavery. Fifteen | years ago, and our most respected citizens | were only too glad to applaud the violence which greeted the orators and writers who opposed slavery. Now there is no rhetoric in the language strong enough to express our horror of it. Well, slavery was an evil, just | as the next generation in England will per- | haps regard the crown, the aristocracy and an institution and so puissant as an element of political influence that it enabled a com- paratively small portion of the people to rule | Troops OxpEReD to tar Sovrs.—The gov- ernment has taken action at last upon the troubles and outrages in the South. The | our colonial and federal forms of government, | we treated slavery as an institution. the Union. For nearly two centuries, under | For ten Attorney General found the President ready | Years we have treated it as a crime. The to use his full power, and the consultation at | vestion arises, and it is a question of su- Long Branch was brief and the decision em- | Preme magnitude, as our readers will see phatic. Although General Grant thinks the disorganized condition of the South has been exaggerated for political rea- sons, he has written to the Secretary of War to place the United States troops st the disposal of the Marshals, and detach- ments are to be sent at once to New Orleans | and other points. The government announces that it is resolved to give security to all per- | sons, white or black. Tae Prestprxt anp His Frrenps.—Every | step that the President now takes is of un- usual interest, and is judged almost wholly in | respect to the third term aspirations he is be- lieved to possess. The silence which General Grant maintains upon this important question compels the public to seck for its solu. tion in his own acts and in the movements of his political Strong confirmation that he is a candidate for renomination is given in our letter from White Sulphur Springs to-day. The au- thority is produced for the statement, and it challenges a denial. The President cannot Jong continue his silence when his friends declare that he has authorized them to work for the extension of his Presidential rule. A Pottce Justice m Trovsnz.—An exam- ple of how thoroughly justice is sometimes blindfolded in our police courts is furnished by the case brought yesterday before Judge Donohue. A Police Justice frankly admitted that he had signed a warrant for the arrest of a woman without knowing its contents, trusting to the assurance of the police that it was “alf right.’’ It proved, however, to be all wrong, and his offence is to be laid before the Grand Jury. Judge Donohue made some severe and sound comments upon the loose practice which obtains in the police courts, and ssid Shat he was satisfied that crime was sustained for its political and peouniary assistance and that for the sake of illegal revenue panel houses and pelicy shops were tolerated. If this isa caso of the kind the investigation should be prompt and thorough. | reaction and inviting strife. supporters. | | when they dwell upon it, whether it is the } soundest statesmanship to deal with any insti- | tution as a crime. There is the danger of | This danger Cromwell incurred when he pronounced monarchy a crime by sending Charles L to the scaffold. A far greater danger the French people invited when they denounced royalty, religion and rank as so many grades of crime. | The same, in a lesser degree, fell upon the | republicans in Paris and Madrid when they denounced property, capital and law as crimes. The logic which animated Cromwell in his | dealings with Charles Stuart, the logic which breathed through the French Revolution, the Commune uprising and the Republic of | Pi y Margal, was perfect. It was unanswer- | able, soul-stirring, sublime. It was not the statesmanship of common sense. It recalled | | the eloquent periods with which our own | | writers and statesmen weloomed eman- | cipation, Nothing is easier than to prove | | that royalty, aristocracy, standing armies, | | laws concerning land, entail, primogeniture | and the Established Church are all crimes—as | criminal as the selling of human souls into bondage. But custom and law made them in- stitations. When we deal with institutions as with crimes we provoke the excesses which compelled the restoration of Charles, the coup | | @éat of Napoleon, the suppression of the Commune, the successful conspiracy of Ser- rano and the growth of repudiation and avarchy in the South, Is it not possible that by following this pregnant historical lesson to its natural teach- | ing we may see the real cause of the troubles | now pervading the South? The men who a few short years ago were strong enough by | genius and valor to rule the councils of the | Union, and subsequently to construct a power in the Southern Confederacy that required four years of war to suppress and is still a historical power commanding the respect and admiration of mankind—these men have not passed away. We do not see them, but they consent to the revival of slavery, to the recog- nition of its existence in any form, except as acrime happily abolished and atoned. Nor would it accept any of the responsibilities of those who made the rebellion, the Confederate debt, the cotton loans, the losses of those who went into secession and whose property was taken by troops, the sequestration of lands like those of Arlington. Nor can we consider for a moment any policy that would regard the negroes of the South who were formerly slaves as in any other relation than that of freemen, citizens, and entitled to every right of citizenship. There are certain | inevitable facts growing out of our war, just as they grow out of all wars and all revolutions. The English Revolution made Parliament free and destroyed absolute power. The French Revolution made France the home, the heri- tage and the glory of every Frenchman, and decreed noble and peasant equal before the law. Our own secession revolution consoli- dated the Union and emancipated the slaves. These are the fruits of the contest, the inevit- able facts that came from it, that can never be destroyed or taken away, and for which we should go to war to-morrow as eagerly as Eng- land for the freedom of her Parliament, or France for the preservation of the fruits of her revolution. , But there are other questions in no way vital which do not affect these inevit- able results, and the consideration of which statesmanship would impose upon us. Have we not imposed too heavy a fine upon the South as the consequence of the war? Have we not punished her, although a sister Commonwealth, ten times more severely than France was punished by the alien in- vader? If Germany astonished the world in exacting five milliards from France what must be thought of the fine of ten milliards, which, estimating each slave at five hundred dollars, was imposed upon the South by the proclama- tion of emancipation? Should not some com- pensation be made to the South for this enor- mous fine—not in the way of actual money paid to former slaveholders, but in the devel- opment of industries in the South that were destroyed by the war? If we of the Northern States for generations sustained, approved and profited by slavery when it was an institution, should we not as- sume some of the expense and respon- sibility of regarding it as a crime? Be- cause we conquered the South have we any right to desolate it? Can there be any form of desolation more thorough than to compel the people to bear all the burdens of the war which’ they assumed—of the abolition of them as an institution, as well as of the debt we contracted ourselves to suppress the rebel- lion? Can there be any genuine reconstruc- tion that makes it the object of the Southern leaders to aim to destroy by repudiation the Union they failed to destroy by secession? These are grave questions. To the minds of some of our readers they may no doubt be novel, and it may be said that we take a gloomy or a fantastic view of the situation in the South. But there certainly is an evil in the South that we have not reached. We are rapidly drifting upon chaos, disorder, a war of races, repudiation. We have made our brothers of yesterday our enemies, and not only enemies, but we surrender to their mercy the credit of the nation and the happiness of the four millions of slaves we emancipated. More than all, we have given them no motive for reconstruction; but, on the contrary, we have left them every temptation to war upon the Union. ‘These are living questions, It is not for us to decide them; but we do not see how there can be reconstruction until they are decided. Would it not be the wisest statesmanship, therefore, to call together a national conven- tion to consider the war, its causes, conse- quences and results, and how best the Union can adjust itself to the new and strange con- ditions it has lefttous? Let us have a national convention of peace and reconstruction. The Verdict in the Vandeuser Case. The testimony in the case of the Italian boy, Vandenser, who died after receiving injuries in the Five Points House of Industry, is concla- sive to the effect that he was neglected during his illness; that he was whipped for being ill; that he was recklessly placed in a cold bath, and it was the opinion of a physician that the convulsions were the result of the thrashing of the boy while he was suffering from diar- thea. Yet in the face of this evidence the Coroner's jury yesterday rendered a verdict attributing his death to diarrhoa, augmented by want of proper care in the early stages of the disease and his subsequent removal slavery which we at one time guaranteed to | whipping, the cold bathing or the convnisions which ensued as the natural resalt of this treatment. Coroners’ juries are not remark- able for intelligence, and often render very queer verdicts, but this finding is something more than queer. The Coroner did right, after hearing this verdict, in committing Charles Barnard, the person accused of the maltreatment of the boy, to the Tombs, to await the action of the Grand Jury. He could not have liberated the prisoner without becoming, in the opinion of the public, an accomplice in his offence. The manner in which public chari- ties are administered is of the utmost im- portance, and culpability in an officer is not to be so lightly passed over. The verdict of the jury is false in the assertion that Van- deuser died of diarrhwa; the cause of hig death was convulsions, and the evidence that the convulsions were produced by the shock of whipping is not to be ignored. This painful event has madea profound impression upon the public, and the trial of Mr. Barnard and his punishment, if found guilty, is demanded by every interest of charity. To condone such offences would be to destroy the confidence we desire to have in our public institutions. The Corruptions of the Reform City GovernmentA Startling Revelation. The revelations made by the Commissioners of Accounts in their report of the condition and management of the Department of Chari- ties and Correction add an interesting chapter to the history of municipal reform as illus- trated in Mayor Havemeyer's administration. In January last, when the examination of the Department of Charities and Correction was commenced, none of the books were written up for the old year, and the cash book had been left without any entry for salary of three thousand dollars a year, ex- plained his neglect ot the books by the state- ment that it was useless to write them up since he could not make a balance sheet to agree with the books of the Finance Department. Commissioners Laimbeer and Stern asked for time to have their books posted, and the ex- amination was not resumed until the following May. It was then found still impossible to balance the books. No inventory of the stock or property on hand had been taken when the present Commissioners assumed office, and the value of the dry goods and other supplies was unknown. Not a single safeguard against fraud and robbery seems to have been provided by the heads of the department. No accounts are kept with the various parlies from whom purchases are made for the use of the department. The sys- tem requires that the storekeeper at Black- well’s Island shall make all requisitions and receive, receipt for and issueall supplies, In- stead of this being done dry goods, flour and other articles are purchased by the Commis- sioners at their will, are sent wherever they please, and all the storekeeper knows of the | transaction is when the bills are received by | him for entry on his books. Thus, while | thousands of barrels of flour go directly to the bakery, before the investigation commenced no record whatever was kept there to show the amount that had been received. Thus far gross official | neglect and incompetency are proved against the Commissioners of Charities and Correc- tion. But graver charges remain. It is shown that they not only pay no regard to the limi- fation of the charter, which provides that no purchase of supplies involving more than one thousand dollars expenditure shall be made for the corporation by any department or | officer of the city government except by con- | tract founded on sealed bids or proposals and given to the lowest bidder, but that they con- | tinuously alter and falsify their books and 4, 1874.-TRIPLE SHEET, seven months, or since the “reform” Agh eed ig club des’ iz ii el Commissioners nominally entered upon +3 desixing a field ai ie eet the Colon A f 5 4 also claimed to be only too desirous the discharge of their duties. The Com- ag i A fb Aah A to give all citizens their rights in missioners knew absoluiely nothing about : i ' the Park, yet he thought there should their accounts, and their bookkeeper, with a “ un not be any special privileges granted | just. A gentleman who plays croquet or base ers would seem to impty a motive for the Mayor's reprehensible action. One of the formal charges against Mr. Havemeyer covers these very transactions, and we invite the at- tention of Governor Dix to the report now placed before the Board of Aldermen. It is time that the people of New York should know whether they are to expect any protec- tion against official misconduct outside a grand jury room and a criminal bar. Colonel Stebbins and Croquet. Certainly the Central Park is narrow, but that is good reason why its management should be broad. In this opinion, however, Colonel H. G. Stebbins, President of the Board of Park Commissioners, does not seem to agree with us, for in his conversation with a reporter of the Hrratp the other day he cited the fact that the Park is only five-eighths of a mile in width as a reason why gentlemen are not allowed to play croquet in its limits. This is not, we think, at all a misropresenta- tion of Colonel Stebbins’ argument. He was asked why gentlemen were forbidden to play croquet and answered that the Park was only five-eighths of a mile in width. That the room for games is limited must be conceded, but croquet _ players would not occupy much of it, Gentlemen sometimes assume extraordinary attitudes at croquet, but we do not think that any one could sprawl over five-eighths of a mile. But Colonel Stebbins explains that, because of the want of space, it is not convenient to grant permission to clubs or organizations to play games, and that applications from military companies and mechanical societies have been for this reason refused. This, too, is a rather vague reply to the inquiry which the public so | earnestly makes. A gentleman is not a club, nor an organization, nor a company, nor a so- ciety, and we have not heard of any croquet to any particular class, and that the rules of the Park were made to prevent any en- croachment by any class. Here again we must be permitted to say that we are unable to see the force of the logic. The ladies are a particular class, sometimes a very particular one; yet they have special privileges. Gen- tlemen are a proscribed class and have no privileges at all. Thus the President of the Board of Park Commissioners has evaded the question. Hig replies are altogether irrelevant. If the Park ) is large enough for ladies to play croquet in it is certainly large enough for their gentle- men companions to join them, and as citizens they have the right to demand a better reason for their exclusion than that of want | of space. Our sprightly contemporary, the Evening Mail, observes that there are only two excuses given why gentlemen should not play croquet at the Park—‘‘The first that they have annoyed the ladies when the privilege has been extended to them heretofore ; the second, that the turf, which will keep green under ladies’ sixes, will not keep green under gen- | tlemen’s eights.” The first excuse is de- prived of value by the fact that the ladies, who are most concerned in the matter, repu- diate it and desire that their gentlemen friends shall be allowed to join in croquet, as they do in boating, riding, walking, skating, é&c. Again, if the Commissioners should really urge this excuse for their Chinese policy of exclusion, it would be a confession that they are unable to preserve good order in the Park. Are they prepared to admit this? We hope not, for it would be not only a reproach to the Commissioners, but would actually con- stitute an accusation against the male popula- tion of the city, which we believe to be un- ball at the Park is presumed to be a gentleman, and if he proves to be a blackguard we need not tell Colonel Stebbins how he should be dealt bills, with the wilful object of evading the law and concealing its previous violations, Goods are illegally purchased by the Commis- sioners to the amounts of thousands of dol- lars, are delivered by the sellers and the invoices received in duplicate, entered and | forwarded to the general office of the depart- | ment. Subsequently the original invoices are | destroyed, false Lills for amounts never de- | livered and bearing different dates are substi- tuted, the original entries are erased from the books of the department, fraudulent entries corresponding with the false bills are made in their place, and the altered bills, thus brought within the amount prescribed by the charter, are paid by the Finance Department. So numerous have these erasures and alterations been that, in the words of the report, “it is not possible to make upa true and correct statement as to goods actually furnished to same were received.’’ Grave as are the charges thus brought against the Commissioners of Charities and Correc- tion and the Comptroller, the report, as we have said, only raises the corner of the cur- tain and affords‘us but a glimpse of the cor- ruption of the tainted department. It leaves untouched the falsification of the census. It does not state the enormous quantity of meat and flour consumed or pretended to be con- sumed by the department during the year, ex- cept by incidentally mentioning the payment of $95,595 for fresh meat for a little over seven months, which, at six cents a pound and allowing fresh beef four days in the week, shows @ consumption of 11,585 pounds of fresh meat per day. It says nothing of the quality of the flour or of the prices paid, which are from two to three dollars a barrel more than equal brands cost on the market. It leaves untouched the rumor that the butter supplied to the department has been some- times too rank for use. It is silent on the sub- ject of horses purchased and paid for but not to be traced, or of the extravagant expenditures of the department on stables and steamboats. Yet the glance it affords of the illegal acts of the Commissioners of Charities and Correc- tion and of the singular course of the Finance Department is enough to astonish the community. The report puts a Havemeyer. The transparent frauds alleged to have been perpetrated in regard to the Sternbach dry goods bills expose the in- sufficiency and deceptive character of the Mayor's pretended ‘investigation’ of those scandalous transactions, while the con- the department and the dates upon which the | new feature on the charges against Mayor | with. As for the plea that gentlemen would damage the turf if they are allowed to play croquet, it is scarcely necessary to say that if the turf is of so much importance the ladies should be also excluded, It is evident that Colonel Stebbins has not yet thought of a valid excuse for the course of the Commis- sioners, and we respectfully advise him to think the subject over and give the public a categorical reply to its demand. The Knave of Clubs. ‘The law confers upon the policeman excep- | tional powers, and surrounds him with pro- | tection. He is authorized to carry a pistol jandaclub. Resistance offered to him aggra- | vates the original offence. The oath of a | policeman is:taken in preference to that of an | alleged criminal, When the blue-coated, | brass-buttoned gentleman lounges at the cor- ner or slowly patrols the street he silently says to society, “Iam the law. I represent its majesty. Respect me. Behave yourselves, Beware!" This is as it should be; for an in- efficient police, incapable of commanding respect for the law, would be worse than none. But the very fact that the law thus clothes the policeman with its moral influence and trusts him with weapons which other citizens are forbid- den to carry should make him feel his respon- sibility, It is a great responsibility, and we think a good policeman is hardly to be over- prized, especially in a city like New York. But too many members of our present police force seem to be ignorant of their duties and to suppose themselves to be the masters of society, not its servants. Of the brutal man- | ner in which they use their clubs upon | drunken men, of the peremptory, insolent way in which they order respectable citizens to ‘‘move on,” there have been many instances. Yesterday we printed the testimony of re- spectable witnesses of a caso of cruel clubbing in this city, which is further substantiated by the evidence in court. This appears to have been an act of inexcusable brutality, for the drunken man was not beaten to overcome re- sistance, but was assaulted after he had surrendered, thrown out of his cart and clubbed till he became unconscious. If this were a novelty in police | conduct it would be bad enough; but, unfor- tunately, such cruelty has of late been com- | mon, Policemen are frequently more ruffianly | than the rufflans they are expected to keep in order, and are more to be avoided by pradent citizens, especially at night. We should be | glad to see the Superintendent of Police or the courts make examples of some of these from the hospital. Not the slightest notice | nection of the Mayor's son and son-in-law | live. The men who fill the oublic eve in anv was taken by the jury of the evidence of the | with the illesl purchases of the Commission. knaves who are so ready to usehe clubs, and neither judge nor jury shonld fail to corsider a oti 3 that precisely because the law gives the police. man such extraordinary privileges and powers, the law should doubly punish him when he uses them to assault the very interests which he is sworn to protect. New York has enough trouble with her rowdies and bullies without putting them in uniform, The Flight of Moses. Scene first—Executive Mansion, South Carolina. Governor Moses dances a break. ~ down over his escape from indictments, Alarum within. Enter Courier hastily. Moses—‘‘Thon comest to use thy tongue; thy story, quickly.” Courier—“Gracious, my Lord, as I did stand upon the banks of Con- garee I saw five hundred Georgians with blackened faces." Moses—‘Liar and slave !’" Courier—‘‘Let me endure your wrath if it be not so—armed to the teeth.” Moses—‘Bring me no more reports. Whatho! within there!’ Enter United States Senator. Moses—“My trusty Patterson, skirr the country round; what drug could scaro those Georgians hence?”’. United States Senator—*I know not, my Lord, unless our absence.” Moses— “Then let us depart."” . Scene second—Headquarters of United States Commandant. Moses on army cot, Senator at foot. Ghosts of departed State credit, Carolinian pride and national honor rise. Ghosts—‘Let us sit heavy on your souls to-night. Shoo-fly!” Moses—‘‘Give me an- other cot; there is no creature lovesme. Ku Klux! Ku Klux!” Senator—‘Nay, good, my Lord, be not afraid of shadows.”’ Scene third—Another part of the field. Alarums. Excursions. Second Courier (aged colored female) announces the approach of seventy masked desperadoes all the way from Georgia. The black ‘“‘kurnels’’ call their hosts to arms; the Superintendent of the Penitentiary falls back on a negro hut; a county treasurer runs a race with another for the protection of a hollow log; State officials fly for their lives, Tableau—An inoffensive Kentuckian rides into town witha dozen or so hounds after him, and news is received of an excursion of negroes by rail a few miles away. Allegory— ‘Triumph of Moses and the Senator and safe return to Executive Mansion, N. B.—Mana- gers will apply for copyright to United States Senator Patterson or Governor Moses, Colum- bia. 8. C. ee Some Unscholarlike Mistakes. We said yesterday all that seemed needfal, by way of argument, in reply to the discour- teous diatribe of the Evening Post, but hope we may be pardoned for noticing one or two minor errors which ought not to have been found in a journal of its pretensions to schol- arship. We know no good reason why it should have indulged itself in a fling at the Catholics, or have called the suggestion of the Henaxp, which it criticised, ‘‘a rusty ma- chine, whose model we conjecture was some time made by a Jesuit." No very extensive acquaintance with the religious literature of Protestants was necessary to have saved the Post from such a misconception. The point is too trivial for a long array of quotations, and we limit ourselves to a very striking one from the celebrated ‘Commentary’ of Dr. Adam Clarke, the learned Methodist divine, whose stanch Protestantism requires no in- dorsement. In commenting on that passage in St. John’s Gospel, where the disciples came at the close of Christ’s interview with the woman of Samaria, and “marvelled that he talked with the woman,’’ yet durst not ask Him, ‘Why talkest thou with her?’’ Dr. Clarke says:—‘‘They were awed by His Majesty, and knew that He must have sufficient reasons to act a part part to which He was not at all acctstomed. A great man has said, ‘Converse sparingly, if at all, with women, and never alone.’ Every minister of the Gospel will do well to follow this advice.” This eminent and erudite Methodist, who perpetrated what the Post calls “@ scandalous libel’’ on the clergy and the sex, was at least no Jesuit. The Post embellished its article with a long quotation from Chaucer, which, with strange contempt for chronology in so scholarly a journal, it calls a portrayal of ‘‘the ideal priest of two centuries ago.’’ Was this strange liberty with dates taken to bring Chaucer within the Protestant era? Everybody should know that ‘the morning star of English liter. ature” wrote not two but five centuries ago, and that the faithful, laborious priest he de- scribes must have been a member of the Catholic communion, then and long after. ward the only form of Christianity that pre- yailed in England. When this writer shall have acquired the elements of courtesy and have mastered the elements of literature he may perhaps come to deserve the prominence which the Post gives him ns a critic. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Senator West, of Louisiana, is in Washington, The latest Irish fashion is a home-rule hat. It has no crown. Secretary Belknap, will remain In Washington for @ week or ten days. Rev. Hugh Smythe, of Cincinnatl, ts staying at the Everett House. £x-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, ts reg: istered at the Windsor Hotel. Mr, John H. B. hatrobe, of Baltimore, has apart- ments at the Filth Avenue Gotel, Attorney General Williams left Washington again last evening for a visit North. Ex-Senator Benjamin F. Rice, of Arkansas, has arrived at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Judge Edward (©. Billings, of New Orleans, ts stopping at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Ex-Governor Alexander H. Bullock, of Massa chusetts, is at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. State Treasurer Thomas Raines arrived from Aibany yesterday at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. State Senator Henry ©. Connelly, of Kingston, N, Y,, is residing at the Metropolitan Hotel. Rev. H, 8. Hoffman, of Philadelphia, arrived ta the city yesterday and 1s at the Windsor Hotel. £x-Congressman Theodore M. Pomeroy, of Au- burn, N. Y.. 1s sojourning at the St. Nicholas Hotel, Major Henry ©. Hodges, of the Quartermaster’s Department, United States Army, 18 at the Everett House. More dreadful conduct from a parson, and an old one, too, He calls @ sweet sister “a temale rake.” Count G. Galli, Italfan Consul at New Orleans, ia ‘among the recent arrivals at the Hotel Bruns. wick. Rear Admiral Charles S. Boggs, United States Navy, has returned to his old quarters at the Everett House. Pay Inspector Gilbert E. Thornton, United States Navy, left Washington last night on @ leave ol seve- ral weeks, to be passed principally in New Eug- land, Rey. Leonard Bacon says that Beecher’# defence “46 not incredible, ull things considered.” #t mm Brute! Storrs we know, and Bowen we know; but what interest bas Bacon in Beecher'’s dowm gail