The New York Herald Newspaper, July 18, 1874, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD —_—_-—_——_ JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12. ; All business or news letters and telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New York Henan. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. -—_——+— LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded ou the same terms as in New York. | Volume XXXIX......... str If OR DEATH, at. P.M. ciosesatich P.M. POMP, at3 P.M; closes atlO:coP. a. Mr. Uarry Cirfford. Broadway, corner ihir.ieth TERRACE GARDEN THRATRE. DER FRKEISCHUsIZ, at 8 P.M. Mrs. Jaeger, Mr. Berling. NIB ARDEN, | Broadway, between and Houston | streets. FPAU-TUS, at SP M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Mr. Joseph | METROPOLITAN THEATRE, 585 broadway.—Parisian Cancan Vaucers, at 8 P.M Wheelock up. Miss ione Burke. Maunce wt 1:30 2, M. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, Rowery.—VaRIE:Y ENTFRIAINSMBNT, at 8 P. M.; closes ai 10.30 P.M. Matinee at 2 P.M. —THOMAS’ CON. Mreet.-LONDON BY , ame at7 P.M. ; th street. GRAND Sat lwo P.M. and New York, Saturday, July THE HERALD FOR THE SUUMER RESORTS. si Seat | To NEWSDEALERS AND THE Pupiic:— The New Yorg Heratp will run a special train between New York, Saratoga and Lake George, leaving New York every Sunday dur- ing the season at half-past three o’clock A. M., and arriving at Saratoga at nine o'clock A. M., for the purpose of supplying the Sunpay Hznaxp along the line. Newsdealers | and others are notified to send in their orders to the Hzzaxp office as early as possible. From our reports this morning the probabilities | are that the weather to-day will be generally clear. Wau Srrzet Yestenpay.—Gold advanced | to 110. Stocks were active and higher. ‘Tue Lanp oF THE “HEATHER has borne away the Wimbledon prize in shooting, from proud Albion and the Em»rald Isle. Tae FreepMan’s Savinas Bangs.—Encour- | aging accounts come from Washington in ref- | erence to the affairs of these institutions, ad- | vising depositors to stand firm and not be | afraid. Tux Ror ar Lerma.—On the 16th a riot \ broke out at Lorida, in Spain, in consequence of opposition to the octroi tax. A few persons were injured, but the troops found little diffi- | culty in suppressing the disorder. Tae Coystantinopte Fire.—The fire at Galata has turned out to be somewhat serious. It raged for six hours, and about two hun- dred houses have been destroyed. If fire can do it Constantinople ought soon to bea new city. PosrpoNEMENT OF THE qatta.—Much to the disappointment of the many thousands assembled yesterday at Sara- toga Lake the great contest between the University crews was again postponed. It is announced to take place this morning at ten o'clock. Tue Fu Istanpers are politely informed by Her Majesty’s government that they must place themselves unconditionally uuder the folds of the union jack, or not atall. Other nations, perhaps, would be willing to wed those useful centres of the Puc'fic for better or worse, even with the conditions laid down by | the natives. Tue Anxansas Goprrnatontan Fict, in which Baxter and Brooks so extensively figured and which was brought tos summary | close by the interference of President Grant, | is now transterred to a less dangerous field, with a Congressional sub-committee as um- pires. The investigation begins to-day and | promises to be a lively one. Copan GvERI.tas are exercising the atten- | tion of the Spauish authorities, and fears are entertained for the safety of the property in the Trinidad Valley. The increased taxation | great; our people are not so universally con- | vinced of the’ advantages of free trade, and | ment in removing shackles from commerce. | be accépted in the place of a clearly defined | Scheme on a subject so eminently practical. | | What is the British method? It is simply | | direct | The Free Trade Question. There are indications that the democratic party will try to make free trade its capital issue in the Presidential election of 1876, and | thereby establish ‘a new departure."’ The | party has not asserted this doctrine in any national platform since the beginning of the | civil war, The platform of 1864 passed the question in utter silence; the platform of 1868 | favored “incidental protection to domestic | mannfacturers;”" the platform of 1872 dodged the question by remitting it to the Congres- sional districts. The snte-war democratic | Platforms touched the subject only in a vague, non-committal way. If, theretore, the party should in 1876 put forth » bold, unequivocal declaration in tavor of free trade, it will take a decided step in advance. yet be quite sure that the same considerations ot expediency which have led to so much trimming on this subject heretotore may not also blunt the edge of the tree trade issue in the next democratic national convention. While no question has been so much dis- cussed as free trade for the last fow years in a theoretical point of view there is none of equal importance of which the practical bear- ings are so little understood. Conceding the soundness of the free trade theory we wish to call the attention of its champions to the practical side of the problem and point out4 some of the difficulties which it is incumbent on them to solve to the satisfaction of the American people. No intelligent free trade | reasoner will contend that this country has | greater facilities for dealing successfully with the question than Great Britain. Our states- men are not so able ; our resources are not so therefore not so ready to support the govern- If our free traders have discovered a better | method of establishing free trade than that | adopted by Great Britain they ought to state it for the information of the country. De- | clamatory zeal and irrelevant statistics cannot | a transfer of the greater part of the taxes from | commerce to internal sources. Less than one- | third of the British taxes are raised by customs | duties, and yet the annual imports of Great Britain are more than double ours. Double | the amount of imports would be capable of | yielding double the revenue; so that if our rates of duties were only equal to those of | Great Britain—that is, if with only half her | commerce we made as near an approach to | free trade as she does—we should raise only | bout fifty million dollars a year by tho tariff | and throw the whole residue of the public burdens upon internal taxation. If there is | any other method than the British for render- ing trade free it has not been discovered, or | at least not published, by the American free traders, Butif they propose to pursue the British method nothing can be predicted with more certainty than the rejection of their views by the American people. If foreign commerce were to be taxed only in the same proportion that it is taxed by Great Britain we should be obliged to raise from two hun- | dred to two hundred and fifty milliong a year from internal sources. With the present tem- per and sentiments of our people they would never submit to such a change. We will illustrate the British practice by reference to a single striking topic. There is no other internal tax which is so odious or so inequitable as an income tax. We submitted | to it for a while as a war tax, but public clamor compelled the government to first reduce and then relinquish it after the close of the war. In like manner the British people endured it as a war tax under Pitt, but it was abolished immodiately after the ter- mination of the great Napoleonic struggle. And yet this hateful tax was revived by Sir Robert Peel in 1842, and has been continued | ever since. For what reason? On the ground that it was a necessary part of the means of establishing free trade. We could quote hun- dreds of pages from free trade speeches in Parliament defending the income tax on this ground. Sir Robert Peel himself said:— “One of my reasons, as I originally stated, for proposing the income tax, is, that I might be able to effect the reductions contemplated by the tariff." Cobden, the great apostle of free trade, said in Parliament in 1850:— “The right honorable member for Tamworth (Sir Robert Peel) in 1842 began a new sys- tem—that of reducing the taxes on in- dustry and relieving trade and com- | merce by substituting for duties a wore | system of taxation in the imposition of a taxon income. It was not enacted in the most desirable shape, but, bad as it is, I hope we shail never part with it, although I should like to see some modifica- tion of it.” Again, in 1853, Cobden said: — “A compensation is afforded by the mode in which the surplus gained by the income tax is disposed of. Imean by the extension of commerce and the freeing of industry from the fetters that bound it.’’ There is no end to the iteration of this idea in Gladstone's caused by the fivancial difficulties of the | government bears heavily upon house tenants, whose rents have gone up to an extent which | has called forth loud complaints. | Howsouvie Poxrrics.—In the Sandwich Is\- ands there seems to be a singular want of the majesty supposed to hedge a king, as petitions have been sent to the Legislature there accus- ing the present potentate of having gained the sceptre through bribery. Financial troubles also agitate the toy kingdom, and indepen- dence or debt is a vital question before it at present. Tax Haypen ExPLonina " EXvEprrion is already under way in Western Colorado, and | the most sanguine anticipations are entertained | regarding its success. If Professor Hayden is fortunate enough to falfil bis promises in exhibiting the mining wealth of that fruitful region Congress may be congratulated even on the meagre appropriation made towards this enterprise. = Tarasvrer Spisnen’s Views or Crvm Ser- vick Rerorm.—Treasurer Spinner hus ad- dressed a letter to the President on the sub- ject of civil service reform, in which he claims that, being responsible for the transac- tions of hia bureau and having given bonds | bulk of our revenue by internal taxation, in- the Herald thinks separate route must not for the honest management of it, he onght to | cluding a hateful income tax as one branch of | only be provided to Lake Ontario but there bave the appointment and control, personally, of his subordinates, He wants the applica. deeper root in American convictions than it is New York State to the West, the effect of tion of the civil service rules in his own hands, and doeg not wish to be tied down by any others | “Sir R. Peel, in 1842, called forth from re- financial statements as Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. We will quote a single specimen from his speech opening the budget of 1853: — | pose this giant, who had once shielded us in | war, to come and assist our industrious toils | in peace. The second income tax has been the instrament by which you have introduced, and by which I hope ere long you may per- | fect, the reform of your commercial and fiscal | system; and in reforming your own fiscal and commercial system you have laid the founda- | tions of similar reforms through every country of the civilized world.” ‘These statements by the very highest Brit- ish authorities on the subject exhibit the price | | at which their country purchased and main- | tains freedom of trade. Cobden went so far | as to advocate an income tax on the wages of | labor. In British estimation free trade is 80 invaluable a blessing as to be worth all it | costs, It reconciled its enlightened advocates to forms of internal taxation which they all admitted to be odious. But are our people so But nobody can | | North Atlantic or the severer trials to which | couraging a lo NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JULY 18, 1874. any other practical method of achieving it let it be distinctly pointed ont in order that its feasibility may be discussed. Unless this can be done sound thinkers will regard the pro- posed reform as visionary. The British | method is practicable if our people would | only accept it; but we all know they would | not, and the free traders leave us quite in the | dark as to the possibility of any other. Great Britain has advantages over us in | prosecuting this reform, resulting from the | different structure of her government. She | has nothing corresponding to our State Legis- | Iatures, which possess an independent power | of taxation. We have thirty-seven State gov- | ernments which must of necessity be sup- | ported by internal taxes, and if the greater share of the federal burdens were shifted upon | the same source of revenue the State govern- ments would be crippled, and might be crushed, by exhausting their means of sup- port. The general fiscal system of this coun- try in time of peace has been that the exter- nal sources of revenue belong to the federal | government and the internal to the State | Governments—-a system which is in ex- act accordance with the time-honored democratic doctrine of State rights, and State importance. It has grown to be a maxim in modern times that ‘‘the revenue is the State."’ If Congress should monopolize and exhaust the sources of internal revenue the State governments would perish of in- anition. There is no internal tax which is so unobjectionable as an excise on spirits, and yet Jefferson thought such a tax detestable, Writing to Madison in 1795 he said: —‘‘The Excise law is an infernal one. The first error was to admit it by the constitution; the second, to act on that admission.’’ So long as our State governments exist we cannot very closely follow the British model, and the problem for our free traders is to emancipate commerce while making it the chief source of | the public reyenue—that is, to raise two-thirds | of our taxes from commerce instead of one- third, as Great Britain does, although our commerce is less than half of hers. To solve this problem will require the best faculties of | the ablest free traders. The Brooklyn Investigation. The investigation into the charges made against Mr. Beecher by Mr. Tilton still con- tinues. As yet we have only rumors of an in- definite character, but enough to justify Mr. Tilton in his observation to a Brooklyn re- porter that this was to bea day of battle and of death. We print this morning the state- ment of Samuel Wilkeson, well known asa brilliant and distinguished journalist of long service and high character. His statement is an important contribution to the history of this affair, and leaves Mr. Tilton in a position that, unexplained, utterly destroys his case. It will be seen that Mr. Wilkeson virtually testifies that Mr. Tilton was animated in his controversy and the negotiations arising out of it simply by a desire to make money. Mr. Wilkeson’s narrative is dramatic and circum- stantial, and without doing Mr. Tilton the in- justice to adopt unexplained the theory which Mr. Wilkeson presents as to the motives gov- erning his conduct, we can only repeat his own words that this really has become a day of battle and of death. Mr. Wilkeson’s state- ment is the most important that has been printed, and makes us more anxious than ever to read the statements of Mr. Beecher and Mr. Tilton. Smpsuriprinc.—It would not be a wild esti- mate to say that one-third of the vessels sailing from this port, of whatever class, are unfit to combat the tempests of the they are exposed along the coast line. Ship- building itself is no longer a high and con- scientious art, where men make or lose their reputations on good or bad work, as they may elect. The tendency nowadays seems to be to build a hull of great capacity and propor- tionate weakness in the shortest time, with whatever material may be at hand, the main idea of the job being to make the abomina- tion sell. These evils are undoubtedly directly traceable to the decline of shipbuild- ing. Its fag end alone remains to sustain American commerce, and this is the reason why so many disasters are recorded from day today. If our wealthy and enterprising capitalists wish to start a new line of steamers to foreign countries—as, for example, on the Pacific—their only available vessels must be selected from old and worthless cratt, which burn more coal than they can safely carry across that broad ocean, and hence the com- mander is obliged to avail himself of every makeshift to reach port, if, indoed, he reaches his haven at all. There is but one encouraging sign which points to better times, and that is the successful introduction of iron shipbuild- ing on the Delaware. Tur Frencu Canrnet is not by any means a Ministerial unit, as will be seen by our despatches from Paris. The general policy of the government is cavilled at by its constitu- ent chiefs, and it is evident that the Marshal President must be considerably worried. M. de Fourtou, Minister of the Interior, has re- signed. He refused to prosecute M. Rouher, and itis said that Duke Decazes would not, in consequonce, serve with him. The ques- tion of future government remains in abey- ance. The Assembly debate which is expected to take place next Monday will either intensify the crisis severely or serve to resolve it bene- ficially for the cause of the Republic, “Cares FOR THE Peortx.'’—Some wise Lon- don people have started a company called “The People’s Café Company, Limited,” under the patronage of the Earl of Shattes- bury, John Bright and others. The intention 1s to assist the working classes to open cafés in their own neighborhood, as the only true plan of promoting their well being and en- f temperance, economy and instructive recreation. The plan bids fair to be successful, and it certainly is the develop- ment of a noble idea. Hort ron Cuntnan New Yors.—Utica and 4 the surrounding territory become ambitions The Utica Herald calls attention to one of the convinced of the magnitude of the blessing that they would consent to pay its necessary | cost? Will they consent to the raising of the it? The free trade theory must take a far likely to do in this generation if our people look with any favor on free trade accom- | plished after the British model If thara ie uses of the Hoosac Tunnel that may threaten the commercial supremacy of the metropolis. | To make this tunnel o profitable investment | must be throngh railroad connections across which would be to give Utica “the key which is to unlock the railroad traffic of the West A Radical View of French Armios. -The recent contest over the Army bill in the German Reichstag, in which the acceptance of the measure or the resignation of the leading statesmen of Germany and the dissolution of the Parliament were the only alternatives, seemed to indicate a fear of the increased armaments in Russia and France. The new armies of the Ozar, however, are not so much @ menace to Germany as to England; for, in spite of the recent wedding at St. Petersburg, over which the laureate sings in floundering verse, it is plain that Russia will not tolerate a divided dominion in the East. The new levies in France, on the other hand, have a more immediate, if not nearly so important, a significance. These are to be used possibly against the Republic; but, if we may believe the French, certainly against Germany. The traditional policy of France has been set aside | by the overwhelming influence of more pow- erful States, and France—whether as monar- chy, empire or republic—is determined upon regaining her old place aud potency in the affairs of Europe. But it may be accepted as @ foregone conclusion that radical Germany has nothing to fear from old or young France, and that the prestige of French armies has passed away forever. Mr. Karl Blind, in a recent letter to the London Kxaminer, sets out these views with great clearness. In his view the unsettled condition of France is in itself an effective curb for the party of “revenge.” The increase of thearmy, then, means danger to the Repub- lic rather than a real menace to Germany. With a reactionary Assembly at Versailles, and a Marshal of the 2d of December as Presi- dent of the Republic, it is not strange that this should beso. Nor is it strange that a Ger- mau radical should be the first to see the uses | to which the new armies of France are to be put. Owing to the stubbornness of the Count de Chambord France will never | know Henri Cing as a ruler, The Orleans | princes never had much chance. The final | struggle, when it comes, and itis bound to come, sooner or later, will bo between the | Napoleonic dynasty and the Republic. Then the elements which composed the much- abused Commune will be useful if they ever are to be of any use to France. Napoleon IV. cannot sueceed to the throne of his father by a simple dechéance or a coup d'état. When the final struggle comes, Herr Blind thinks, and so the reactionary parties fear, there may be a simultaneous democratic rising in a number of cities. Paris may be even more desperate than in the daysoftheCommune. Lyonsmay again rise in insurrection, Marseilles may gather round the standard of the Republic. Bordeaux may have its popular tumults. Even Nantes, Besangon and Lille may give trouble, It is for this that MacMahon is in- creasing the armies of France and trying to train them after the German model. The cry of ‘“Revenge!'’ may bea cloak to-these de- signs, but it is nothing more. France may render herself unhappy by internal disien- sions, but she cannot reconquer her Khino provinces or surround neighboring States, as of old, with a network of political dangers. What, then, is the condition to which France has been brought by Napoleonism and imperialism? Simply that which the first of the Bonapartes ascribed to England—a nation of shopkeepers. Happily the French will make a more delightful shopkeeping nation than the English. A franc, if it is of less value than a shilling, is airier in ita influence, and leads not so much to closefistedness and hard bargains. Shopkeeping in France will be entirely different from shopkeeping in England, and will mean millinery and bijou. terie and science and literature and art— solid comforts as well as delicious pleasures. With o drama the best in the world, and music sweeter than Italy affords and more consecutive than Germany imagines; with all the appliances of life and letters and art in their highest perfection, Paris will still be the mistress of the world. And so, when the statecraft is gone, it will matter little whether France is ruled by em- peror, president or king, and as o nation of refined shopkeepers, blessed with long-con- tinued peace, in whatever guise, the French people will slowly come to learn that the gibe of Herr Blind, that they “are by no means over-fond of military service,” is, in fact, a deep-seated trath, not dishonorable to a people who can point to Jena and Austerlitz as evi- dences of military prowess. Russa aNp Curna.—We learn from China the details of the reception of the Russian Ambassador by the Emperor of China on the 20th of May. It seems that the Ambassador was received with the usual ceremonies, and that he was treated with more courtesy than was vouchsafed to the Ambassadors of the other Powers recently. The Overland Mail trusts that in future all envoys will, immedi- ately on their arrival in Peking, imitate the good example of the Russian Minister and “demand audience of the Emperor for the purpose of presenting credentials from their respective sovereigns in the same manner as if they had been accredited to any European Court.” So far from this being of small mo- ment, as might be felt in America, we are in- formed “‘it has its importance, for it cannot be doubted that, when it is once patent to the Chinese Empire aot large that their sovereign is ready and willing on proper occasions to receive foreign envoys as coming from his equals, tho relations existing between the Middle Kingdom and the outside world will be placed on a far more satisfactory footing—a result which in itself is much to be desired, and will furthermore be productive of the greatest possible advantage to all parties con- cerned.” Corruption i Exxctions is not peculiar to America. Our British cousins, who are ever ready to denounce wrong doing in the United States, are not exempt from like infirmities. A liberal conservative member of Parliament, Mr. Albert Grant, has just been unseated for corrupt practices in his election canvass. It must have been a very glaring case, for im- mense fortunes are frequently spent to get into the House of Commons—fortunes much larger than nineteen-twentieths of our Con- gressmen do not dream of possessing—and the fair inference is that; directly or indirectly, | there must be a vast amount of bribery. Mr, Grant was caught, but how many escape? Tar Prorosep Froarixa Hoserran.—The generous feelings of the public in this city of | charities are enlisted in favor of this excellent institution, as may be seen in the noble re- | ered irom the rascals im the States. | perity | American people are too resolute to be per- | national, a corporate or au individual charac- | to Baston.”’ sponse given to the call for contributions. Sow Our Oarsmen Train. While Mr. Bergh and other well-meaning persons have been for a long time active in caring for the noblo horse and the usmuzzled dog, the agile cow and the sucking dove, there is one line of their duty which they seem to have entirely overlooked. High up the Con- necticut River, far from the roar of the ocean and the din of cities, there gathers annually a race of beings from varions parts of the land. Many swarm in great hives; others, in quiet nooks, live quite alone. All are bent, or purport to be, on getting good and cultivating their powers so that they may do good. Such is their laudable purpose. All claim to be intelligent, and some no doubt are, Some, in bygone days, have even filled high places, while others have sunk to the lowest depths, a few even having gone to Congress ; for it should be known that this thrifty community is mobile, is, in fact, | ever changing-—that its members never stay together over four years, but then scatter far | and wide, While together several have fallen into the habit of getting daily into a boat and moving about from place to place. They did so last year. They moved their craft seem- ingly so fast that their neighbors in the hill country deemed them giants and boasted of their prowess, They became elated. Boldly they sallied down stream and gayly drew their boat into lino with many trom divers places. It was a rash venture. Side by side with the others they kept for a little while, but only for alittle Then they were left far behind, and they went away home sad and sorrowing. Their grief is not yet assuaged, ior one of them only now thus mourns :-— Our dally system of training after we it to | Springti-la was to get up at six o'clock; before | breaktast take # three-mile walk, a‘ter breakfast @ six-inile Walk and tumediately on returning a siX-mue pull; alter dianer a six-tnile waik, then a | pull of 1X miles 48 $00. ws the walk wasover, shen | a walk of three miles after supper. We were never allowed to reat between the walk and pull | and always got mto the boat tired. As to our toog, staie bread and bee! was about the whole of 1U; Once in a While ® potato anu a little butter; no | milk, no vegetables, bo fruit, We suffered most fur want of water, of which we got tue least pus- sible quantity. Ube of ine ieliows used to hang venind on the waiks and if he sa pring ne'd CUE wCross 1OL8 ADU steal a Zo d din but most of | us kept right up to tf. We weot to ved about ten o'clock ad dragged ourselves out about 5.x. That they could maintaia such habits, and that through wecks of broiling summer heat, | without shelter from tho noonday sun, is sur- prising enough; but is it not simply astound- ing that in an enlightened land six young men could be found go absoiutely blind to what they were about, and its effect upon them, as to continue long under such réyime? And they, too, men occupied in obtaining a liberal | education, and who had been at school all their | lives? A three-milo walk before breakfast, | when for thirteen or fourteen hours nothing has been taken into the stomach, would use up most men, at least the rest of that day, but to add to it fifteen miles more walking and twelve miles of rowing, and this for men utterly unused to eithor—for farmers, when thero is a mile or two to go, hitch up—they do not walk—is a piece of folly almost incapable of excuse. What wonder that one day toward the end ‘four men vomited as soon as they got out of the boat!" That “next day they could only crawl about, | and some were seriously ill!'’ The wonder is almost that they lived to tell the tale. One would think that a single glimmering spark of New Hampshire common sens? and indepen- dence would have kicked at such treatment. If this is the fashion in which the professional trainer does bis work it is high time that—as we rejoica to see this year—he aud the student part company. It is such mad work as this that will bring boat racing into swift and deserved disrepute. There are sensible ways of training a man fora test of his physical endurance—caraful, judicious exercise, ample sleep and abundant, hearty food will add weight to the thin man, toughen the stout one, and keep and increase the vitality in both ; but to feed him on meat and old bread, and nothing else; to work him when he loathes it, when he is fagged till he can hardly crawl— @ mewling infant ought to know better. American Credit Abroad. There can be no question of the fact that American credit abroad has more or less suf- | fered from impositions practised by our own countrymen. Wildcat securities, which were worth little more than waste paper and com- manded no confidence at home, have been bolstered up by the tricks of the speculative gambler and politician, covered all over with gilt-edged promises and so thrown into the foreign market. The English investor has taken the bait, but only to find himself at last | deceived and plundered. It is but natural | | that his indignation should be aroused and find utterance, as it is doing at the present | time, through the columns of the English journals. Even John Bright finds time to write the following strong language to a cor- respondent: — The Emma Mine business is a dismal story, but T thik you must see that ican do nothing in it. Jaui astounded that mea should venture in such undertakings, sud espectally tuat they should be led or misied vy Dames Of pudle men and politi- clans. Follow politicians, 1 you like, in politics, but not im investments of money, least of all in mining. I do not suppose anything wil! be recoy- Whether you can get anything irom their allies or dupes in this country t4 a question oi facts and of law, about wich 1 can give no op:nton, You must excuse me from expressing any puolte opinion upou the mel- ancholy story about which you have written me, It is not a wonder that words like these should sink deeply in the minds of a vast community of iavestors and compel the keen- est scrutiny of all modern American ventures | which seek a foothold on English soil. But | fortunately there are two sides to the question. While America may have been disgraced as the birthplace of even a score of swindling enter- | prises that have been accepted as honest on | the other side of the Atlantic, and millions of dollars have thus been enticed by false pre- tences from the pockets of rich and poor alike, there is still a substratum of pros- | and wealth, of enterprise and growth, which cannot be permanently disturbed while the nation has an existence. Crédit Mobiliers, Northern Pacific railroads, Emma mines, Tweed rings and | Treasury contracts may exert demoralizing in- | fluences until their rottenness becomes a stench in the nostrils, but they run their course like every other foul disease. Somehow and somewhere the country finds a cure, and, in destroying the pestilence, enters npon even a stronger career than before. The manently repressed by misfortune either of a ter. Boston and Chicago have become ash heaps and millions of money have been wiped out of existence; yot how prompt was the process of recovery. and how grand the enterprise . vy that improved upon the magnificence off the past! View the growth of all of our citiasl and towns—the uprearing of elegant publid and private residences, the creation of parkay the extension of our railroad system and thousand other evidences of the wealth energy which are every year adding to the grandeur of the country and strengthe: by practical results the faith that underlies American credit. Asa general rule there ara no safer or more solid or more profitabl securities than those of the institu« tions of the United States; and while they continue to pay from five ta eight per cent interest exceptional swindles will only serve to educate the investor tal make proper investigation of the intrinsigl merits of the schemes that may be pushed! upon the market, If the English capitalist has suffered at the hands of rogues the faul€ is his own; but he cannot honestly allega that the people of the United States hava sought for European oapital to prosecute de« signs in which American capital has refused to embark, or that Americans themselves, confident of the eventual success of theix groat undertakings, have not borne the largest share of the burden and trasted implicitly: to the credit by which they are sustained. Kidnappers anda the Police, The absolute unsoundness of our police sys« tem is well exemplified by the failure of the Philadelphia detectives to find any trace of the kidnapped child. Many days have now: elapsed since Charley Ross was spirited away, and though the perpetrators of the outrage have received and answered communications no clew has been ob‘ained as to their identity. This is the more discreditable to the polica because the men who took the child aro knowm to have appeared several times in the neigh borhood where the abduction took place, and a more or less reliable description of their ap- pearance has been furnished as a clew to work: upon. Notwithstanding these advantages the detectives seem unable even to got upon the kidnappers’ tracks. It is true one man has been arrested, but except that he has been observed to meet three other men at the same hour for several days, and his previous bad’ character, there is no ground for suspecting his complicity in the outrage. Strangely enough the police did not think it neces= | sary to arrest his suspected accomplices, though it is difficult to understand why they should be allowed to go at liberty while their comrade is placed in durance, One would imagine that if the police had any sufficient evidence to justify tho arrest of one man of a suspected group they would take the precaution to secure his supposed confederates, But the truth seems to be that the police have, simply arrested a noted criminal at hazard im order to make believe that they have found a clew. This kind of humbug is too frequently adopted by our inefficient police to cover their own want of energy and skill. It is one of the drawbacks of our political system that men are appointed to all classes of public employment, without reference to their fitnoss, asa reward for service to the politicians of their party. Even in the case of the police no distinction is made, and the result is that officers are appointed who have no special aptitude for the detection of crime. Hence, whenever o crime is cleverly planned and secretly carried out the police nearly always fail to capture the offender unless he happens’ to be delivered into their hands by accident. The cure for this lamentable inefficiency of our police as detectors of crime lies in a proper selection of men in the detective branch of the force. Until a sweeping reform has been adopted in the manner of appointing officers clever criminals will be able to set the law at defiance with impunit; PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. TO A RG Another boy “thought tt wasn’t loaded.’ Judge Richard Pusteed, of Alabama, 18 at the Everett House, Another candidate for Janin's Count de Paris. Now we tnust add to the one-legged railroad the V-toed railroad. The Vendome column will be finishea in Augast— without the statue. Bishop D. 8. Doggett, of Richmond, is residing at the St. Nicholas dotel. Russian Admiral Lichiacof is visiting the French arsenals aud navy yar is oMcially. And Blunt stil writes it Kill van Kull, What, Fauteuil is the | then, 18 the use of the etymologists t | Senator Powell Clayton and (amily, of Arkansas, have aparcments at the St. Nicholas Hotel, Chief Engineer Charjes H. Loring, United States Navy, 1s quartered at the Union Square Hotel, Even if MacMahon doves destroy the Republic there is a new monkey in tie Garden 0; Plants. They want some qatet water at Saratoga, People cannot race on that vottied stu which fizzes 60, Coionel James Forney, of the United States Marine Corps, 1s staying at the Filth Avenue Hotel, Jon Lemotme 1s named for the faudeuil in the Academy made vacait by the death of Jules Janin. Scarcely any letters sent or received by the whoie negro population of the country. Tucy are not blackmailers. Ifa man not known to be a radical is moved from Versailles or Paris nowadays, they say he has gone to Frohsdorf. In '93 all the French politicians played for their heads and lost them, Now they have all iost them without playing for them. Captain Alured Mordecai and Captain Richard M, Hill, of the Ordnance Department, United States Army, are registered at the Gienham Hotel, Don Carlos’ General Elio recently visited Parts and Versailles, He was seated in the diplomatic gallery during a session of the Assembly. George Smith, aged sixty-nine years, stole a hem in England and waa sentenced to seven years’ penal servitude and seven years’ police supervision. Frenchmen are tn ecstasies. The Germans pros- ent at the last review could not conceal their chagrin at the splendid condition of the army, Paris journals are criticising MacMahon's gen | eralorder about the Septennate, aad the prose cuting oMicers are busy with the Parts journals. Dr. Sharpey bas resigned his position as Pro- fessor of Physiology in University Medical College, London, Dr. Burdon Saunderson succeeds him, Roebuck was compelled to stop in the middle ot | his speech in the House of Commons with “My voice fatis me.”? If this would only happen to Bent Protessor Alexander Winchell, President of Syr- acuse University, yesterday arrived at the Hof- man House, He sails for Kurope to-day tn the steamship Celtic, An old goose died at Danyilie, Va, in his ninetieth year from drinking lye out of a troagh, ‘This household preparation should be kept out of Havemeyer's reach, Mr, Benett-Stanford has placed his house in Sussex at the disposition of the Empress of Austria, It is within a mile of Brighton and @ fine old family seat, It is the Rev. Arthar Winship who wants to know if you would smoke “on your dying bed," Smoke auywhere rather than have tue Rey, Ar. thur twaddling around, The O'Donoghue calis Botta frozen out poltti+ cian who ‘instigated the government to prose. cute O'Connell and has now become that inserntanle ybrid, @ federal revealer.”