The New York Herald Newspaper, June 4, 1874, Page 6

, i ' NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JUNE 4, 1874—TRIPLE SHEEY, . er neree teen restate NEW YORK HERALD! | —_—_—— BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. ——— JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. TRE DAILY HERALD, pudlished every day tn the year, Four cents per copy. Annual subscription price $12. All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Hrrarp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Bubscriptions and Advertisements will be | received and forwarded on the same terms | as in New York. RE ERRERERE Tin. 6 Volume XXXIX,. No. 155 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING ee THEATRE COMIQUE, ON HAND, and VARIETY ENTER. ; closes at 10:30 P.M, No, 514 Broadw: TAINMENT, ats WALLAC Broadway and Thirteenth closes at UP, M. Miss Carle OLYMPic THEATRE, aston, and Bleecker streets. — Broadway, between | VARIETY EATERTA T, at 745 P.M.; closes at 10.45 P.M. WOOD'S MUSEUM. crete io roadway, corner of Thirtieth street. N ee at 2 P. M.: closes at 4:30 P.M. Same at 8P. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M. Baker and Farron. NIBLO'S THEATRE, Brondway, between Prince and [Houston ts. —THE ADY OF THE LAKE, at 8. M.: closes d¥ 1:45 P. M. ir. Joseph Wheetock and Miss lone Burke, NEW PARK THEATRE, BROOKLYN, Fulton street, opposite the Pity Hall.—Transatlantic | Novelty Company, at§ P. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M. j LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Sixth avenue.—LES FILLES DE | MARBRE, at3 P.M. ; closes at 10 P.M. MRS. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE, Washington street, Brooklyn.—ARRAH-NA-POGUE, at8 P.M. ; closes at 10:45 P. M. BRY Twenty-third street. EGRO MIN- TRELSY, de., at 3 i. Matinee— | CENTRAL PARK Fifty-minth street and Sixth avenue ERT, at 8 P. M.; closes at lv :30 P.M. THOMAS’ CON- AS Twenty-third street Trinity Church Choir. at 8 P. M. Cross. nt Fourth avenue.—Concert of Farewell to Mr. Henry COLOSSEU Broadway, corner of Thirty-titt NIGHT. at'l P. M.; closes at 5 P.M, vloses at 10P, M. ME, Twenty-sixth ‘streett—GRAND dF NATIONS, at 1:30 P.M. and New York, Thursday, Jane 4, From our reports this morning the probabilities | are that the weather to-day will be rainy, clear- ing in the afternoon. | Waut Srrzer Yesrerpay.—Gold opened at | 112 and closed at 1118. The stock market | was feverish and without improvement, Der Le | Savisrrep and Nor Satisriep—Mr, Rich- | ardson, because the Senate confirmed his ap- | pointment to be a Judge of the Court of Claims, and because the vote was so large against him. He is glad to be Judge by the | vote of the Senate, but does not like the | closeness to not being a Judge at all, which was the feature of the vote. Cusan Arratns.—The condition of Cuba grows worse from day to day. Rumors have reached this city from pretty reliable sources that the city of Bayamo has been captured from the Spaniards. Should this prove cor- rect the intericr of the Eastern Department is completely in the hands of the insurgents. Bayamo has long been a thorn in the side of | the insurrection, and its capture will enable | the Cubans to strengthen their organization considerably. The government proposes to sell the gold now received from revenue gources in order to ease the market. Tue Swrnc-Patron affair stili commands | attention, and the presumption is that Pro- fessor Patton will find that his excessive orthodoxy, while it has done the Presbyterian cause no good, has done himself much hurt. | Chicago is still much excited over the affair, and fresh and serious complications may be | regarded as certain. It is a noteworthy fact that the New School folks are with Dr. Swing almost to a man. Is the American Presby- terian Church again to be divided? If Pro- fessor Patton represents any large section of | the Presbyterian Church a rupture is in- evitable. Hayrtan Parniorism.—People accustomed to regard with contempt the experimental negro Republic of Hayti will find in the proclamation of President Saget, which we publish in another column, evidence that patriotism and good sense are not exclusive qualities of the white races. General Domin- guez, who has been appointed to command the army, will in all probability be elected by the people and so all conflict may be avoided. Nations pluming themselves on the highest civilization find it desirble to strengthen the authority of the law by con- ferring the highest honors on popular generale, | and as Hayti requires a strong government to secure peace and order, the election of General Dominguez to power by the voice of the people might furnish the best means of securing that quiet so necessary to the progress of the Republic. A Test ron Metroronrran Cuarrry.— The suffering and destitution among the house- Jess victims of the late terrible inundation of the Mississippi River still continue, and yet no efficient or organized action has been taken in this city to avert the horrors of famine from A community bound to us by the closest ties. The report of the Boston com- mission, organized for the relief of those poor people in Louisiana, ¢ a sad picture of the condition of affairs in the inundated districts, The Maycr and citizens of Boston unitea earnestly and promptly in taking measures for the alleviation of the miseries caused by the Mississippi overflow. Why should the metropolis, which has Jong since earned the tithe of City of Charities, be bebindkand now in the good work, unless that the apathy of its official representatives tends to paralyze the humane impulses of its citizens? the part of the city government would do | { i} | country. It is even indicated in the vote on the pad ee | vote that would have been cast if the party | behind the Bonapartists and the history of | ence on legislation before the close of this | into a place that enables it to hold the whole | | disintegration; without that one piece there | is no combination that may not be broken up | parties in the recent endeavors to form a min- | only hating each other less because they hate | Although the cat in the fairy story made a | very fine lady for a time, it was only necessary | toe feathers and laces that adorned the pretty | | are thirty-five devoted ones. | the return of members to fill vacancies, | between the two parties, but between from | imagination, and will have no other. Action on | Politics in France=-Bonapartism or Re- publicanism. M. Gambetta in a recent speech his conviction that the ‘final struggle’ in | ther than take the very small chance for | France is tobe between Bonapartism and re- wine Leen that would be theirs under | Hamilton, and if signal displays of ability in | the republic, publicanism; and in our opinion this is an accurate designation of the tendency of | conflict. This is also apparently the uncon- scious sentiment of the Assembly and the Municipal bill, which was utterly unlike the adherents voted on their convictions and did | not temporarily relinquish those convictions | out of apprehension of what they regard as the common enemy. As we have hitherto pointed out in these columns, tue Bonapartist vote 1s at this moment the most important element of the complica- | tion inthe Assembly. It is like the master- piece of a puzzle—one piece of wood no larger than any one of thirty other pieces slips dettly combination firmly together. With that picce in its place the combination of pieces is com- pact and bids defiance to ordinary efforts at atatouch. In all the combinations of French istry the Bonapartist vote has been like that masterpiece of the puzzle. With that vote any- | thing may be done, without it nothing can be counted upon. By the aid of the Bonapartist vote Thiers was cast down; by the assent of the Bonapartist vote MacMahon was set up. What stability there was before the recent changes rested upon the good will of the Bonapartist party, and could not stand without its support; and the govern- ment was so truly and thoroughly character- istic, so absolutely a French government in its want of political sagacity, that it refused to recognize the power without which it could not stand, and so down it went, An effort to set up a new ministry without the adhesion or assent of the Bonapartist party was laudably made, but utterly without success, and the present condition, as we see, rests only upon the cessation of hostilities between parties naturally embittered against one another, and the Bonapartists more. But this sort of hollow truce is a poor basis for political power. that a mouse should run across the room to excite the irresistible instincts of her nature | and send her away on all fours to the havoc of deceit. So in the Assembly the moment one | of those topics comes up on which the | antipathy of parties is more particularly | fierce, the artificial attitude will be forgotten and the fabrics it made possible will be torn | away in the slap dash of an instinctive | scramble. At the first glance so much power may seem | disproportionate to the size of the Bonapartist | vote, but that great power may thus be | wielded by a small, compact group is a natu- | | ral consequence of the tactics upon which | parties are operated, and is a fact often ob- | served in party history. No faction of the French Assembly is so feeble numerically as this one. Two years ago a Corsican Deputy said: ‘* Nous sommes trent cing devoués;” we Since then there have been several additions to the number by | and there have also been accretions apparently due | to the more promising aspects of the party, as the monarchy has seemed from day to day to become utterly impossible; but to count the party at its absolutely least quantity we may say it has forty votes. As parties now stand in the French Assembly few points are determined in which forty votes taken from one side and added to the other would not change the result, for a difference of eighty votes is thus made by the forty. All the other sections of the Assembly are divided by an adherence more or less rigid to points of principle. They are first for the monarchy or for the republic, and if the question could | come’ nakedly before the Assembly on the choice of one or the other of these two forms of government there would be, leaving out | the Bonapartists, but two parties; and even then, on that the broadest and simplest division | that could be made of the Assembly, the adherence of the Bonapartists to one side or the other would very likely | turn the scale. If, therefore, their vote | could decide the issue on the broadest divi- sion that could be made of the Chamber, how | much more decisively would it be effective in those lesser divisions, where the vote is not | four to six; for the monarchists of the As- | sembly are not merely monarchists, but mon- archists of various types, and the republicans | are republicans of various shades, Each fac- | tion wants not merely a monarchy, but its own particular monarchy; and among the re- publicans it is the same—each little division wants the republic it has conceived in its own There | are consequently at least two monarchical parties, and there is a whole gamut of repub- lican parties, though the constitutional estab- lishment of the republic has never yet seemed sufliciently imminent to give definition to the groups and tell just how many shadowy di- visions of republicans there are. But in these many divisions of parties, animated by some views of principle one against another, it is above all clear that the Bonapartists untram- melled by the restraints that control others, having always a definite purpose and being resolutely determined to profit by the abun- dant errors of their opponents, are able practically to control the course of govern- ment aud to dictate the composition and policy of successive Ministries. As the difficulties of combining the mon- archists into agreement on any one candidate for the throne or on any monarchical pro- gramme become plainer, which they will Zonapartism will secure the adhesion of ail those who are opposed to the republic in any shape or on any terms. This is the future that Gambetta foresees and evidently apprehe: Bonupartism will evidently and | necessa: isplace the monarchical parties and will be the only refuge for all opponents of the republic. The hite flag’’ party has be ie an abstraction and is so utterly incapable of comprehending the age that the very men who would ultimately have to carry on the government of a legitimate king have ne #0 much towards aiding those sufferers im the | lost faith in the man of divine right, and the Soutay | Orlewnist princes are without the syimpathy, | Commissioners in one year. | the ries are not supposed to eat as much beef | majority of those who would support either will make their terms with the imperial party As to the possible result of the ‘final struggle” between republicans and Bonapart- | ists, to which Gambetta points, either side evidently regards it with complacent confi- With the dreadful history of the war the Commune behind the republicans, one | would suppose that both parties might justly | excite the suspicious dread of the people at large. It is, however, but natural that the re- | public, in view of its successes elsewhere and of the general growth in the world of the re- publican idea, should be the party of popular aspiration; but we are compelled to believe | that the republicans themselves will ruin their | cause, as they always have done hitherto. In M. Rochefort we see, perhaps, as accurate a | type as can be found altogether of the French republican, He is a gentleman of good family, well educated, and of exceptionally vigorous intelligence and exasperating rhet- oric. And what is his political creed? With what pre-eminent motive would he Jike to have the upper hand in France at this | moment? Mainly for the power to punish | his opponents, to apply the flerce temper that inspires his rhetoric in bloody penalties in- flicted in the name of the law upon political opponents. In all times this has been the main republican purpose in France; and, | under the impulse of this purpose, republican | successes have, in proportion as they were absolute, led to butcheries. In 1871 there | was at Paris a double “terror,” simply because two republics indulged in mutual butchery. M- Thiers and the soldiery of the ‘‘conservative republic’? butchered, in a spirit of demoniac fury, as Rochefort has’ shown, all they could lay hands on in Paris, though not before the social red republic in Paris, which covered itself with the paltering name of the Com- mune, had set an example in that way which needed no improvement. In fact, the first sen- timent that seems to be felt by any party that secures control in France is not to show how much better it can govern the country than other parties have done, not to set an example of tolerance and generosity, not to correct the errors it has criticised and deplored, but to ‘pay off"’ terrible debts of political and | social revenge. This was the significance of ’93, and this was the one instinct of the men of the Commune—an instinct upon which they acted with uncompromising ferocity, and to which M. Rochefort himself, in the Mot | d’ Ordre, gave direction and advice—not mod- | erating, but stimulating advice, In the letter we recently printed from M. Rochefort it is manifestly evident that we are not yet near enough to the millennium to have in this respect any radical change in French reputlicans ; and this involves the turther fact that if the republican party should tem- | porarily succeed to absolute power in France it will by its own demeanor provoke a reac- | tion that will give a deplorable victory and perhaps another twenty years of power to its imperial enemy. Criminal Beet. _ The beef purchased by the Commissioners of Charities and Correction in 1873 cost the city about one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. The average price paid to the fortu- nate contractor, or purchaser for the depart- ment, is six cents per pound; hence we have 3,000,000 pounds of beef consumed in the various institutions under the charge of the We are without much information of the affairs of the depart- ment during 1873, for the reason that no report has been made since 1871, and there is a mystery about the Eleventh street building which it is difficult to penetrate. But, taking the report of 1871 as our basis of calculation, we find that the average daily population of all the institutions—hospitals, schools, nurse- ties, asylums and prisons—is set down at | 8,250. We have reason to believe this to be an exaggeration, but taking it as correct, it includes employés, children and patients, as well as able-bodied prisoners and paupers. There is, we believe, a sort of legend in the department to the effect that the employés subsist themselves, and certainly the sick in hospital and infants and children in the nurse- as a sturdy prisoner or a hungry pauper. | Taking the report of 1871 as authority, we find that the inmates of the hospitals and nurseries on one day of that year (December 31) numbered 3,900, and hence we calculate one-third of the daily population, on an aver- age, to consist of children and invalids. This | would leave only 5,500 able bodied inmates to be fed, including employés. The oniy clew we have to the quantity of beef allowed by the depariment to each person is afforded by a ‘dietary table” of the Soldiers’ Retreat on Ward’s Island, which wo find in the report. Ac daysin the week; half a pound per day for three days, and three-quarters of a pound | per day for the other three days. the rations to be the same for prisoners and paupers as well as for infants, children and invalids, and supposing the whole daily pep- ulation of 8,250 to be thus fed, we have a con- sumption of 4,125 pounds of beef per day for three days in the weck and of 6,187 pounds per day for the remaining + days. But reckoning six days to the week, 3,000,000 pounds of beef a year give us 9,584 pounds per day. Hence we have a as official peculation is eupho- | niously called, ot 59 potnds of criminal beef on one day and of 3,397 pounds on the | next day all the year round. is affords a | better margin than is possible on the dry | goods bills of Commissioner Stern’s son-in- ' Jaw’s brother. Mr. n buys the dry goods for the department. Commissioner Bowen in- | sinuates that Mr. Laimbeer buys the flour. | Now who buys the criminal beot? | Mayor Havemeynn yesterday addressed a | letter to the Governor stating that he had re+ moved from office the three Commissioners of Armories, appointed under chapter 429 of the Laws of 1873, stating as bis reasons that there is nothing for the Commissioners to do. The | removal does not take effect until approved in \ writing by the Governor, and Goy : Dix will so doubt satisfy hin: nyor’s act is proper and not the result of caprice or malice, before he gives it his cflicial sane- | tion, admiration or respect of the country, while the | Financial Dilapidation—What ding to this table | the allowance is: —Beef, tresh and corned, six | Supposing | three | Can | Secretary Bristow Dot | Even if the new Secretary of the Treasury the financial genius of Alexander | that line had given him a solid claim to | public confidence, his appointment in the | expiring days of the session could bring no | immediate relief to our disordered monetary | condition. He has neither weight enough nor | time enough to exert any perceptible influ- | | session. Mr, Richardson ought to have been | removed and a capable successor put in his place eight months ago. The most that the new Secretary can do until Congress shall reassemble in December is to administer the | bad laws he finds in force when Congress adjourns. But if his talents are at all equal to his great position his earlier appointment might have contributed to extricate the coun- try from the deplorable monetary chaos from which there is now no prospect of early deliverance, There is no point on which President | Grant has so misjudged as in renounc- ing the just influence of the admin- istration upon legislative measures. From | the beginning he has formed o mistaken | The Jerome Park and Derby Day. The Derby Day was an unusually splendid spectacle yesterday, as may be inferred from our despatches, The Derby has become a national institution, so transcendent in im- portance that even Parliament adjourns in order that the legislators may attend. So far as we can judge from the result the racing seers have had another disappointment. The ‘dntelligent’’ people had made up their minds that the colt Atlantic would be winner. Others seemed to have depended upon Couronne de Fer. But these favorites and all the others were beaten, and the cup was won by George Frederick, who seems to have been as unknown as Hermit a few years ago, when that famous animal galloped out of the trailing obscurity of despised favorites to win the ribbon for his owner and become one of the famous horses of the world. It is this very element of un- certainty, combined with the study and closo calculation, which made intelligent people reason so closely as to the value of Atlantic and Couronne de Fer; that gives the turf its value and makes us look kindly upon every effort to encourage it, not only as a popular recreation, but asa means of improving the character and value of our horses. estimate of the functions of the Executive Department, and has accepted a kind of sub- ordination to Congress not warranted by | sound precedents, This weakness can be more easily accounted for than justified. By his | education as a soldier he was deeply imbued with a sentiment of subordination to superior | authority. The strenuous efforts of President Johnson to maintain ‘my policy’’ against the will of Congress so disgusted and exas- | | perated the republican party that when it | | nominated Geseral Grant as Johnson's suc- | cessor he declared in his letter of acceptance | that he would have no policy of his own to | oppose to the wishes of the people as expressed through their representatives. He thus bound himself to a kind of implicit submission, which was a virtual surrender of some of the | constitutional prerogatives of his office, and it | is only recently that he has become sensible | of his error. Waen he vetoed the Inflation bill | General Grant found that he had a policy of | his own to assert against the representatives | of the people. But the only consequence of | the veto is to bring legislation to a dead- | | lock; whereas if, like former Presidents, | he had attempted to influence legisla- | Cabinet with that view, the government would | not to-day realize his own apt military figure | of an army organized hke a team of horses pulling in opposite directions, The President may as legitimately promote good legislation | as obstruct bad. For the latter purpose the veto is his efficient instrument; for the former | @ Cabinet of great weight and commanding ability in their respective departments. In | the Finance Department especially it is the | | province of the administration to propose measures and of Congress to sanction them. In our government, and in all governments, greut measures of this character originate with the Executive. | | i | { | At the beginning of our government its | Webster's rhetorical eulogy of that statesman was but a highly colored representation of substantial historical truth. ‘He smote the rock of the national resources,” said Webster, “and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth. He touched the dead corpse of the public credit, and it sprung upon its feet. | The fabled birth of Minerva from the brain ot | Jove was hardly more sudden or more perfect than the financial system of the United States as it burst forth from the conception of Alexander Hamilton.” gress when the first Secretary of the Treasury was working these wonders? Hamilton had no more authority to enact laws than the im- | becile Richardson, and his great measures amounted to nothing until they were enacted into laws. They became laws because Con- Treasury Department. We have a more re- cent and almos! equally conspicuous illustra- | tion. The authorship of the financial system of the war unquestionably belongs to Secre- tary Chase. Chase was as powerless as Ham- no difficulty in carrying his financial meas- ures through Congress because that body recognized and respected his abilities and was willing to defer tohis judgment. His finaucial system was not, in its purpose, an inflation, but an anti-inflation policy. His main object in establishing the national banks was to prevent dium. What he chiefly aimed at was to fur- | | nish a means of retiring the excessive green- backs and prevent their swelling the channels | of circulation. By destroying the State banks | and replacing them with a system of banks whose circulation was secured by national bonds he opened a channel for retiring or funding greenbacks and abating the flood of paper inoney: +H» expected a return to specie payments soon afer the close of the war, and | devised the national bavk system as a means of creating a market for government bonds | | and converting redundant greenbacks into | funded debt and thereby getting rid of the | | excess. Congress has perpetrated the mistake of continuing a makeshift of the war as a financial policy in time of peace, contrary to the intentions of the author of the system. But this is irrelevant to the main idea which we now wish to enforce—that great and suc- cessful financial measures generally have \ their origin in the Executive ' partment of the government. President Grant's chief mistake in relation ! ing the Treasury Department strong enough in ability and influence, and leaving every- thing to the crude ideas of Congress. Cou- gress, without the guiding wisdom of an able administration, is not much better than a jury | without a presiding Judge. A jury will com- | monly give a just verdict when properly in- | structed and the charge of the Judge does not | impair its freedom. Ad, in like mannor, a | legislative body will enact wise laws on great | occasions when the best part of the thinking | is done by the executive department; but it is | too apt to botch important matters without | this assistance. If Secretary Bristow carries guns enough for his piace we may have good ‘finance legislation at the next session; but we doubt whether President Grant has yet risen above the ‘idea that the head of the Treasury Department is a mere | exeentive ofticer, charged with simply minis terial duties, tion in advance and had organized his | a financial policy was the work of Hamilton. | But where was Con- | gress recognized the hand of a master in the | ilton or Richardson to enact laws; but he had | @ ruinous redundancy of the circulating me- | De- | | Tae Inroteranr Quaxers.—The extreme | What the Derby is to London, in a higher | sense the Jerome Park is to New York, The Derby course is simply an open plain, given for generations to the uses of the turf. Tho Jerome Park is a natural race track, care- fully srranged and kept, with a commodious club house. The Derby is o long and dusty - ride from London,’ through a dull country, the main feature of the journey being the unusual mass of people, the tumult of life and activity, the outpouring of London, as it were, into the fields, with all of the activity, generosity, enterprise aud chaff of the Eng- lish character. The racing at Jerome Park is as characteristic of our people as the Derby Day in London, although it may be said to more closely resemble Longchamps at Paris. The French, English and American traits are indicated in these festivals. The Longchamps races are on the edge of Paris, as it were, onthe further edge of the Bois de Boulogne. Those who remember the racing day during the Empire will recall the splendor and show of Longchamps when the horses came down the course panting for the Grand Prix. The racing day at Longchamps, how- éver, was more of a spectacle than race. There was as much millinery and show and gaudiness of equipage as any real interest in the speed and power of. the horses. One might say that | the Frenchmen loved racing for the pleasure it gave them, while the Englishmen loved it for the sake of the horses. The American loves it for both reasons. We are ambi- tious of having the finest horses in the world, and when we have a real favorite for Jerome | Park he receives as much attention, and is | treated with far more respect, than a candi- date for the Presidency. Jerome Park, also, is not as far from the city as the Derby from London, and some distance further than Long- | The route lies through | champs from Paris. the most inviting sections of Manhat- tan Island, and into those lovely, | rolling Westchester scenes, which no poet, and certainly no painter, has as yet | properly celebrated. So far as we have any history it clusters around this section, for the | road which carries the eager citizen to the | Faces is the road over which Andre went when | Saturday will swarm with shouting thousands, | straining their eyes after the hurrying group of horsemen as they speed around the track, is full of revolutionary memories—of Wash- ington in victory and retreat, of English | armies making o last desperate fight for empire, of our American armies struggling hopelessly, but not altogether, as it seemed, | without hope, for nationality and freedom. The interest which our people take in this noble amusement will be seen in the fact that the coming meeting at Jerome Park will be | one of the finest ever known in the country. From the entries thus far made there will be | more good horses than have ever assembled on a racing track. Although much interest is taken in our trequent trotting matches, good trotting can be seen any day on the road, while the fuil speed and powers of the horse are only shown in a full and hotly con- tested running race. Every year we note that | citizens take a pride in an amusement that | improves the horse and attracts thousands of the most interesting sights that can attract man- kind—the struggle between a group of high- blooded horses for the mastery. A Goop Law.—A warrant was obtained passed by the last Legislature for the preven- dren. The law seeks, by a maximum fine of imprisonment of one year, to put a stop to the infamous trade of letting out or hiring chil- | dren to be employed in any mendicant or wandering business, It is aimed mainly at the vile business of the Italian padrone, and it is well that one of the number is so soon to be brought to justice. fore whom the prisoner is taken will do well to pass the most severe sentence the new law | allows, if the offence should be established. A prompt examplo may break up a practice which is a disgrace to humanit; dox Quakers at their meeting in this city, if carried into execution, would savor of the very species of persecution against which they 60 loudly protested when the members of their sect were the victims of intolerance. They would prohibit the manufacture, importation and sale of liquors altogether, the penalty against violations of this law to be imprison- ment in the Penitentiary for not fewer than ten years. Intolerance could not go further; besides which, the Quakers ought to know from their own experiences that persecution has never yet accomplished any good results. Suddenly these preachers of peace haye be- come very sanguinary—a little too sanguinary for their prineip Comevrsory Pmorscr.—A Dill for, the abolition of compulsory pilotage is before the Ilouse of Representatives, and we hope it will be thrown out, We have already so much reckless commercial gambling that wo | he sought his fate; and the country which on | the tone of our races improves. Our best | our people into the open fields to see one of | yesterday at the Tombs Police Court against | an Italian padrone for violating the law | tion of vagrancy and the protection of chil- | two hundred and fifty dollars and a maximum") The police justice be- | i a ; temperance doctrines enunciated by the ortho. | to the finances has consisted in his not mak- | desire to conserve whatever lessens the riskt of navigating our harbor, at least until such time as the existing obstructions can be re- moved, Cheap Ocean Cabies. The ocean will soon be threaded with cm bles as numerous as the veins and arteries of the body. We have done something in trans. atlantic telegraphy, but it is only an experi- ment in the direction of what we hope to do. Civilization annihilates the seas so far as space is concerned. Science is as progressive in electricity as in anything else. The demand for new cable facilities will continue to increase from year to year, and as it increases we shall have more promptitude in cable transmise sion and cheaper rates of communication, There used to be a theory that it was necessary to have a cable composed of ten homogeneous iron wires, each wire covered with fiye Manila yarns. Science indicates thai a cable not more than one-fifth the diameter, | circumference and weight of the present cable will be more effective for purposes of tele graphy. A wire as fine as a silken thread ia all that is necessary to actually transmit a message, and whata cable needs are simply the iron wire and yarn necessary to shelter this under the sea. ‘There is as much life in the light cable as in the heavy one. There is more economy jn the manufacture, in the cost of laying and repair and in keeping it in order, The principle thus embodied has taken shape in a company which has just been estab- lished in England under the name of the “Light Cable Telegraph Company, Limited (Atlantic Line).’’ This has been organized under the laws of England, and it proposes a company with a capital of one million nine hundred thousand dollars, in thirty-eight thousand shares of filty dollars each. The object of this company is to adyanco cheap telegraphy by the use of light cables, and it will begin its work by constructing, equipping and working a submarine telegraph cable from Eng- land to the Azores and from thence to Halifox. It is believed that the cost of messages over this wire will be about twenty-five cents a word. We observe in the direction the names of men of character and business experience, and we should think that there would be no difficulty in raising the money to complete if either here or in Europe. Any extension of the cables, and especially any reduction in the rates of transmission so as to make communi+ | cation more frequent between the two coun tries, will be an advantage to civilization. Goup on THE Decuine.—The premium went down yesterday below twelve, showing, evis dently, that, under a normal state of things and in the absence of any special exciting cause, the tendency is to decline. The panic | last winter sent the premium up considerably. Then, as the country began to recover from that disaster, gold gradually went down responsively. But when Congress passed the bill to expand the currency the premium rose again. Atter the President vetoed that bill gold began to decline until it now comes be- low 112 again. Of course the government sales and proposed sales of gold havean effect upon the market, but the tact that the govern. | dition of the finances and of the business of the country. If there should be no other | financial disturbance there is no reason why gold should not go below 110, where it was | before the panic. Democratic Vicrory.—The New Hampshire Legislature in joint convention, yesterday | elected. James A. Weston, of Manchester, Governor of the State. Last year there was no election by the people, as, owing to the large | number of scattering votes, the Governor elect did not have the majority required by tho constitution. Democratic victories are becom. ing quite common, a fact that is not without its significance ‘or the party in power. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. pol Sa AOL ath Major Charles Ross, of Auburn, N. Y., is at the St. Nicholas Hotel, Rey. Dr. Batterson, of Philadelphia, is staying at the Coleman House. Rev. Chandler Robbins, of Boston, yesterday ar- rived at the Windsor Hotel. Mr. George W. Riggs, the Washington banker, is residing at the Brevoort House. Mr. P. Clayton, United States Consul at Callao, has arrived at the Astor House. Colonel G. W. Patten, United States Army, is | registered at the Coleman House, Ex-Governor Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska, ts stopping at the St. Nicholas Hotel, Carl Schurz is talked of as a candidate for Con- gress in the First Missouri district. | General John G, Hazard, of Rhode Island, ts | among the recent arrivals at the Albemarle | Hotel. | Sir Garnet Wolseiey arrived in Dublin from Lon- don on the 23d of May, his first visit to his native city during several years. ‘The Earl of Dunraven and Dr. Kingsley, of Eng- Jand, arrived liecre in the steamshtp Scotia, aud are at the Brevoort House. Elijah Bugg, of Vermont, a lazy feliow, wens to bed in perfect health nine years ago and has been in bed ever since. Gunpowder should be used to | expel this bed: Bugg. The congregation of Rev. James Freeman Ciarke, of the Church of the Disciples, Boston, are not clis~ posed to allow him to accept a call irom the Church of the Messiah, of this city. Vicomte Henri de Trassac de Biernes lately com- mitted suicide in Paris, He was seventy-eight years oid, aftlicted wit ophthalmla and very poor, About ten years ago he Jost Ms fortune and then began to work, wader an assumed plebetan name, While preparing jor death he wrote a letter to the Commissary, declaring that he had kept nts name without stain, for, he said, “Twenty batties were required to ennobdle it.” “Nov,” he cou- cluded, ‘five sous worth of charcoal Will suiive to make it disappear for ever.” NAVAL INTELLIGENGE. WASHINGTON, June 3, 1874, Lieutenant Robert T. Jasper ts ordered to dnty on tne staf of Rear Adnmural Leroy on boara the ter at the South Atlantic station; Licutens rge B. Livingston as executive of the re. Swann to the Navy Yard a Lieutenant Command tached fvom the Ke ritenaat Com Francis A. Cook is do- mond and ordered home; . Woodward from tie } dicutenane Josepn al Acadetay and ordered to B. Craig trom th be in readiness 101 RA{LROAD ACOLDEN'T, Wagon Struck By a eight Train=—Four Persons Killed, Lumina, N. Y., June 3, Side Freight train ) 8 cast on the Erie Raiway this aiternoon stru wagon ava crossing aboot ; jive miles east of here. Four persons were im the | wagon and killed. ‘They were from suit he fled, Bradto county, Va, their panes veins Jonn Dashic, George Didine, Justa Peat and Jane Diluin ihe engine threw two of them into the atr as | high as tue telegraph poles, the wagon Was knocked in kindang Woou, and tne two muicg drawing 1t were unrecognizable as mules, ment has gold to sell shows an improved con-