The New York Herald Newspaper, March 3, 1874, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in he ‘ear, Four cents per copy. Anpual subscription Price $12. All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Youre Heravp. 5, WE LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX. ——__-— FIFTH AVENUE TH EATRE, Twenty-cighth street_and Broadway.—CHARITY, at 8P. | BM. , closes at UW P.M. Mr, tlarkins, Miss Ada Dyas. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, “ * Fighth avenue and Twenty-third street.—HEROULES, KING OF CLUBS, and VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT. Begins at 745 P. M.; closes at 1045 P.M. Mr. G. L. Fox. THEATRE COMIQUE, No, 514 Broadway.—VARIETY UATERTAINMENT, ats P.M , closes at 10:30 P.M. BOOTH’: THEATRE, avenue and Twenty-third street.—DEBORAR, at M. Mme. Fanny Janauschek. BATRE, et.—MONEY, af 8P. M.; Wallack, Miss Jetreys fixth Tit P.M. ; closes at 10:45 P, WALLA Broadway and Thirte: closes at LL P.M. Mr, Lewis. TRE, id Bicecker streets,— ENTERTAINMENT, at OLYMP! ‘ondway, between ti UDEVILLe and Nu 45 P.M. j closes at 10:45 P.M. BROOKLYN PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Brooklyn.—EVEN UNTO DEATH, at # P.M, ; closes at Ll P.M. Sheil Barry. ¥ THEATRE, aoe SWiss SWAINS. Begins soe METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. 58% Broadway.—VARI:TY ENIBRIAINMENT, at 7:40 P. M.; closes at 10-30 P. M. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Princ Houston, streets. — L&ATHERSTOCKING, at8 P. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M. EI ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Montague street, Brooklyn.—Strakosch Italian Opera Troupe LUCIA DI LAMMERMOOR, at 8 P. M.; closes atl P. A. Mme, Nilsson; Capoul, Maurel and Scolara. STADT THEATRE, Bowery.—German Opera—DON JUAN, at3 P. M.; closes cll POM. dime. Lucca, GERMANIA THEATR: Fourteenth street.—EPIDEMISCH, at 8P. M.; closes at 40:45 P. ak LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth stree.—THE H ©, King. Woop's M Broadway, corner Thartieth sire ED, atz P. M.; closes at 4:50 P. TIVE, at 8 P.M. ; closes at 11 P.M. —SANTIAGO AVENG- |. THE BOY DETEC- TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 21 Bowery.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at SP. | M. ; closes at 11 P. M. BRYANT’S OPERA HOUSE, ‘Twenty-third street, near Sixth avenue.—THE BRI- Gann. { NBEBO MINSTRELSY, &c., at3 P. M.; closes BAIN HALL, Great Jones street and Lafayette place.—THE PILGRIM, at 3 P.M. ; closes at 10 P.M. CoLos Broadway, corner ot Thirty MOONLIGHT, atl P.M; closes acd P. M.; vid P.M ith street.—PARIS BY -M.; same at7 P. New York, Tuesday, March 3, 1874. ‘NEWS OF YESTERDAY. THE To-Day’s Contents oi the Herald. @HE TERRIBLE FAMINE IN INDIA! ONE MILLION PEOPLE STARVING TO DEATH! EFFECTS OF THE DROUGHT IN THE BENGAL PRESIDENCY—SEVENTH PaGE. VICTORIOUS SPANISH ROYALISTS! CAPTURE OF BILBAO! A BLOODY BATTLE AND ONE THOUSAND REPUBLICANS KILLED— SEVENTH PaGE. THE BRITISH IN ASHANTEE! BAD RUMORS RESPECTING TiiE TROOPS—THE TICH- BORNE CASE! A NEW TRIAL OR AN APPEAL TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS—WAK REPORTS FROM CUBA—SEVENTH PaGE. NAPOLEON IV.! CELEBRATION OF HIS FETE DAY! “BEWARE THE IDES OF MARCH)” WILL THERE BE A RESTURATION OF THE EMPLIRE?—FourTa PaGs. SERIOUS ILLNESS OF THE COUNT DE CHAM- BORD—LEDRU ROLLIN RETURNED TO THE FRENCH ASSEMBLY—SEVENTH PaGe. CATHOLICITY IN GERMANY! BISMARCK VS. THE POPE! THE EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS! THE GREAT Q' ON NOW AGITATING THE COUNTRY—FourtTn Page. POVERTY PICTURES! HUMANITY’S CRUSADE! DISTRESSING STORIES OF HUNGER AND NAKED) S! OPEN-HANDED MUNIFI- ° OCR CIVIZENS! TWELVE THOU- Sad PEOPLE FED AT THE Ss0UP KITCHENS—Fovrru PaGE. THE sAIUATION IN WALL STREET! TREASURY GOLD SALES! STOCKS ACTIVE—THE OUT- TON AND PROVISIONS MARKETS—FirTa Page. PROCEEDINGS IN THE © TEN JURORS OBTAINED IN THE K NeILL TRIAL! DETECTIVE LEAHY'S CASE! THE LAW OF COPYRIGHT—Eicurn Pace, cRTS Very Rep Vaccivse.—Ledru Rollin has been elected to the French Assembly by three thousand majority for the department that in- cludes within its limits romantically famous Vaucluse ; but the South of France is even in advance of Paris in its faith in radical prin- ciples. AsHantex.—If rumor is to be trusted, the final struggle at Ashantee was more serious than we were at first led to believe. In Lon- | NCHBAGK, at 8 P.M. T. | NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MARCH 3, 1874.—TRIPLE SHEET. Inflation—The West -and the South Against the Finanelal Centres. In the financial debate in the Senate, which is to be resumed to-day, the points hitherto most strikingly apparent are the plea of poverty from the poorer parts of the country and their demand to be made rich by act of Congress. In a sentence, that is the great feature of the debate so far as it has gone. It is a sectional debate ; but it happens in this instance that the sectional division is coinci- dent with the commercial division of the coun- try. By the combined action of recent events and the course of commerce the Middle and Eastern States are the wealthier parts of the country; while the South, devastated by the war and paralyzed in its enterprises by the “monstrosities” of republican government, and the West, with its great grain crops, the profit on which is lost by the price of transportation to market, find themselves laboring in great degree to increase the wealth of others and making comparatively little im- provement in their own condition. The debate | is a denunciation of this state of facts. Indeed, | the debate is the most distinct expression—and all the more valuable because it is an unpon- | scious expression—of the bad results of our | present political and commercial systems. It represents the South as poor and the West as poor, and the clamor of their representatives fora special issue of currency to these sections is the expression, doubtless, of a need really felt ; and the causes of the comparative poverty of those sections, looking at the subject largely, are sufficiently clear; but they are too deep to be affected by the remedy indi- cated in the Senate. New York and the Eastern States generally are the wealthier parts of this country by the force of the same causes that, operating on a larger scale, have made England the banker and money lender | of the world; but this result of the gravitation of capital is not to be changed, nor even tem- porarily alleviated, by the poor expedient pro- | posed in Congress. There are two financial propositions—first, to add forty-six millions to the volume of na- tional bank currency; and, next, to make such a distribution of this new issue as will restore what is now regarded as the lost balance be- | tween the sections—giving to the West and | South what New York and New England are | supposed to have unjustly taken. But, although the propositions are regarded sepa- | rately, and the first is the one now distinctly before the Senate, they are but parts of one | plan; for the majority that will possibly vote | for the additional currency will scarcely do | this unless assured of its power to secure some provision for the special sectional distri- bution of the currency voted. Mr. Merrimon, of North Carolina, who pro- poses the issue of forty-six millions, rests the | demand on an argument which ought to be received with the more consideration be- cause it so seldom happens that the friends of inflation descend to any detail of this sort, or venture to touch the subject in any other spirit than that of a grand Western refer- ence to the national bird. Mr. Merrimon | argues that the present volume of the cur- | rency is only about double what it was before |‘ the war, while the wealth, resources, com- | mercial activity and general need for currency | are fully trebled, and that hence not toincrease | the currency is to cripple the country. One | need neither assent to nor deny the figures by = | which Mr. Merrimon shows the currency to be EET. now only double in volume what it was before {| the war ; nor need we consider the statement of the increased value of the property of the country in order to meet this argument for | inflation, since the answer lies altogether | mearer the surface. Our retrospect must not go to times before the war, but | only to times before the panic. At | that period the value of the property and products of the country were not essen- tially different from what they are now, and | the volume of currency was less than it is now. But was trade crippled for want of money? Was it not, on the contrary, very evident that the volume of the currency was ' then beyond a healthy and proper point, and that our financial activity was not that of a sound condition, but a feverish, stimulated | | activity due to inflation? Is there, among | persons who have given attention to financial | subjects, any difference of opinion on the cause even ofthe panic? But do not all alike concede that it was the consequence of a wild spirit of speculation that is developed always in proportion to the excess in the supply of money ? Instead, therefore, of our having had too little currency, the very occurrence of the | panic itself is an indisputable evidence that we had too much; for it was the | presence of more money than we could legitimately employ that tempted us away | from the highways and solid grounds of | | regular traffic into the ballooning schemes of which Jay Cooke's enterprise was merely the | most magnificent. And if we had too much money then we cannot have too little now, since we have at once more money and less to do with it, and this will abundantly appear as the country recovers the spirit, the temper and the faith to try new endeavors ; for these, and not money, were what the panic destroyed, | and these only time can restore. Legislation | will only do harm if it attempts in this direc- | | tion what is clearly beyond its province. | As to the proposition for the distribution of | the new issue for the especial benefit of cer- tain sections, it is inconceivable how men of | intelligence can put faith in a device so trans- | parently vain. Senator Sherman, with the | startled simplicity of common sense, asks how the South and West are to get this new cur- rency save in exchange for values they actu- ally possess, and we have not heard any answer. don, yesterday, rumors of a very serious na- Are there any values that the gov- ture were in circulation, although they could ernment will take which other people will | not be traced to any very reliable source. It not take? If there is any product with which | is reasonably certain that Coomassie has | to buy currency from the government it ought fallen, that a treaty bas been signed and | also to be equal to buying the same currency that the British troops ure on their way to the in the market from those who have it, for | coast. Yesterday we had the intelligence that | there must be plenty of it. Mr. Merrimon the Queen and her Ministers had sent de- | argues that two hundred million dollars of spatches to Sir Garnet Wolseley congratulating | currency are idle, and there is no apparent rea- him on his success. That these despatches | son why this sum should be idle, if thereis any | were sent without a full knowledge of the fact | profitable employment for it. Does he mean that that Coomassie had been captured is not fora it is a speculative fund? Then he had better Tmoment to be imagined. ‘The probability is take care how he increases the currency, for Ghat the floating ramors of s serions nature if there are two hundred million dollars now in Tegarding the expedition mean only that there | speculative use there is just that much more was severe fighting before Coomassie fell, | money afloat than the country can profitably Btill, it is not impossible that after the treaty | use, and all that we add to the volume willadd twas signed and the British army was moving | tothat fund with an impulse that is beyond our ftowards the coast they were attacked by the | control. (plack barbarians in the rear. Perhaps there is mo simnler vlan than to vote yourself rich if you happen to havea majority in the legislative body. Pericles had a perception of this easy method when he told the Athenians they ought to vote that their jackasses were horses, because horses were worth the most money; and the expe- dient, therefore, is not new. It may be doubted, however, whether it is worth while for the West and South to-vote themselves rich in this way while the same causes are in opera- tion that had previously made them poor, for these may be able also to drain away the new supply. They ought to go further back and legwlate that as to this newly distributed cur- rency the ordinary laws of trade shall not operate, and that the money assigned to Mis- sissippi shall never in any contingency leave that State, no matter what products are to be | purchased at the great commercial centres. We shonld be pleased to hear from some of the grand statesmen whose splendid homes are in the setting sun by what means they propose to keep the new currency in the respective sec- tions—even if it ever gets there—and what guarantee can be furnished that they will not be demanding next year also fifty millions more paper on the same arguments precisely as those on which their present demand rests, with the complaint that New York and New England have once more taken all their money. Donations Through the Herald. The following letter from Mr. Roosevelt, Chairman of the Bureau of Charities, will have an interest to the public: — To THE EDITOR OF THE HERA Your favor of the 28th ult., containing the request that we should accept the task Oo! dis- triputing the $2,141 20 so generously sent to your office by the public, is received. We appre- ciate this evidence of your confidence, but, under the resolutions organizing our Board, we are pre- cluded from “dispensing Telie/,” as this would im- mediately introduce a fresh agency (or this pur- pose, in addition to those alrei existing. We lnust confine ourselves to suggesting those socie- ties in which we have confidence, and which ex- Pressly devote themselves to “alleviating tne ‘wants of the suffering poor of our city,’’ by which we understand giving immediate assistance in their homes, Of these organizations the New York Assvciation for Improving the Condition of the Poor, office at No. 59 Bible House, New York, covers more entirely the whole ground than any other, and, we understand, is taking steps to iu- crease its efficiency; the Koman Catholic Society 61 St. Vincent de Paul, Dr. H. J, Anderson, President, members of its own Church, and the New York City Mission, at No. 50 Bible House, gives direct help to those who are Protestants, We might mention many other societies, but hope that these will be sufficient Jor your purpose. Yours, respect- tully, HEODORE ROOSEVELT, Chairman of the Bureau oi Charities. In response to the suggestion of Mr. Roose- velt we shall appropriate the sums entrusted to us to the New York Association for Improv- ing the Condition of the Poor, the Roman Catholic Society of St. Vincent de Paul and the New York City Mission, giving each of these associations an equal share. Mr. Roose- velt’s suggestion is an admirable one, and will, no doubt, be welcomed by many who are anxious to give in charity and only want the intelligent guidance of those who are compe- tent to determine what is worthy and un- worthy among existing charities. The Capture of Bilbao by the Car- lists. For some days past our news despatches have pointed to the probable capture of Bilbao by the royalist forces in the North. At last Bilbao has fallen, and the Carlists are in pos- session of the city. This is a much more serious matter than at first sight appears. After the fall of Cartagena, which did so much to strengthen the hands of Serrano, it was the almost universal belief that the end of the Carlist war in the North was close at hand. Reinforcements were sent to the Northern army, fresh officers were put in com- mand, but the Carlists remained strong in Bilbao_and other of their oldstrongholds. Still, it was thought that the struggle could not long continue, and the general feeling was that Bilbao would soon be relieved. Moriones, however, from whom so much was expected, was badly defeated, and now we learn that the town has submitted to Don Carlos. A later report shows that the Carlists have found fresh courage, and we are told that at Somor- rosto, a village some fifteen miles distant from Bilbao, the republican troops were sur- prised and completely routed. With all their apparent success it is not possible that the Carlists can finally win the day. It is undeni- able however, that this Carlist victory is a bad blow to the Serrano government, and it will not be at all wonderful if at an early day | Madrid should witness another coup d'état. France and the Napoleonic Legend. Our well informed correspondent in Paris sends usa most interesting letter, which we print this morning. We are told of the move- ments and intrigues of the followers of the imperial dynasty, who have combined to ren- der the ccming féte day of the Prince Imperial an anniversary for their cause. The young Prince will on the 16th of March reach his nineteenth year, when, by the laws of the royal family, he attains his majority. This in- | teresting event will be celebrated at Chisel- hurst with great ceremony. A circular has been issued by the Duke de Padoue on behalf of the imperialist special com- mittee, addressed to active members of the party, reminding them of the approach of this anniversary, and asking them to unite ina pilgrimage to Chiselhurst ‘as a mark of grati- tude for the pastand confidence in the future.’’ M. Rouher, the accredited head of the Bona- parte party, has declared that but two forms of government are possible—the Republic or the Empire. To this the Marquis de Franc- lieu responds, reminding Rouher that the Empire in 1814, 1815 and 1870 delivered France to the foreigner, and that when the “time arrives” there will only be “the King, that old principle of life, always equally powerful, invariably coming to save France when everything seems desperate."" The King in the present case happens to be a heavy- witted, fat man, with imperfect legs, who lives in a far Austrian town with his con- fessors and his cooks, and prefers his inde- pendence on the millinery question of colors to the throne. Still he is: The King. As if to make matters more interesting, Prince Napoleon, the one who looks so much like a Napoleon, writes a card to the effect that he opposes the seven years’ power of MacMahon, and that his respect for the name he bears, as well as his love for France, makes it | impossible for him to support any government | not instituted directly by the people, or to bow | to any sovereign but ‘‘universal suffrage.’’ The Prince, however, does not stand high in the affections of his party. He has a way of arming his own opinions and of avowing that if every one had his own he would himself be Prince Imperial oy Emperor reign- No. 29 Reade street, devotes itself to the reief of | ing most likely. For how could France resist | Disposition of the Alabama Money. than effective. But it is the one of the that face of his, with the memories of Auster- litz and Wagram and the glories of that glori- ous time? When ‘the moment arrives” we are afraid the Prince’s influence will be limited to his own vote. He isa Napoleon without a party. We shall watch with interest the growth of this spirit of imperialism. France is a country of surprises, and although the house of Bona- parte has brought upon France disaster and shame, and never given ita glory that was not selfish and flitting and based upon the op- pression of the people, there was that in the legend of Napoleon’s name which has always acted upon France like a spell. Car France forgive Sedan? we may be asked. We answer :—She forgave Waterloo ! The Dickens Problem. The “Dickens question” threatens to be- come as endless as the Byron mystery. Tho. English journals, which come to us with full reviews of the work of Mr. Forster, maintain the same reserve in dealing with the causes of the separation of Dickens from his wife as the biographer does. The Louisville Courier-Jour- nal bas a masterly analysis of the subject, taking substantially the same views as the HeRaup. We had hoped that the London Times would have given ussome explanation. When Dickens wrote hia celebrated letter announcing to the world his separation, the person whose judg- ment decided him to publish it was Mr. Delane, the editor of the Times. Mr. Delane must have known the secrot reason, if any ex- isted, which induced the act of separation. The fact that no new reason exists, other than that assigned by Mr. Forster, only goes to strengthen the conclusions at which we arrived, that in dismissing his wife from his home Dickens acted from selfishness and im- pulse. At what other conclusion can we arrive? And what other judgment can we pass than one of sorrowful condemnation, remembering, as we must, the whole tone and argument of his works? He was the teacher of domestic love and peace and dufy. If his married life wasa burden he was the more bound to accept it with the cheerfulness he taught to those who had similar burdens. Above all things, he should never have dis- missed his wife from his home.in the evening of her days, after twenty- five years of patient and affectionate devotion. There must have been this devotion on her part; for Dickens tells us of her ‘amiable and complying” nature, and laments his own petulance and frequent infirmities of temper. She had passed the freshness and bloom of her life; all that remained to her was the love of husband and children. She had given her own life for this, and, if there was any trath in the vows of marriage, she was entitled to the love and protection and companionship of her husband until the end. As one of our correspondents intimated yes- | terday, the trouble in the life of Dickens came |.from,an early an oughtless marriage, He wedded a “plain; ™ = ~“utambitioud English maiden, with no hopes be- yond a modest, struggling station in | life. To this she had ‘been bred, in it she expected to live and die. When mar- riage came Dickens and his bride were in the same station of life, and he was glad enough to carry his weekly salary as a newspaper writer to his expectant young wife and their two children. But the husband rose higher and higher, until he became one of the fore- most men of all the world. For he was en- dowed with such a genius as has rarely been given to men. And as he arose to fame, and society, and all the splendor and incense and courtesy of life, what could Madame do |: “tion one hundred and eleven charities for men but remain at home and nurse her children over the fire and think of the softly beautiful, sadly remembered days when, hand in hand, they strolled along the lanes content with humble, happy dreams? For if she went with him into this new and brilliant station every face and senti- ment was a contrast and reproach to her and misery to him, thinking what his wife was, and seeing before him in the fairest and cleverest women of England, what she might have been. Of course there could only be one end to such a story, although if Dickens had been brave and self-denying the end would have been more worthy of his teachings and the example of his books, What lesson shall we deduce from this? That ‘‘a young man married is a young man marred ;"’ that people should never wed until they are sure they will never be ashamed of each other; that persons of genius should never marry until they mate with companions who have genius? Notatall! We shall not attempt to solve any of these questions except to say that it becomes a true man and a true ‘woman not to enter rashly into the state of marriage, but once within that sacred bond not to rashly tear it asunder. Is it not for better and for worse? And being so, why should the oath be broken unless it is dis- honored by one or the other. Tae Deatx or Jupaz N. K. Hatt re- moves one of the ablest of the United States District Court Judges. It isa singular coin- cidence that at the moment of Judge Hall's death President Fillmore, trom whom he re- ceived his appointment and with whom he was for long years intimately associated both in business and private life, should be stricken down by a serious and probably fatal illness. The old law firm of Fillmore, Hall & Haven, of Buffalo, fills a place in the political history of the country. Its members were the objects of the bitterest assaults of the Seward whig politicians for a number of years after Mr. Fillmore’s succession to the Presidency. They were, of course, all ‘‘il- ver grays.” When death removed General Taylor, Judge Hall and Mr. Solomon G. Haven were the personal advisers of President Fillmore, and backed him up in his policy of replacing Seward whigs with Fillmore whigs in all the federal offices that could be reached. Mr. Haven served in Congress from 1851 to 1857, and Judge Hall eventually received his reward by a life appointment to the Bench, Mr. Haven died some years ago, and the ex- President ‘is now the only surviving member of the old firm. Wasrey at tHE Po1rs.—Paducah, Ky., yesterday voted that it would have its whiskey just as.usual and would not have the saloons shut up. This was, of course, settled solely by the horrible creatures who vote, and as the women did not vote their view of the case is yet to come; but it is very doubiful if they Will change the reault, An Alabama Ring will be the greatest humiliation that the jobbers in Washington can inflict upon the country. The United States government is now in possession of fifteen millions of dollars, which it holds as 4 trustee and which it is morally bound to dis- burse in accordance with the award by which the money was given. It should be remem- bered by the people that the United States and Great Britain agreed to submit certain differences to a tribunal that had no power to compel obedience to its decree, and in the very submission of their differences to such & tribunal they bound themselves by every obligation of honor to accept whatever judg- ment it might render and to consider that judgment as a final determination of the points at issue. Excepton such am under- standing arbitration would be a farce. On the main point the judgment” was against- England, and England came fairly and honestly up to her pledge and paid the money. On some other points the judg- ment was against us. Shall we be less honest than England in meeting them? Ghall we shirk and avoid the point, and prevaricate and make issues, and put interpretations on a decree that is as plain as the light of day? Some men in Congress say we shall, because to them the honor of the country is of no account whatever by comparison with their interest in a scheme for capturing and pocket- ing part of that money; but we do not be- lieve this to be the view of the people. Sev- eral sorts of claims went to Geneva for adju- dication. There wore the claims of persons who had lost by some one of all the Confed- erate ships, and there was the claim of the nation for constructive damages. The tri- banal decided against the nation’s claim and against the claims of loss by all the rebel ships gave three, and awarded 5 sum deemed sufficient to indemnify all who had suffered loss through the acts of those three ships, which sum it declared should be paid over to the United States. It is impos- sible to conceive an obligation more distinct or binding on any governmént than the obli- gation on our government to use the money in indemnifying those persons whose claims were the only ones that the tribunal declared to be just. But it is proposed to put through Congress a law providing for another and different distribution of this money,on the specious ground that it is awarded to the country and that the country can do with it what it will. This is a conspiracy for a corrupt and fraudulent seizure of money, in the proper use of which the national honor is concerned, and the passage of the law referred to would be an atrocious legislative villany. The Bureau of Charities. We believe, after a careful examination of the subject, that nothing has yet been pro- posed with reference to the amendment of the .gondition of the poor more advantageous than the’ Bureau of Charities, of which Mr. Theodore Roosevelt is the head. The high | cbaracter of Mr. velt and his associates leads us to hope for the very best results. We trust that the first step will be in the direction of a reform of such practices as those of Brace and Barnard, by which large sums contributed for charitable purposes are ap- Brace and Barnard themselves among the most expensive paupers of the age. Let the Bureau first insist that more money be given to charity and less to the personal wants and comforts of these two gentlemen, and at once we shall have a most desirable reform. The Central Bureau has under its jurisdic- and women and children, hospitals, infirma- ries and reformatories, It proposes to keep a record of every charitable society and its standing; to have maps of every house in the city, on the fire insurance plan; to employ detectives and surveyors of buildings; to sup- press fraudulent charities; to prevent the in- crease of societies whose mission would in- terfere with each other; to enforce the laws against begging and founda labor bureau, and to establish branch offices in every dis- trict, with district physicians and nurses, as well as a dispensary and diet kitchen. This is a noble work, and we shall watch it with interest. The great trouble heretofore has always been that our charities lived a float- ing, purposeless, drifting life, without disci- pline or organization, and that, no matter how charitably disposed people might be, there was no way of reaching an accurate knowledge of the wants of the city. Money intended for the best purposes was often applied to the “salaries’’ of men like Brace and Barnard, and fraudulent schemes were constantly com- ing to the front to attract money from the unwary. Worse than all, when a sudden crisis came, as it came to us this winter, as an unexpected, widespread calamity, the result of the panic and of other causes which could not be controlled, there was no organization strong enough to grapple with it. Accord- ingly we had to depend upon private efforts and upon the spasmodic expedients of good people everywhere. There was no general control of the subject, no knowledge of what was wanted, and uo way of knowing whether the wants were in any way supplied. We should like to see some attention given also to the ingenious plan proposed recently by Mr. Dana in favor of a central house of labor, where the meritorious poor artisan could find employment during the months of winter. We regret that this has not received more attention, and we commend itearnestly tothe Bureau of Charities, By expedients like this, calmly planned and ma- tured by humane and gifted men, we can during the summer so organize and develop our charities that the utmost good will be done. We may then feel that no human exer- tions have been spared to promote the happi- ngss and comfort of the poorest classes, VistTaTION AND SEARCH OF AN AMERICAN Su.—The fact that another American sbip has been searched at sea by Spanish officials shows how small an impression of the kind we might desire was made upon the Spanish mind by the Virginius incident. Apparently the men who searched the Everett Gray, off Matanzas, were soldiers, instructed to prevent the escape from the island of Cubans liable to conscription; and it will, we suppose, be held by the Spaniards that the ship was still within the limit of their jurisdiction; but to search a ship for this purpose, after the pilot has left her and she is well nigh a league from shore, is @ way to make the law tronblasqma,rathar | to Central hard | American people to hold their tongues in such cases. We have no navy, and perhaps the Secretary of State has already apologized to Spain for the fact that an American ship was found in Cuban waters, The Church Question In Germany. Our letter from an occasional correspondent in Berlin is interesting as giving the views of an earnest and distinguished Catholic on the questions now at issue between Bismarck and the Papacy. This is one of the questions which can never be considered without anger, at least on one side. We have a great State arrayed against @ great Church. And the question which concerns every thinking mind in the Catholic and Protestant world is, whether a State can really overthrow a Church. In most quarrels there is a ground of compromise. Some pretensions may be with- drawn or modified, or there may be the friendly interference of a third Power. But in the issue between the German Empire and the Papacy there can be no compromise. The pretensions of the Papacy are incompatible with the sovereignty of the Emperor, or at least with what he terms his sovereignty. Our correspondent in his very statement of the case shows how impossible any com- promiseseems. The Pope is, in the first place, the “Vicegerent of God,” and in the second place, why should not the German govern- ment pay the priests? Are they not entitled by the laws of God to tithes; to one-tenth of all that exists in the shape of property? And if they waive this right, as they have waived it, should they not have their annual stipend? We can understand how arguments like these would be apt to impress Bismarck, and with what grim humor he would be apt to entertain the proposition that under any cir- cumstances one-tenth of Prussia belonged to the Roman Church. These are the very argau- ments that make any hearty reconciliation between the Church and State impossible. There is no reason why the Roman Church should not live without molestation under Prussia, But there is a point which, no doubt, has impressed the Kaiser. His ambi- tion is to consolidate his Empire. He knows the value, what might be called the cementing power, of the Church within the State. He sees that his brother of Russia is the head of one Church, his sister of England tif head ot another, while his enemy, Napoleon, under the modest title of ‘eldest son,” was virtually head of the Roman Church. Why, then, should Germany not havea Church, and why should the Emperor not be the Protector of a faith as well as other monarchs? It may be that Bismarck has considered this question very deeply, and that out of this has grown the resolution to centralize the Evangelical Church in Germany by making war upon the Roman Power. The Present Condition and Future Prospects of New York—What Puab- Me Improvements We Need. Tho letter addressed to Mayor Havemeyer by the President of the West Side Association sela forth facts which deserve serious con- sideration. The census figures and the in- formation gathered since the last enumeration show that since 1860 the ratio of increase of plied to the purposes of “salaries,"’ making } population in this city has been steadily de- creasing, while the ratio in all the surround- ing suburbs—in Kings county, Westchestex county and the border counties of New Jer- sey—has as steadily increased. At the same time there has been a great increase in the business and wealth of the metropolis in the last fifteen years. Private residences have | been gradually driven up town, and stores and warehouses occupy the places where only a few years ago our wealthiest citizens made their homes. To this is due that drainage of population of which we now feel the injurious effect. If we had secured rapid transit from the Battery to Harlem River ten or twelve years ago the people who have been driven to the suburbs would have remained in the city, and the ratio of our growth would have been greater during that time than in any former decade. As it is, our business men have found it necessary to live in New Jersey, Kings county or other suburbs which can be reached by steam cars in one quarter the time consumed in @ horse car journey from the City Hall Park. Thus the natural growth of the commerce of the metropolis, instead of benefiting the city to its full ex- tent, has served to enrich the surrounding counties at the expense of New York. And this evil must increase instead of diminishing, unless we have the wisdom to remove the causes to which it is due. The West Side Association believe three measures are necessary if we would retain our position as the great metropolis of the United States—rapid transit, the exemption of mort- gages from taxation, and the speedy comple- tion of all our public works and improve- ments, Two of these propositions, at least, will meet with general endorsement. Asteam railroad is positively a necessity. The health and morals of the city as well as our future growth in population and wealth demand it. It is equally important that we should havea speedy resumption of those works of public improvement on which we have already ex- pended large amounts of money, and which for the last two years have been suffered to remain stagnant. It scarcely requires argu- ment to prove the folly of pursuing our present do-nothing policy, or the wisdom of making investments which will in a very few years not only repay themselves, but leave us with largely increased wealth and diminished expenses. The plain array of figures set forth in Mr. Martin’s letter is argu- ment enough. It is shown that the Central Park and other public improvements already made have directly increased the value of prop- erty in the wards above Fortieth street to such an extent that the amount of taxation received on the excess of valuation between 1862 and 1873 has been sufficient to repay the’ outlay on those improvements with interest, while the city now possesses “‘an additional’ permanent, undiminishing source of income of at least $4,000,000 a year.” The same results would follow the building of a steam railroad by the city and the completion of the public improvements now Uun- finished. With rapid transit, and the splendid boulevards and avenues in the upper part'of the city in a completed condi- tion, there would be such a remunerative rise in valuations that the amqugt of taxation,