The New York Herald Newspaper, August 13, 1873, Page 4

4 “THE SALARY GRAB, The Fathers of the Republic on Congressional Pay. MODERATE, NOT LIBERAL, STIPENDS, os NEWYORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY,.AUGUST 13, 1875—TRIPLE SHEET.. out of the fonds of his princtpal without the consent of the principal on the day, or rather at the very moment, he was retiring from hia position? No. amount of excuses or arguments could palliate or Justify such conduct, and it was this exactly that the Forty-secoud Congress did during the last hours of its existence, act to be disgraceful, and, with the other corrupt transactions brought home to that body, it has be- come hateful to them. ‘The people have judged the COST OF LIVING IN WASHINGTON. The pretext that members cannot support them- selves becomingly at Washington on $5,000 a year may hold good if wasteful extravagance and licen- tlousness are necessary on the part of our law- makers. When the salary of members was fixed Compensation of Members at Different Periods. at the latter sum the war was just over and tho | cost of living at the capital was greater than at present. The value of the currency was much less, and it must be remembered that when compensa- POLITICAL HURRICANE IN 1817 A New York Representative Resigns After Voting the Wrong Way. NARROW ESCAPE OF CLAY AND CALHOUN. ‘Mileage as a Bond of Union and as a Family Comforter. PAY CF THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT. Kansas Pomercy’s Views as to the Ways and Means of Living in Washington. PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. The Storm Raised by the Salary Grab of 1873. Butler, Brownlow, Carpenter & Co. Speaking for Their Cause. Dongressman Lawrence Explains Himself Before an Ohio Oonvention. WILL THE LAW BE REPEALED? Expenses of Housekeeping at the National Capital. General Benjamin F, Butler, an adroit and able man, has presented what appears té be a formal Aeience of the disgracetul salary grab business, Re- rognizing fully his skill and resources, it is not too much to state that he has made a poor hand of the pusiness, but in truth it would be impossible for any person, even one a hundred fold superior to the Essex politician, to satisfactorily justify the retroactive clauses of the billin question. General Butler only touched upon what occurred in the convention that framed the constitution of the United States; but had he quoted from the Fathers tion was arranged the last time before at $3,000 per annum (in 1856) it was on a gold basis, and really the augmentation in 1866 was no increase at all, taking into consideration the ditference in value between gold and greenbacks. It hasbeen found, by an examination of. the Congressional than Directory, that little “more than one-half of the members of the Senate and much less one-half the members of the House carried their wives to Washington at the last session of Congress, although it was regarded as exceptionably atiractive from ita auguration, of the Republic, whose words, undoubtedly, met his eyes, it would be seen that they anticipated and dreaded hundreds of the unscrupulous and demoralized individuals who now fnd sitting room in the capital at Washifigton. Senator Carpenter has preceded General Butler in defending the salary grab, but it is painiul to declare that any cause receiving the support of Senator Carpenter mast be tarnished and doubtful. In what follows will be found a his- tory of the Congressional compensation question. The increase of General Grant’s salary was called for and to its augmentation there can Ve no objec- tion. ‘To maintain the dignity of the Presidential ofiice, perbaps, $50,000 annually is even too small. THE QUESTION STA’ Being now on the eve of entering fully into the political campaign of 1573, the time has about ar- rived when the people, from one end of the United States to the other, will Lave discussed before them the merits of political parties and the management of public atfairs. There is one question, more than any other, to Which their attention will be called, and that is the nefarious salary grab of the Forty-second Congress, which Ben Butler defends, They will have an oppor- tunity of pronouncing in an emphatic form on the scandalous job by which several millions of dollars were snatcbed from the federal Treasury and divided among members of the Senate and House of Representatives, The people will also | have their attention called to other features of the scheme which introduced an entirely new mode of paying salaries, by which Congressmen draw compensation beiore they render any services whatever. Once before in the history of the Re- public has a similar question been brought before the people, to which reference will be made pres- ently, and the verdict was unqualified condemna- tion and the political ruin of nearly every man who voted for what was universally branded as iniquitous, If there were any doubts immediately afier the passage of the Salary Bill of 1873, so per- sistently advocated and skilfally engineered by General Butler, @8 to what the judgment of the country would be on the matter, such doubts have been long since cleared away. The action of Legislatures, the resolutions of party conventions and public bodies, the almost | nnenimous denunciations of the press and the an qualified reprovation by the people on every occa- | sion that offered, has placed the question at rest. No member of Congress who voted for the Back Pay bill can expect ever to be elected again to a position of public trust. General Butler may be anexception. Who knows? MORALITY OF @ME CASE. The action of the Forty-secend Congress in vo ing $5,000 into the pockets of each of its members, just at the close of its existence, can only be ac- counted for by an inordinate greed for money and an entire disregard of public opinion. It has dis- graced for ever all those who, taking advantage O¢ the positions they occupied, participated in the gross abuse of an honorabie trust. The mem- bers exercised a power that could not fail to rouse general indignation—a power which no body of men having the slightest regard for the good opinion of their fellow citizens should have used. They had been paid for all they had agreed to work for; their labors, such as they were, bad veen ended, but, having the authority, they de- termined to enrich themselves regardiess of the ~ plainest principles of honesty. There is no doubt that the Forty-second Congress possessed the power to vote, at is last gasp, increased pay, but it was bound by the highest obligations not to do so in favor of back pay for its own members. It may be said that it is the poorest economy to under pay public servants, and that if we pay liberal salaries that will command talent and integrity in high piaces we shall make money by the operation, for the ser- vices will be better and the percentage Of stealing Will be reduced; bot even if this were true it fur- nishes no justification for appropriating to each member, by virtue of his own vote, $5,000 which he has not earned and after being paid ia full jor aii his services, A PARALLEL Cast, ‘There ts one view of the back pay question that bas no doubt been constantiy before the minds of the people, What would be thought of a man employed at & yearly salary of $5,000 in @ position Of trust, where he possessed unrestrained control ‘Of large soms of money, who should, alter a two APO Cogrgcouent, take away Witd him ¢6,000more (Lum Ja proportioy Wy te OF Abpouge, being a short session, which would incinde an in” It has deen found also that of the aggregate of both branches of Congress less than & sixth part kept house. This practical proof utterly destroys tho pretence that the prico of living at the capital justified the increage of pay. The ex- cuse was an invention to cover up the wrong. The aciion of Congress in passing this last compensa- tion bill is now before the people, and therefore it will be of advantage to give a short history of what has been done from the very commencement in reference to the pay and emoluments of members of tho National Legislature. General Butler's at- tempt to throw dust in the cyes of the people calls for exposure and rebuttal. THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION IN 1787. The subject of the compensation of members of Congress has from the foundation of the govern- ment been treated as one of the highestiinportance. The name of Madison is speciaily identified with It, Prior to the ratification of the constitution tn 1789 Representatives received their wages from the States, and whether this system should be contin- ued or the expense defrayed out of the Federal Treasury was debated very fully ip the Con- vention beld two years before. Fears were entertained that if the pay of members was fixed by themselves, without limit or re- straint, they would indulge themselves to the fullest extent and make their pay as high as they pleased. ‘This was the view entertained by Patrick Henry, but he considered that if they were good men—not such as he could have imagined would appear in our day and find apolo- gists in General Butler — “their own delicacy would lead them to be satisfied with mod- erate salaries.” Madison remarked that to leave them to reguiate their own wages would be an tn- discreet thing and in time might prove a danger- ous one, It was even suggested that the rates of pay should be fixed in the constitution itself, and on the 14th of August, 1787, Franklin moved the following amendment:—"That $65, the present value thereof per diem, be allowed members of Congress daring thetr attendance, and $5 for every thirty miles of travel in going to and returning from the seat of government.” This was nega- tived, the vote being in favor—Connecticut and Virginia—2. Against—Massachusetts, New Jerscy, Pennsylvania, Deiaware, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia—s. Another proposition of Franklin’s was that Senators should be entitled to no compensation whatever, MODERATE AND NOT LIBERAL SALARIBS The object of the Constitutional Convention in this regard was to establian moderate and not lib- eral stipends, The word “liberal” was struck out every time it was used in the resolutions offered, As to the wisdom of allowing State Legisiatures to pay members, Mr. Madison on another occasion re- marked, “Our national government must operate for the good of the whole, and the people must have a general luterest in its support; but if you make the National Legislature subject to and at we mercy of the State governments, you ruin the fabric, and whatever new States may be added to the general government, the experience will be equally true.” Alexander Hamilton did not think the States should pay members. He said:—‘It 1s a general remark, that he who pays isthe master,’? It was feared by sume delegates that the States might become nufederal and then shake the general government, and it was hinted that some of the States might not ratify the constitution if the pay section was accepted. Mr. Elisworth was of opinion that as members were apportioned accord. ing to population, no State would feel the burden heavily. NATIONAL VS: STATE INFLUENCES. Edmond Randolph was against the proposition. He asked “Are the members to be paid ? Certainly. We have no sufficient fortunes," he said, “to induce gentlemen to attend for nothing. If the State Legislatures pay the membozs of the National Coun- cil they will contre! the men and compel them to ursue State measures. “I confess,’ said Mr. ndolph, “the pay will not operate iaparteuy but the members must be paid and made easy in their circumstances. Should the general Oongress annex Wages disproportionate to their services, vote themeelves exorbitant salaries, defying the eense of the country, they would be repudiated.” Alexander Hamilton remarked:—“What, for ex. ample, Wil be the inducements for gentiemen of fortune and ability to leave their homes and busi- ness to attend annually and long ¢ It cannot be tie wages, for these, I presume, must be small, Will not the power, therefore, be thrown into THE HANDS OF DEMAGOGUES and middling politictans, who for the sake of & smnall stipend and hopes of advancement will offer themselves us candidates, and the real men of weight and influence, by remaining at home, add strength to the State governments. Madison disposed in the Convention of the question of pay as follows:—‘“With respect to the right of ascer- taining their own pay, I will acknowledge that their compensation, if practicable, should be fixed in the constitution itself, so as not to be dependent on Congress itself or on the State legisiatures. 1t was thought imprudent to leave it to the legisla- tures because one government should not be de- pendent upon another, and the great inconvenience experienced under the old confederation shows | that the State would be operated upon by local considerations a8 contra-distinguished — from general and national interests, The theoretical inconvenience of leaving to Oongress the FIXING OF THEIR OWN COMPENSATION is more than counterbalanced by this in the con- federation. This is a power that cannot be abused Without rousing universal attention and indig- nation, What would be tle consequence of a legis- lature raising thetr pay to £4 or £5 @ day’ The universal indignation of the people.’ So spoke Mr. Madison nearly ninety years ago. At the last session of Congreas members raised their compensation to more than double what Mr. Madison thought recklessness or cupidity could carry any body of men he conld imagine to exist in the future. In the conventions called in the States to or the federal constitution there was considerable discussion on this da particularly in Virginia and Massachusetts, in the latter state one delegate expressed the opinion that “if members of Congress were left to themselves to provide for their own salaries, and as long as they wished tor the good opinion of mankind they will assess no more than they really deserve as a compensation for their services.” The provision in the constitution that “Senators and Representatives shall receive @ compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and patd out of the Treasury of the United States,” was adopted, ratified by the Staves and remains, EARLY LAWS ON THE SUBJKCT. At the first session of Congress, held in 17 provision was made for the payment of member: As the phraseology of the been substantially followed ever since, the first section is here given;—"‘At every session of Con+ gress and at every meeting of the Senate in the recess of Congress prior to March 4, 1796, each Senator shall be entitled to receive $6 for every day he shall attend the Senate, and shall also ve allowed at the commencement of each and ever: sessiou §6 for every twenty miles of esti- mated distance by the most usual route from bia place of residence to the seat of Con- gress, ‘1 Alter March 4, 1795, Senators were to re- ceive travelled, Members of the House of Kepreseuta- tives were allowed, by the same act, Sag per day, and ¢6 for every twenty miles travelled. Whe dis- crimination between the pay of members only Jasted one year. It was the only instance of the kind fm the legislation of the country, The Speaker of the House of Representatives, to defray the inci. ee expenses of his oMce, was entitled to $6 per ay in tion to pis pay, as Representative for every day hé attendéd t! 1 Houde, SAL-ABtne EQUALIZED, The act of March 10, 1108, extablisued the pay of bp ty and Representatives al i per day, and $6 for tat Ma ap miles travelle poeres that in case a nfiombep-shall not attend in bi m rpice when Congress shall convene, or shail absent ifimseif be- fore the close of the session, a deduction shall be made of the sum which would otherwise be allowed of members of both Houses were tn MADISON'S PROPOSED CONSTITUTIO constitution as ted, and pro} svabion of Congrese’ 4 umber be submitted Lh gl in em was one providing tl ease in the pay ol members of Congress should into effect until the second session succeeding the ono in Which the augmentation was authorized. Both Houses adopted the propositions, and all but two received the requisite number of votes m the State Legislatures. One of those that failed to be ratified was that relating to pay of representatives in Con- gress, As will be seen hereaiter Tennessee in 1417 expressed its desire to have auch a provision incor- porated in the constitution of the United States, and at the last session of the Legislature of Ohio it ‘was proposed to join the States that approved tho ay amendment proposed by Mr. Madison in i THE FIRST INCREASE OF PAY. Twenty yeais passed, and members had served in Congress satisfied with the existing rate of pay and mil Fei ‘The war with Great Britain had been successfully brought to aclose. During its progress there was then,as now, @ suspension of specie ayments, The depreciation tn the value of paper ney, which had sent up prices, caused a feeling to manifest itself among Representatives that they were insufficiently compensated, The members of the Fourteenth Congress were elected during the ogress of hostilities, It was said that first class Bus ness Or proiesierny Men could make double what was allowed by law, and that no competent person could afford to leave his occupation and attend to public affairs at Washington and support himself and family on the stipend then allowed by jaw. It had become yeual to vote extra oompensa- tion to attachés of both Houses of Congress, and the incumbents of several additional executive oftices, the creation of which had become neces- sary by the growth of the. Republic, re- ceived ‘salarics Which wore thought out of proportion to the compensation of Senators, Repre- sentatives and Dele; 3. On the 6th of March, 1816, Colone! Richard M. Johnson, from a committee appointed for tne purpose, reported a bill chang- ing the terms of paying merabers, which, from its inadequacy, it was a) oped, was threatening to pipce he legisiation of the nation ue the hands of he rich—an argument put forward by Senator Car- enter a few weeks since, and by others long he- fore him, At this time (1816) Cofigress was near the close of its first session, and Colonel Johnson recommended that, instead of fae per day end mileage, there should be paid to members annuell $1,590, and to the epee $3,000, It was provided, however, in the bill reported, that any member who did not appear in his piace when Congress convened, or who absented himself before the los? of the session, & reduction was to made rom the sum which would otherwise be sllowed to him, in proportion to the time of absence, except in chse of sickuoss. ‘The Salary bill of 1878 does not contain a similar provision. THE LAWS OF 1816 AND 1878.» The bill passed without any serious osition, but there were indications on the part of the peo- ae of the storm of indignation that was soon to follow. The actual increase to cach member was about $500 by this law. The average th of the sessions for a series of years had been, ‘e Jonn- son's time, 165 days per annum, which, at $6 a day, was $990, as against $1,000 by th ey law, the mileage being about the saméin both 8, and averaging about three hundred dollars to cach member. The total annual increase paid by the eople in 1816 amounts to $112,000, as against $3000 increase under the law passed this year, {he amount of back pay, by a@ gross abuse of trust, appropriated in 1873 was, of course, much larger, covering 48 it did two years, and being nearly one and a half million dollars, alter deducting the mile- age that had already been paid to the members. In the case of the salary grab of the Fourteenth Congress, Representatives got only one year’s back | pay, the act having passed near the Close of the rst session. In 1873 members voted themsclves two years’ back pay, The permanent debt of the country has also been in reality largely increased from the fact that this drain on the treasury, if the act is not repealed, represents interost on national obligations amounting to tens ot millions, THE QOUNTRY INDIGNANTLY PROTESTS. Doring the debate on the bill Henry Clay ex- pressed a preference for an increase of daily com- pensation to the institution of the salary system, ut as the majority were against him he acquiesced in thelr decision; and Mr. Calhoun expressed the opinion, as Reverdy Johnson did at a later day, that mileage was one of the strongest links that Boune ae Jnion together. There were many other distinguished men in Congress at the time who. supported the measure, but no sooner was the scheme consummated than an excitement raged throughout the country tue like of which was hever known belore. People of all classes and in every section of the Union emphatically protested against it. The members who voted for the bill were de- nounced, without exception, from one end of the land to the other. Business affairs alter the war wore in a depressed condition and the people botied with indignation at seeing their Representa- law then passed has | er day, and $7 for each twenty miles | Tho | The Compensatiyn oy Was repealed by QL tives place their hands On the public purse aud convey the money found in it into their own pockets, it was contended that MEMBERS OF CONGRESS SHOULD NOT BB SALARIED, and that all who had drawn the extra pay were, in short, robbers of the Treasury, Plenty of compe- tent persons, it was said, could be found who would gladly serve at the old ratto; that there was great competition for seats tn Congresa/ and it was woll known that many when clected wero poor and at the expiration ol their terms came home rich, If members must purchase residences and keep up establishments at Washington, become men of fashion, keep carriages and borses, visit gambling houses and other such places, then their pay might not be equal to their extravagance, but the people would be best served by allowing such persons to remain at home. If was said the Fourteenth Congress gave a bad sample of what vain and avaricious men could do to degrade and corrupt the country. This was the plain talk of the one iifty-six years ago. To all this it was again answered that gentlemen of talent who had business of their own to attend to could not be induced at such low compensation to leave it and transact the affairs of the nation. A Tespectable mechanic, it was said, would not give up his work for it, much less. an extensive mer- chant, &@ manulacturer, @ practising lawyer, If such would go to Congress it would be for other considerations, The extra expense his position made him Hable to would leave bat a very small balance for the support of himself and family. THE LAW OUGHT TO BE REPEALED. These arguments avail very little. Public meet. ings were held in various parts of the United States and resolutions condemning the act were passed in several Legislatures. The press was al- most unanimous In denouncing the measure, which ‘was declared to be an abuse of trust and passed at a time when the country Was deep in debt and the national prosperity at & lowebb. The Com- meme act was the theme of popular songs and ourth o1 July orations, and there was hardly found one Senator Carpenter or General Butler in the land to stand UP in its defence, The New York Columbian, in July, 1816, observed that it bad been toasted until it was black, and added, “This, at least, appears agreed upon, that the law ought to be and will be repeated.” THE LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT felt bound “before we separate to express our dis- approval of a late act of Congress raising the pay or its members threefold its former establishment, and this when the public burttiens hang heavily on farming interests, which are the nerve of the coun- try, and when the frewns ef heaven hung dark over our heads, threatening eur iand with scarcity and famine.” In Rhode Island the Legisiature passed resolutions to the effect that the members could not avoid expressing “the strong dissatisfac- tion which they feel at the late action of Congress in appropriating salarios to themselves out of pub- lic moneys collected into the Treasury by a course of burthensome taxation, and which the people are led to believe and had a right to expect would be Strictly and prudently applied towaras relieving the country from the still incalculable expenses caused by the late war.’’ The more the subject was discussed the greater became the whirlwind of public indignation. But, in looking back at the re- sult of the Congressional election that followed, the moral of the stery can be best understovud, i ¥ CLAY, as stated, supported the measure. He wa didate for election, During the campaign mal democratic opponent, Pope, charged toat the great Kentuckian had participated in the plunder of th Treasury, and that extravagance in iiving Washington and the corrupt priucipies that we being introduced at the capital were the causes of the breach of iaith, and that the confidence of the people had been used most unwortuily. Clay had een a great promoter of the war with a Britain and had assisted in the negotiations for eace. He had, besides, gained immense popularity by his advocacy of the South American crusade against Spain. He did not attempt to defend him- self on the salary question, but turned on his opponent and charged that he had o d the war, Mr. Clay described all the indi nk ies placed on the United States by England and the glorious foray of } +3 ttm This course saved him, and r. Clay retaine 8 seat and Was Session elected Speaker. OO eT A NBW YORK MEMBER RESTUNs. Mr. E. T. Throop, @ member irom this city, find« Was not the choice of the people, and acting, a8 he said, upon the broad principle that a B sentative should speak agrecable to his consti ents, resigned his seat and gave an opportunity of electing & man more pleasing. In Connecticut, out Congress that enacted ft at the second session, after a long discussion,, icipated in by R, M. John John Randolph, He and General Harrison. The Speaker and He; Clay appointed the committee, which consisted of three members who voted for bill, one Who had voted nt it and three new members who tiad not voted at all. The following is au extract irom the report made by Mr, Jolson :— wer vested in Congress by the Constitution of for the pay of los owo mem ors fw doubtlss, & jelicate trust; snd it tae have been apprehended well from the nature of the sub ect as froun former exve- rience that the most judicious exercise of that trust could not be exempt from some degrec of public auimadver- sion, The committee cannot perceive either in the crease of compensaiion provided by the laie act or in mode of making that compensation. cause of exclrement are understood to have been proluced. The addition which this law has made to the public expenditure ts not considcrable. ‘THE CHANGE IN THR MODE OF COMPENSATION, even if be not attended with zeal and manifest advan- tages, does not still appear to ba Eons, so clearly aud in such dangerous measure as to furnish grounds for any high degree of public inquietude. ‘The House would not presume to judge whe its services, in the va- rious and important mat: which it has acted, deserved any consider or respect tr the but tor those services, euch as they are, il has Dot sought or would accept any reward which woul! be Mmoasured ont to it in @ mere pecuniary considera:ion. fan adequate provision be not made for members of Congress, the office will fall exclusively into the hands of one or the other of two descriptions of persons—cither ot the most afluent of country only, who can bear the charges of lt without any compensation, or those who would accept it not for thé compensation legally belong- oe. cuping it to account by other means. A reasonable allowance, neither oxtrava- gant on the one hand nor parsimonious on the other, pa d sce to be the best sccurity agaiust these various ev! PER DIEM SYSTEM BE-ESTABLISHED, A bill was brought in, January, 1817, to repeal the Compensation act and substituting a per diom salary, Which was lett blank for the House to fix. Members hardly knew lew te deal with the ques. tion, but public opinion made it imperative that something should be done, ‘The only uhing that all were agreed upon was areturn to the per diem system. The annoal salary plan was doomed be- fore Congress assembled. Votes were taken sever- ally on the question to fixthe dally pay at $10, $9, $3 and $6, ail of which were negatived. A motion was made tunt there-shouid be deducted from the amount received by each member the past and present seasiong all the amount over and above What he would have received under the old com- another proposition was that the excess refunded should inelude legal interest. Both were negatived. he debate on the subject continued several weeks, and columns of the National Intelligencer were taken up with the speeches delivered. The upshot was to repeal all laws relating to.pay or mileaze and throw the cn- tire subject over into the hands of the lifteenth Congress. A CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT AGAIN RECOM- MENDEDe When the Fif'eenti Congress met for the first time in January, 1818, there were, thercfore, no existing statutes regulating or providing for the payment of prarice of Senators, Representatives and Delegates from Territortes. The public indig- nation if 1816 was as wuch directed against the manner and form of Moaabe the increase as against the increase itself. No great delay efose in settling the matter; and a bill Was passed January 22, 1818, establishing the Cale) of members at $8 per day, with $8 for every twenty miles of travel from places of residence to the ae The epeaker of the House and President of the Senate fem. in the absence of the Vice President, were to re- ceive $8 per day additional. During the debate Mr. Campbell offered resolutions adopted by the Deeilntene of Tennessee, instructing its Senators and requesting the Representatives of that Stute to use their exertions to procure the adoption of an amendment to the constitution of the United States similar to that proposed by Mr, Madison in 1789, This proposed change in the fundamental law remained unnoticed until tbe Legislature of Ohio revived the question. THE SECOND AUGMENTATION. In 1856, when the Kansas question was rocking the Republic to its foundations, Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, introduced a bill in the Senate to increase tle rate of. compensation, which had re- mained unchal for nearly forty years. He stated that in considering it party and personal matters should be forgotten, though at the very time bis son-in-law, Presten 8. Brooks, who had assailed Mr. Sumner in his place in the Senate, was taking the oath in the other chamber, having been re-elected after resigning to save himself from expulsion, There was in Congress in 1866 nearly all the peat men of the last generation— Cass, Seward, Toombs, Clay (who came very near being politically wrecked forty years before for supporting @ similar measure, Benjamin, Foot, Mallory, Fessenden, Collamar and Doolittie, The latter favored the fucrease and said $5,000 a year was nottoo much. Like Caihoun in 1816, Reverdy Joingou ten years later, as will be seen, thought inileage Made it agrecavle for membors at a dis- tance to come to Congress. Mr. Seward opposed the bil He said he made ita rule never to take office where the emoluments were an object, and having been elected to serve at an understood compensation he could not agree to receive more, PAY OF MEMBERS OF THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT, Mr. Lane, of Oregon, said either pay members sufficient or do not pay them at all, as in the British Paritament, and there their system of legisiation costs them ten times more than what ours does in contracts and in providing for the members of distinguished families Mr. Lane was right as to the Houses of Commons and Lords, They are, however, entitied to a guinea ($5) a day, but the members have not for two centurics drawn it, As to the cost of legislation, Mr. Disraeli not very long since in a public speech attempted to prove that the monarchical government of England ‘was far less expensive than the republican gov- ernment of the United States. He admitted all that had been said in reference to the vast income of the Queen and her numerous relatives, together with the expense of the royal household, pensions, palaces, estates, &c.; but he pointed out the im- Mense cost in AMerica of paying members of Con- resg and of the various State Legislatures, which, e contended, far exceeded what the monarciy cost the people of England. Perhaps the ex- Premter had not seen Mr. Lane’s speech. Tho former spoke on the subject five or six years after the latter. pensation of $6, ant of seven members only two wer ci Georgia returned oniy one out of six, brea chasetts two-thirds of the delegation were changed, and Timothy Pickering declined to run, teeling cer- tain he would be deseated, in South Carolina only Calhoun and Middleton of those who had voted for the law were re-elected, and #ix new men were | Sent to Congress, In Omo the question assumed such importance that John Mclean—aiterward Judge of the United States Supreme Court found it necessary to publish an able de fence of his vote in favor of ti law which filled five anda half columns, Be’ ing ap- pointed Judge he resigned nis seat, and General VY. H. Harrison, subsequently President of the United States, was chosen his successor. same time six Representatives were elected from Obio, making @ complete change in the delegation. The resuit Was that, out of eighty-one members who voted for the Compensation act, only fourteen Worg re-elected. Of tue sixty-seven voting against the Measure forty-nine were chosen again, Of the rejected memycrs only thirteen were ever after elected to eithd? ouse of Congre A more see ping sentence of coudemuation can hardly be a . COLONBL JONNSON'S DEFRNCE OF yj." 1816 : GRAB. amg A CLOSE STAVE. Mr. Butler’s dill passed the Senate, the vote being yeas, 35; nays, 11. Mr. Orr, late Minister to Russia, took'charge of it in the Mouse. The session was drawing to a close and he urged it on with almost railroad speed. He stated the old story that it was impossible for members to live on the pay allowed by the act of 1818, The salaries of heads of depart- ments and foreign Ministers had been increased, and why not those of Senators and Representa- tives? ‘Ihere was little or no debate, but there wa! @ powerful opposition, which showed itself at the final division. The measure was carried in the House by a bare majority of one, the vote being 100 to 99, just a8 close as the vote on the bill engineered last session by General Butler, which latter bill elso doubled General Grant’s si ‘The compen- sation by this act, August 16, 1388, was fixed at $8,000 per year and one mileage annually of $8 for each twenty miles, This was an increase of 100 per ‘vent of salary, leaving the mileage the same as it ‘Was establ d in 1318, THE INCREASE IN 1866, A section was added to the General Appropria- tion act of July 28, 1866, by which the pay of mem- bers was again increased. The public mind was too much occupied at that time with the results of the war to baw f particular attention to any subject not connected with the gigantic struggle that had just closed. Mr. Riddle, of Delaware, in the Senate tmoved that the salary be raised to $5,000, with twenty cents mileage. He contended that the com. gies then received (23,000) was insufficient pay expenses. This was the old argument once more; but seven years ago, when prices were higit and nbacks low, it may have had some weigit. Mr. Madison, in the Constitutional Convention im 1787, had an {dea of this kind, and in advocating the establishment of fixed compensation in the tunda- mental law suggested that the price of a bushel of wheat should be recognized as a standard of vaiue: bi Franklin favored 35 per day, or the value ot that sam in gold, as a just and moderate pay. Mr. Riddle, however, did not touch upon this point, but declared that members were oxhausting their energies, ruining their health, and that they really Letty get enough to pay for house rent and mar- eting, MILEAGE A BOND OF UNION, Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, went for larger com- nsation, and wanted the mileage to remain at jorty cents instead of twenty cents, as proposed. Reverdy Johnson rather favored this view, and re- marked that ‘we were getting into a Practice, and @ good one upon every account, of bringing our families co Washington. It was the opinion of Mr. Calhoun, and I think I have seen evidence of it more than once, that maton! one of the bonds ofthe Union. The distant States would be more likely, or just as likely, to be kept from leaving the Union because of this mileage provision as by any other cause of a similar character.” Mr. Hender- son pointed out the unequal workings of the mil age system. While members from aryland, Oni: New York and other Atlantic and Western States were paid only $3,500 per annum, representatives from Oreian, and California drew nearly $10,000 yearly. is brought the since hip feet, and he proceeded to give his expe- @_proceede: Heties and 'at the same tine to lecture Henderson, who had aliuded also to the large sums drawn for mileage by Senators from distant Western Com- monweait! ‘The Kansas lawmaker delivered himself thus:—“I do not care myself about this westion at all, The Senator from Missouri (Hen- derson) does not know anything about living; be ig@ bachelor. He never lived an hour in his lute, and he should be the very last man to come here to talk to Senators about expense I would keep an account of my ex ington, and I found that my actual expenses, with. ‘out regard to such luxuries wines, cigars and tobacco—things for which 1 never spent a cent in my ltfe—were ior one year and one month $11,640, A person who intends to have anything like his expenses _ ought not to calculate upon any re alary or mileage; butido not suppose- Senators care whether their expenses be paid or not, We should not undertake to deciare that a per- son must govern his expenses here in Washington ’m these times by any reference to his compensa- tion, because his compensation is not the first step toward the payment of expenses who las family living ag be ought to.” Mr, Pomeroy voted on the Ua ewan, "at etter rs was ni he and two-thirds per cent of salary and a reduction { mileage Of fi r cent from the act of 1866. The Houso of Representatives quietly agreed to the in- erease, and wi uch ocoupied by le being too m' the issues growing out of the war, made no protest, But in fact, as remarked before, the addition wag not an increase in compe jon, When in 1866 the salary OF members Was Gwed AF $000 10 wag | The back pay on 8 gold basis, for gold nen the currency of the country, ana the cost of living was much lower than ten years later. In 1866 $6,000 in currency was only about equal to $3,000 in gold, and the $3,000 in 1856 could obtain more of the necessaries Of life and better dwellings than in 1866, The pre- ceding is a short history of the legislation of Con- ess and the action of the convention on the sub- ject of compensation of Senators and Representa- ives. ‘The act of March 3, 1878, increased the annual salary to $7,500 aud substituted actual trav- elling expenses for mileage. WHAT MEMBERS SHOULD HAVE DONE. Different opintons have been expressed as to the proper course that should pave becn taken by members after the passage of the bill, Of course thoge who voted for the increase of salary pocketed it, but a few have had the temerity to come for- ward since and defend their conduct. The mem- bers who voted against the grab should have, it has been urged, refused all share in its proceeds, drawn the money and returned it into the Treas- ury. ‘This was the only consistent and honorable pian, Fifty-two members of the S2nate and House or Representatives ure in this category. They have returned to the Treasury their portion of the plunder, and it is not likely the balance, through either the force of public opinion or compunctions of conscience, willever disgorge a dime of the extra pay. But the mau who, having voted against the measure and then took the money, tt has been jairly held, confesses to the in- sincerity of the motives which Jed him to resist and proves that his virtue was of that kind which was ready to yield if the temptations could be made alittle stronger. Another class is composed of men who took the money and proceeded to seek some outside’method of fe sa of it. B: this action it 1s confessed at once that they ha no moral right to its possession, and also that their sense of duty was not firm enough to bring them up to the mark of performing the duty whic they know is obligatory on them as honest men, ‘The ast class, and its number is not. tba correctly known, are represented by Senator Sherman. He, taking high moral grounds, proposes to leave tho money where it is, and where no one should know better than Mr. Sherman it can be reached at any time in the inture it should seem safe to draw it, Senator Sherman admits that it is stolen property, bus he, too, avoids performing an obli- gatory duty by returning his share into the Trea- eury. TIE BACK PAY ALWAYS AVAILABLE. Tho money appropriated by Congress for the salary grab has beech long since paid over to or remains subiect to the orders of the Sergenta-at- Arms of the Senate and House mf Representatives, not drawn rémalas a permanent lebt against the government, according to Secre- ‘ary Richardson, and fitty years hence the heirs of members: who have not returned to the Tr as uty their allowance of it can clalm and collect it, The records of the government show imany instances where increased salary was drawn altor the lapse of years, Thomas Ht, Benton drew back salary and constructive mileage five yogrs after he de- nounced the bill providing tor its payment as pub- ilc robbery and notified the disbursing officers that he would not take it, The records also show that ex-President Johnson drew mileage he had refused, and the receiving of which by others he had bit- terly condemned on the stump after he had leit Congress, had served as Governor of Tennessee and had paneednenily returned as another member of Congress, Robert J. Walker, after the close of the late war, drew the sum due bim for constructive inileage for attending @ spectal session of the Sen- ate during Polk’s admuuistration, which, at the time, he had reiused to take from the Geir | officers. Senator Sherman, thoroughly acquainte: with the law on this subject, as he must be, should draw the money trom the Sergeant-at-Arma and hand it to Mr, Spinner. And {i there be any others in the same boat with him they should follow his example—that Is, If he gives them the chance. THR OUTSPOKEN DEFENDERS OF THE GRAB. Six members—Messrs. Carpenter and Brownlow, of the Senate, and Messrs, Butler (Mass.), Blair (Mo.), Lamison (Ohio) and Platt (Va.) have como betore the public to defend the salary grab. Par- son Brownlow, not being physically able to stand up and address a meeting, wrote a letter, in which he stated that he regretted the amount of back pay Was not made greater; but he took what he got witha Areae deal of satisfaction. Senator Car- penter delivered a speech which ouly served to intensify the general fecling of indigna- tion against the reccivers of the plunder. He made one remark, however, which is worth recording. Senator Carpenter declared that mem- bers would have families anyhow in Washington, and it was better for the people that they should be comforted by the presence of their own wives and legitimate children, and to enable them to do go back and increased pay was absolutely right and necessary. General Butler denies that he is the father of the Salary bill, but he defends it while seeking the nomination for Governor of Massa- chusetts. Any of his constituents who complain of his vote and that he bagged the money he settles with by sending a three cent stamp, sometimes en- closed and sometimes cancelled outside the letter after passing through the post, . RESIGN BE DAMNED. There was political convention a few weeks since in the Filth Ohio district, te) Diner in Congress by Hon. 0, &, Lawrence, and at which that gentie- Man Was present, Resolutions were adopted de- ciaring the salary grab an act of fraud and those who supported it unworthy of endorsement. Mr. Lawrence, who isa ae, recipient, attempted to defend his course. ie was met by: cries of “Get down!” ‘Resign!’ &c. Ho responded in emphatic language. ‘Resign be damned. 1 would see you in hell first.” The meeting broke up in confusion, but it is not likely, after tho ex- ration of kis term, that Mr. Laurencé will be re- elected, Mr, Blair, of Missouri, in speaking to an assembiage of bis political friends, stood by his vote. He thought no defence necessary, and treated the objections made rather as something amusing. Ie showed pluck, for he was willing to take ali the consequences, Hon. James H. Platt, Jr., who completes the list, is a lace emigrant from Vermont to the Old Dominion, At the State le- pubiican Convention, held at Lynchburg on the 31st ult., he dectared that he had no apologies to offer, no excuses to make, for his vote on the Salary bill. He had voted tor tt six times, and should vote the same Way again under the samo circumstances, He had never voted on any measure with @ more thorough conviction o/ its justice and propriety. Mr, Platt 18 evidently of that class of men whose recklessness and cupidity Madison, Patrick Henry, Randolph and others in the Convention that framed thé constitution of tha’ United states desired to guard against. The Vir- ginia Republican Convention retused to pass a resolution condemning the measure. PUBLIC INDIGNATION IN PRACTICAL FORM. Every California member, except Senator Cas- serly, drew back pay, though the amount was not large, hide a the heavy mileage paid for travel- ling trom the Pacific coast to ‘ashington, The people of the Golden State, be pe at the act of turpitude performed by nearly all their representa- tives, insist that at the next session of the lature an appropriation be made sufficient to re- fund to the United States the amount taken by their delegates, and if their wishes in this respect are not complied with they propose to raise tio requisite sum in subscriptions for the purpose, The Supervisors of Tama county, lowa, have taken steps to refund to the Vy dager the back pay taken by the Rae iat in Congress of tne district of which it forms apart. They have made aD appropriation out of the county treasury of their proportion, with this object in view, and the other counties—Benton, Marshall, Grundy. Powe- shiek, Jasper and Blackwell—are about appro- priating their shares. As far as they are con- cerned they are unwilling to have stain attached to them, and take this method of repudiating the conduct of their representative. WILL THE LAW BE REPEALED ? The ier Conventions of Maine, Ohio, lowa and Minnesota have condemued the back-pay Tab and called for a repeal of @ as has been seen, the universal sentiment in 1817, under similar circumstances, and it ts repeated now. The ieeling is unmistakable, and no member of Congress of ordinary sagacity will find himself able to ignore it, There has not been an argument entitled to the smallest modicum of respect used in defence of the Salary act of 1873. A synopsis of the arguments put forth by a few Senators and Representatives, given above, shows them to be puerile and shaky. The mass of republican voters are unmistakably for a repeal, and, as their party controls Congress, the demand must receive atven- tion. The measure was supported in the two Houses by about an equal proportion of members from each party, and the back pay has been re- turned to the’ Treasury by republicans and democrats in about the same ratio. it is expected by observant and experienced persons that those Senators and Representatives of the Forty-third Congress who are expecting 4 political future, will give heed to the warning voices of their constituents, But after all, the ques- tion Hes entirely with the republican party, as a party. Itis not unjust to charge the repul ican arty with the reaponsilality of passing the act, for he Representatives had the whole machinery of legislature in their hands, No bill could be reported without their consent, ag they controlled all the committees, and, even in the last bec thy ery Grant, whose salary was doupled, could have inter. pesre nis veto and prevented the consummation of he scheme. There ni deon Lf question raised as to the constitutionality of rai Grant’s ia- creased salary. The Forty-second Congress stood as follows:—There were republican! ; demo- crate, 17; liberals 5—republican majort My . There were’ in the House, republicans, 134; democrats, 104; liberals, 5—republican majority, 2. In tho Forty-third Congress the repubiican majority in the House will be much greater. ii, ‘4 CUNNING DEVI The repeal of the Salary law would not effect the return of the back pay aiready drawn, and it would only parti yi corregt the clause giving in- creased compensation to the members of the next Congress, Under the practice which always pre- vailed up to March last, a member could not draw his pay until ewora in and his right to @ seat law. This was, ackno' ns the House itself, provides that tl sation I “monthly from tl ning of th the beginning of t jession of each on acertificate signed by the clerk, which is to fave the same efoct. as the certificate of the Speaker under la laws. Each member o! Congress to meet next December will have drawn $5,625, without having rendered for this large sum a Yoaen of anaes in shape or form. In this wi sury will have peck Gopleved! Of $1,771,875 yy Senators and Representatives before the: née near Washington at ali to riorm duty as foginiators, ‘This was a cunning device, no doubt intendea to meet the som ceanpasney of i. ce al of the law, immedi Ly AH, ae ing been drawn,members would be loath to disgorge gue money they nyg elropdy Ua Che pocket he | who engineered tne ott, had in mind what occurred tn mentioned, It was then proposed in the Ho: during the depate on the bill for the repeal of act passed the year beiore, thas the amount ove! nd above what each member would have receiv: under the compensation system should be p: back into the Treasury with interest, The propos sition was not ad though it was si @ considerable number. The country, iu any even’ will hold the republican party responsible for sage of the last bill, and will look to it for une joing that part of the work of the Forty-second Congress. MEMBERS WHO REFUSED THE LUCRE. The following is believed tobe a full and co! list of the Senators and Representatives who havi covered into the Treasury their back pay:— New York—R. E. Fento! nat W, Ww BE, foberta, & 8. Cox, hi re py lat it roter, C.L, Merriam; four republicans aud four de: e New Jersey—@. A. Halsey, F. T. F; ‘cm ton J ps rr Ogee relinghuysen (ena> ‘ eae one Scott, Washington Townsends ne Hamlin, * A. Peters, Eugene Hale, W. Pi Maine—! . Buckingham (Senator), J. R. Haws ublicans, four re ley Hi Starkweather’ tires © Vertnont—W. Willard, Fepublican, Ohio—James A. Gariiéid, James Monroo, W. Hl. Uj Charies’ Foster Thurman, Johy sherman; ave HEAR OR ORE Mw Sse! Mc, mrt dem Coburn two republicans and pry rere aide Ulinois—0. B. Farwell, John M, Krebs, J. B. Hawleyg two republicans and one dem te Wasconsin—G. W. 0) zeiton Jaa Ri “ J. Allen Laat | wye! rop Alexander Mitchell, Philetus a WAG. Me MeCrary, A. R. Cotton: two republicans. owa— a NI Miseourl—Carl Schurz, Senator G. A. Finkeluburgt twor repal ohne MainTan contr sanebes Va ‘08 6 ‘on; four Te] ‘MapachuseteeCharies Samnere Henry Wilson, Benae tors; two republicans. node Isiand—H. B. Asthon: nator; republican. democrat jelaware—J. F. Bayard, Sena! 00 California—Eugene erred Senator, acre 4 AT Atly-one; forty rept ‘na Bud eleven demos ‘a It appears that not one member from the Sont! ern States or Delegates Irom the Territories ha’ returned back bay. When the bill pened, tl House consisted of 210 members and the Seuate ol 72, It would appear, therefore, that 260 members have either drawn the money or leit it in the ban of the Sergeants-at-Arms, W! enables them to draw it at any future time they may deem proper.| The back pay not disbursed remains a perpetu debt against the government, according to thet Secretary of tho ESAs Ors pay x4 sLOR-PAYERA, pda? The follow Og ls 4 lat of the New York Congreeaa Midi Who have not rerused thelr back pay: me tor Conkling, republican. Kepresentatives—Dwigh: Townsend, republican; Thomas Kinsella, democrat f H. & Slocum, democrat; Robert B. Roosevelt, democrat; Smith Ely, jr., democrat; Fernand Wood, democrat; Charles St. Jonn, republican; J.| 1. Tatnill, democrat; John H. Ketchum, repubii-, can; M. Warren, democrat; John Badgers, lemo- cr iF} M. Carroll, democrat; E, feet re publican; Ellis H. Roberts, republican; W. FP. Lansing, republican; R. H. Duell, republican; J. 8. Seeley, republican; W. H. Lampart, republican j Milo Goodrich, liberal; Horace B. Smith, repub! can; Freeman Clarke, republican; Seth Wakeman,| republican and William Williams, republicans Twelve republicans, eleven democrats, one ilberaly WATERING PLACE NOTES. eee Tho poet Longfellow is at Nahant. Frank Leslie is building a palace at Moon’s Lakes Saratoga. i F. Quesada and family, of Cuba, are at Congress! Hall, Saratoga. Admiral Rowan, of the United States Navy, waa in Newport last week. Some of the Lelands are to erect a hotel at Nare Tagansett Pier, R. L. Ex-Governor Joun W. Stewart, of Middlebury,’ Vt., is at Congress Hall, Saratoga. The Marquis de Chambrun and family are at Rock Enon Springs, near Winchester, Va. Judge William F. Allen, of the New York Cour& of Appeals, has been stopping at Quogue, L. L ; Jeff Davis—the genuine old original Jeff—hag gone to the Greenbriar White Sulphur Springs imi West Virginta. Mrs, Admiral Farragut has been the guest o€ Judge Daly at his Summer residence, at Nortly Haren, L, I. The Mixed Claims Commission are to givea gran@ ball at Newport, the grandest that evor took placé at that Summer resort. Mr. Abraham R. Lawrence, late democratic cate didate for Mayor of this city, is staying with his family at East Hampton, L. L * Rear Commodore George L. Kingsland, owner of. the yacht Alarm, ts with hia family at East Hamp=- ton, L, J. His vessel lies at Sag Harbor. An opera house is to be erected at Martha's! Vineyard for the amusement of Summer visitors. It will cost $10,000 and seat 1,000 persons, Ex-Senator Bayard, father of t»e presont United! States Senator Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, ig* taking hia caso atthe White Sulphur Springs, W. Va. Commodore Vanderbilt's amusements at Sara- toga are driving out every day and playing whist every night be can get any one to play with him. His favorite drink is gin, North Conway, N. H., is very popular as a Sum. mer resort, The mountain scenery is enchanting, aad the’ cool breezes are invigorating. A great many prefer it to climbing tho White Mountains, The Rev. Mr. Murray shoots deer and fishes for fout during the week in the Adirondacks, and on Sundays preaches sermons to the tourists, pleas- ure seckers, hunters, trappers, mountaineers and guides, Orient Point, L. IL, which has become quite popular as @ summer resort, is bounded om one side by Gardiner’s Bay, on another by Plum Gut, and on the third side by Long Island Sound. From the hotel veranda at night may be seen twelve lighthouses, They are at Montauk Point, Gardiner’s Island, Vedar Isiand, Long Beach, Plum Island, Gull Island, New London, Stationary Light- ship, Saybrook, Guilford, Horton's Point, and Falkner’s Island, The Newport Mercury pitches into some of the Bohemian dead*head correspondents at that place in the following style:—‘A set of irresponsible persons have come here representing themselves to be correspondents of this and that and the ether Paper, and some of them, to get up a sensation, have written a generous pack of lics about the place. Others, because they were not ‘dead- headed’ as much as they desired, have concluded that they could have their revenge by writing silly, nonsense and foolish lies about a dull season.” Fr, DROWAING OF HUGH MURRAY. —+—_— His Body Identified and Buried on Staten Istand—Testimony Exoncrating Jones, the Watchman. Yesterday morning Coroner Young recolved in- formation that the body of Hugh Murray, late a fireman aboard the steamship Atlas, lying at pier 12 North River, who either fell or was thrown over- board during a bloody altercation late on the night of the 7th inst., had been found floating in the bay, off Clifton, Staten Island, and towed ashore, where it was identified by the third engineér of the steamer Atlas. Previous to the identification Coroner Lea, of Clifton, held an inquest on the body as that of an unknown msn, and the remains were interred at the expense of the county. Asthe matter, had passed out of the jurisdiction of Coroner Young, he opened communication with Coroner Lea, who doubtless jl exhume the body and make a more thorough investigation, inasmuch ag it nas been alleged that David Jones, watchman aboard the Atlas, threw Murray overboard, Jones and two witnesses now in the House of Detention, if required, will be sent before Coroner Lea, Jones, whose character is excellent, was badly beaten cae the fight, which resulted in the drowning of Murray, and Sergeant Davis, of the House of Detention, felt compeliod to furnish him with medical Coy de haba oneal Later in the day io (captain's aboard the steamship Atlas) appeared Delors Coroner Young and made affidavit that he was not acquainted with Murray, but knew he was fireman aboard the Atlas; saw him there on the deck of the Vessel last Thursday night, at which time ko was fighting with Jones, the watchman, and oe and Somerville, both firemen; they were fighting with Jones because he would noi give them the key to the forecastie—which ho did not have; they soon made an attack on him, when Jones ran down the gangway followed by twp of the flreme: one of whom had a stick in his hand; Jon ‘abbed the stick, and, while they wore struggling for its pos ion, deceased ran down where tie watchman and two firemen w i} instead of running on the gangplank, board; efforts were made to Without success; the tnree firemen who were fighting with Jones were drunk. james Thomson, third engineer of the steam- ship Atlas, deposed that he went to Staten Island by order of the captain of the Atlas, and there identified @ body found in the wal Hugh Murray, Should Coronor Lea, of Clifton, not demand tho evidence aad witnesses to be brought before hii Coroner Young will assume the responsibility ot discharging Jones from the House of Detention, as there eer in be i Fie vi Duno and Somerville, a] ouses, Wil also be Guacharged, =