The New York Herald Newspaper, March 31, 1873, Page 4

‘ 4 THE SPANISH REPUBLIC. The Political Earthquake a Nat- ural Result of a Grad- ual Process, ORENSE, THE REPUBLICAN APOSTLE. Spain’s Sunny. Hours—A Homespun Franklin for the Frugal Cabinet of Washington. BLACK CLOUDS COME AGAIN. Slavery and the Slavebolders’ League— The Radicals Resolve to De- stroy the Oabinet. THE PEOPLE ARMING Another Crisis in the Cortes and an Angry Capital. REVOLUTION THREATENED. Senor Martos Changes Front and Abandons His Party. CASTELAR’S MIDNIGHT SPEECH. ————— Monarchy’s Gloomy Forebodings- inflict of Communists and Federals, —_+__—_ EARLY DECLINE OF THE REPUBLIC. The Army to Restore Royalty—Will It Be Don Carlos, Alfonso or a Military Dictator ? Maprip, March 7, 1873. Those who fancy this Republic grew in a night, & spontanceus mourting wp of a new form of gov- ernment, an earthquake republic, everthrowing the monarchy and the old institutions in a vel- canie way, do not understand Spain. The dazed manner in which Europe now stares at the phe- nomenon shows how deeply a superstition of this kind is rooted im European minds. Spain for generations has been marching step by step to- wards the Republic. Somehow since that French Revolution the trade of kings kas not been a pros- perous calling, and even in slow, comservative Spain loyaity has had the canker worm eating, eating away. I have heard it said that upin Oregon and British Columbia countries there are cedar trees that may be called monarchs of the forest. There is an msect so small that it can scarcely be seen without a microscope which bores its unseen way into tie bark of these stately trees, and there lives and feeds, making no visible impression upon the comeliness and grandeur of the tree until its work is done and the tree falls with a crash, and you learn that all life had been silently eaten away. So it has beer with monarchy i ain. There were the absolute monarchs—King Ferdinand the Last. Well, King Ferdinand is the Prince who ran away from his palace and made the unholy compact with Napoleon. In spite of her monarch Spain saved herself. This disappoint- ment was the first step. When the King died there came Isabella and a limited monarchy. All divine right pretensions were abated and Isabella ruled in imitation of Victoria. But her reign was one of disappointments, imtrigues, court scandals and impotence. One favorite destroyed another, until some of them in turn combined and destroyed the dynasty. The Republic was then alive; but a strenuous effort postponed its birth, and from a limited monarchy Spain passed to a demecratic monarcily, with Amadeus at the head, @ prince o many noble qualities. But Amadeus could not plant his throne in a soli where loyalty te kings bad no life. And he fell—and the Republic came. So you mark the four steps which Spain has taken tn this century. Absolute menarchy under Ferdi- nand, limited monarchy under Isabella, democratic monarchy under Amadeus and the Repuolie, THE PIONEER OF THE END CAME. One is reminded of the growth of emancipation {n America and of free trade in England when he observes the Republic phenomena in Spain. You remember how Bright and Cobden fought the bar- tle of free trade against the combined efforts of the landed, agricultural and aristocratic interests of England—how they fought it threugh evil report and deiamation and contumely—to win in the end amid applause of nations. You remember how in our own early anti-slavery times Benjamin Lundy, William Lieyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips were ostracisgd, deneunced, mobbed because of their devotion to the cause of freedom. But they won, and the world honors them as valiant men, whe fought the good fight and finishea their work. The same battle has been continued in Spain, and Ihave been deeply interested in comparing the progress of republicanism in Spain with that of free trade in England and emancipation in the United States. Have you heard of Orense ? .Well, it is a name now in many mouths as one loved and honored by Spanish men. Orense is a member of an old and noble family, and bears the titie of Marquis of Aibaisa. He was born a grandee, and ‘was inthe first rank of the Spanish aristocracy. He inherited weaith. In his early days, even when Ferdinand Vil. was onthe throne, he became an intense republican and gave himself to the advo- cacy of its doctrines wit an energy, an enthusiasm and self-denial that recalls Ignatius Loyola and the early Spanish fathers. His life has ween a struggle for this prineiple. He spent his fortune in its advocacy. He has been imprisoned, perse- cuted, sent to the galleys. Again and again he has returned to his work. He is now an old man, and new men sprung =p as his disciples—Figueras, Geredo, Pi y Margall, Castelar and others, When the Republic came Orense was in exile, living in Bayonne. It was not given to him to crown the work, but he lived to see it crowned, and by the hands of men who were his disciples and children. Nor was When Figueras—that memorable night when the Republic was born this obligation forgotten. arose to accept the Presidency is first words were in graceful compliment te Orense, whese absence tuey all deplored, and who alone was werthy to be the first President of the first republicin Spain, The first message written by Castelar was a despatch to Orense announcing that the dream of the old man's life ad been realized and bidding him to return to Spain te gee what @ blessed thing had been done. And im a few aays he came, and yesterday I saw him on the Calle San Geronimo slowly pacing his way to the Cortes, his face dark and heavy with years and care, but his eyes clear and beaming. When he visited the Cortes the scene was even more emotional than is usual to Spaniards. The enthusiastic disciples of the ~~ pew faith insisted upon making him Presi. dent of the new Republic, Why not? Would any Spanish republican gentiefian deny to the arquis of Albaisa this right? Would any Tepublican, ne matter how famed ‘¢ powerful, Wear bis bat or sit down in this presence? Never! And so is Was resolved that Orense, as first of the Tepublicans, should be drst of the Republic. But (ie Cd. atapdee aeniiy pot aside the honor. “ee time for work was passed; younger men must dear the buFden of the day and he would assert his privileges of age and {ook on and give counsel. SUNNY HOURS AND THOUGHTS. Do not laugh at these things, wise and grave men who live in profound America and know what 8 re- public is and who despise sentiment about it. You see, we here, who have founded this Republic, are in.a rosy, sunny state of mind—and we have our new commonwealth—as we see the marvellous heavens above us, cloudiess, bright—that aoft, radi- ant glow that you only have in Spain. Yes, like this noble, biue blending sky, now enfolding fair Madrid, and never a tint but the Tosy golden -lines that mark where the sun has risen, the Republic has come, and we are in an en- tranced condition, And we lack no ceremony. And all things shall be well forever and evermore. And Spain will move on in that splendid destiny which God has ordained for her. And now that we have offered the seat of honor to the Marquis Of Albaisa, a8 due te him, what next? Why, to be sure, there are the United States of America. “We are trying to find a Minister for Wasbiagton,” said one, “There are 80 many worthy men, but we must send the most worthy.” “Truly,” I sald, “such a man would be welceme to Washington.” ‘Well, we think of sending Sefior So-and-Se. He is a most worthy man, He has been imprisoned seven times for his opinions, He was a republican in the most stormy days, and Castelar and ali the students used te go and hear him speak. He uves an austere, simple life. His fortune is nothing, fer he has given his life to republican- ism. He is the most economical man in Congress. He denounces peeple by name who will not pay their taxes—the Marquis ‘of So-and-So the other day, among others, He is extreme in his opinions, 1am sure I don’t just know what his opinions are. Yousee when men of his stamp spend years in exile and im prison, and brood for twenty-five years, they are mot quite certain what their opinions are. All the more reason for his going to America. There you are a brave, generous people, who like 8 man who has extreme notions, You will all fraternize with So-and-So, His poverty, his merit, his frugal, industrious life; his courage of opinion, his scorn ef conventionality, his years of devotion to the cause will make him eml- nently fitted to represent the nation of Columbus in the Republic of Franklin.” I am afraid I said that “my beloved fellow countrymen would welcome any citizen of Spain, even if he came in a homespun jacket, who represented the Republic.’’ Could I say less? At the same time I would have recommended, had I been asked to make so bold, the sending of a duke as Minister to Washington, with many titles, and in a bachelor state if pessible. There isene duke, especially, who isa descendant of Celumbus, and adds to his ineome by raising wild bulls for the bull ring. I did mot say so to my friend, for why should I dispel his sweet illusions? but I felt that a diplo- matist of this class would have an astonishing suc- cess in our frugal, plain and unostentatious capi- tal, and that our Senators and members and Con- gressional mothers-in-law would welcome him more earnestly, [am afraid, than any homespun Franklin who meant to serve the Republic for nothing, and if necessary work for his living, and Whose views on the Church did not correspond with those of Bishop Simpson or Archbishop McCleskey. THE APOTHEOSIS OF THE REPUBLIC. For now that this new sun has arisen, and all Spain is hooded with its glory, why should we not bathe in its radiance? After the long night—the Arctic night of monarchy—which has rested upon Spain for centuries, is it any wonder that the morn- ing shall bring ecstasy? And if the morrow brings care—care and it may be strife—well! Let us drink the joy of this sunny hour. I went to a little play the other night, or, rather, pantomime, the time taken im all, perhaps, an hour. It was a small, dingy theatre, up one alley and down another. Those who looked at the play were of the grocer and nurserymaid class. Well, we had a dance! There were twe young men and two maidens, One of the maidens was dressed in the Andalusian costume, and was free in her gestures, The other was dressed like @ nun, with that sacred white cap, which American eyes always respect, whatever their faith may be. And the sight of amun on the stage was cer- tainly startling, in a Catholic country especially, as she was free in her motions and threw her gar- ments about In an uncalled-for manner. One of ‘the men was dressed like a volunteer, the other like @ Spanish soldier of the line. By and bya Carlist came sneaking on the stage, carrying a gun. The Carlist wore his white bonnet, with a dangling red tassel. He raised his gun and fired. No one was hurt. The soldier drew his sword and @ strife ensued. It was terrific. Mr. Booth as Richard III. could not have shown mere agility or made more noise with his sword. But the Anda- lusian maiden stele behind and ran a sword threugh the Varlist’s body and he fell. All the time they were dancing. Then came the nun, car- | ryimg the Spanish flag, and with her foot on the breast of the prostrate Carlist raised the flag, while the ethers grouped around her in tableau and the curtaim fell. There was much applause from the grocers and maidens, so much that the curtain arose and the combat was re- peated. This was called “The Apotheosis of Spain,” or the Republic, or some such fancy, And although plain and rade it showed how the hearts of the people were beating. THREATENING CLOUDS. But clouds were coming up, and thick, stormy weather, now even more threatening than before. Will the poor Republic ever get upon its feet? And were ever earnest, simple-minded men put under such a severe stress in the doing of a noble, manly work ? THE SLAVE POWER IN ARMS. The monarchists had retreated, not surrendered. There were three days, you will remember—three days of labor like those assigned to Hercules, The first was the day ef abdicatien, the second the day of the Republic, the thitd when, amid gloomy omens, the republicans compelled the retirement of the monarchical Ministers. This came from over- suspicion. It was akin to the old feeling of “sus- pect’ seen in the French revolution. The Repub- lic had come and no monarchical hands should have itin their power to destroy it. There was in many classes a profound feeling ef dissatisfaction with the Republic. And here came the influence which exércised so much power in America— slavery. While slavery does not exist in Spain it does exist in some ef the colonies, It forms alarge source of wealth. Many of the noblest families have their revenues in slave produce. It is slavery in the worst sense. The late King’s Cabinet had pledged itself to destroy it, but the monarchy went out before the pledge was redeemed. The slaveholders killed the monarchy. In doing so, however, they. gave life te the Republic—a thing far from their purpose. It was intemded that Amadeus should die in order that Dom Carlos or the Prince Alfonso should live. With either of these dynasties slavery would be safe. But neither of them came. In their place was the Republic, and at the head of the Republic Castelar, pledged to immediate and unconditional emancipation. THE SLAVEHOLDERS’ LEAGUE. * Nor can I tell you the surprise and wonder that came with this result, Bu® the slaveholders were swift in action and council. When Amadeus, un- der the inspiration of a radical Ministry, declared his purpose to accomplish emancipation, they formed ‘a league,” This league contained men of all dynasties—Carlists, Alfonsists and friends of Montpenster, They joined together, waiving their devotion to a prince in their devotion to slavery. The league raised great sums of money. Jeurnals were subsidized, secial imfuences were set te work, intrigues were fermented in the army, noblemen who belonged to the league would have no relations with those who favored the dynasty oremancipation, Whatever dynasty came slavery must besacred. So when the league confronted the Republic it was not abashed. It has warred upon the Republic—not directly, but indirectly. Whenever an influence eonld be feund dissatisfied, ambitious, powerful, the league shared in its hopes and grie{s, It endeavored to induce a coup a@état. Failing there it sought to make a breach between Zorrilla and his followers and plunge the country in anarchy. It made war apon the Re- publican Ministry because it contained radicals, and then upon tt because radicals had no seat in Council. Jt has bad auc nucrose alone—an- arochy. If anarchy would come the Kepubiio would bedamned, Working for one end, and with what is rarely seen in Spain—abundance of money— stimulated by the fear of losing valuable revenues in the West Indies, the members of the league have shown an amazing activity. And when every hope faded away of making war directly upon the Republic the efforts of the league were directed to the fomenting of trouble between the new Cabi- net and ¢he monarchists who had supported Amadeus. . THE MUOH-ASPIRING MARTOS, Nor was there much difficulty in encouraging this.fecling. At the head of the radical party was the famous Crisuino Martos, Martos 1s a full, round- faced man, with an ambitious, vain and not a sin- oere countenance. He is a professor in the Unt- versity, and a8 an orator ts excelled only by Cas- telar. While Castelar is inspiration and fire Martos is cold, clear, convincing statement, a marvelious pewer of expression, simple and forcible. He was ®@ Minister ynder Zorrilla, m charge of Foreign Affairs, and never dia anything but promise. When abdication came and Zorrilla would not take eM™ce under the new Republic, nor even sit on its bench as a Minister for an hour, and when holding his party in hand he would have made terms with it, Martos in a critical moment @rose, separated from his chief, took the party with him and*made the Republic. In return for this he was made President of the Cortes—a disappointment to him, as he expected to be President of the Republic. But he teok it all in good part, and was embraced and kissed by many deputies, and was the first to stand upon @ bench and cry, “Live the Republic!” “Live the Ouba of Spain!” So he became President of the Spanish Cortes, but all men knew he was not satis- fled. He had an office of dignity and he wanted the office of power. And waited his time. “MAKING THE ELECTIONS.” It was known also there would be a dissolution of these Cortes and the summoning of others to make a constitution, In Spain, as in France, who- ever is in power can doa great deal towards ‘make ing the elections.” In the first place, there is in every country (especially in those where affairs are as uncertain asin Spain) a large body of the people who do not care very much who isin power, so there be power and peace, and crops and a market for the oil and wine, This class is always sure to vote for the government, Then the local authorities—prefects in France, alcaldes here—have infuence, They hold their power from the central authority, and they serve their masters by working for the success of their party. Thus in France whoever has control of the Home Depart- ment, and in Spain of the “Gubernacion,” can have a vast and sometimes an absolute influence on the elections, This is what men call “making the elections.” THE RADICALS RESOLVE TO UNSBAT THE MINISTRY. As soon, therefore, as dissolution was breathed the Cortes saw that, with Pi y Margall in the Home Office and with power to “make the elections,” a large part of its radical majority would not return, The general drift of the country was with the republicans anyhow. It would be hard, if not, perhaps, impossible, for any Home Secretary—Sefior Sagasta himself—to defeat them, could he “make the elections.” But many of them might come back with the aid of the gov- ernment. Without its aid, and with a resolute re- publican statesman in the Home Ofice—such a man as Margall, with whom the Republic was a conviction, there would be little chance fer most of them. Where a constituency was strong enough to beat the government candidate it would be strong enough to electa Carlist eran Allonsist, and most assuredly would, ‘This thought became manifest to the radical majority. They saw that in surrendering all to the republicans, in pro- claiming the Republic and then under pressure abandoning the Ministry, that they had virtually abnegated power. They became restive. Zorrilla had retired from public life—from Spain. Martos was their leader. Martos had his own griefs and disappointed ambitions. The panic under which the radicals. had been driven out of the Cabinet had passed away. The dread of defeat was present. The radicals had the power; why should they not use it? Above all things, why commit suiclac? Why, among other things, should the Cortes give up power? There was the Assem- bly in France, Did it commit suicide merely be- cause bidden so to do by M,Gambetta? No. It Temained together and saved the country. Here were men like Gambetta, anxious for power. They meant to dissolve the Cortes as the first step to- wards pewer. Was that wise; and was it not time to pause and think coolly ever matters and see if the party which ruled the Cortes could not rule Spain? ARMING THE CITIZENS. Then came, as an interlocutory incident, what was known as the arming of the citizens. The people—I do not mean the lower classes, but what the French would call the dourgeoisie—made up their minds that for the safety of the city they would arm and erganize. The government held that no bodies of men should take up arms unless by its orders. As most of the men who were arming were conservatives whe could be counted en as “friends of order,” the radicals approved of their course, and a leading member of the party, the young and gifted Marqnis of Sardoval, brought the “igeident” into the Cortes. It is almost impossible to write seriously about the debate that ensued. The Marquis maintained that the residents of any and all of the streets ef Madrid had the right to arm themselves and protect themselves on the highway; and if any bodies of men were seen where their presence was not agreeeble to the in- habitants of the streets they conld compel them to leave or fire upon them. ‘This preposition could easily be supported by precedents drawn from the customs of Northern Africa and the Indian nations of Amertes. Castelar, who answered for the Minis- try, could only oppose to the arguments of the Marquis the absolute practices of all civilized na- tions which restricted the use of armed forces within limits sanctioned by law, and subject to constituted authorities the only guardians au- thorized by law. Mr. Suna de Capdevilla found these improvised companies of Home Guards very convenient, because he found himself in the same file with the Marquis de Sardoval. “That,” said a friend, “is @ legitimate cbmpromise. It reminds me of Marat and Philip Egalité uniting to behead Louls XVI. Now, I suppose, we shall have opposition guillotines in the Banios, Salamanca and Antonio Martin, both to be worked by steam power, until the reds believed the monarchists, and the monarch- ists the reds. Meanwhile all of Castelar’s phrases about fraternal good-feeling ané mutual trust in the community and respect for the law will be affronting to all decent and honorable men.” ANOTHER CRISIS, So with one thing and another a cloud came up menacing the poor Republic darker than ever, All the sunsaine suddenly passed away, and here ‘was the blackest, dreariest night. The government, as it had promised, introduced @ measure declaring the elections for the constitu. tional Cortes, and dissolving the present body. It ‘was announced late in the afternoon. That even- ing the radical leaders assembled under the com- mand of Martos, Here was their chance—the very chance for which they were waiting. They would not dissolve. The government would of course resign. A new Ministry would come in power, @ conservative republican Ministry, who would “make the elections.” This new Ministry would satisfy the country with pledges—say or promise anything to keep the peace and secere the next Cortes, The caucus was not long in session. The clear, cogent, satisfying eloquence of Martos had its way, and under his lead the Ministry would fall and the radicals return to pewer, All kinds of combinations were proposed. Advances were made to Castelar. He was a patriot. He was the first orater in Spain, His influence over the repub- lican party was unbounded. If he would romain with the Ministry what could he not have? He would save Spain, Castelar said he was a Minister of the Republic over which Figueras was President, andin honor he must stand or fail with his Cabinet, Rivero was besought to enter the new Ministry, He had heart enough, had his own grudge with the new party, but did not see anything but destraction to a Ministry who would dare to take a position so venturesome, for, whatever party controlled the Cortes, public opinion in Spain was altogether in favor of the Republic. Famous generals were ap- pronehed; but, aomehow, all men abrunk from the ‘new combination. Behind this Cortes and ite dominant radical majority was a public opinion, which had its patience sorely tried—which had been doule and self-restraining thus far, but which was disposed to have no more compromises, no mere delays; and men who knew Madrid began to look grave over the new symptoms that made them- selves manifest, A REPUBLICAN VIEW OF THE SITUATION. “For the first time since we had the Republic,” said one who has lived here mahy years, “I begin to have misgivings, The Spaniards are ® patient people, but when they do lose patience they become fiendish. There are all Kinds of ugly names and signs. , The army cannot be- depended upon. ‘The republicans in the provinces are in better drill than here and more resolule, This sudden resoive to overthrow the Ministry is calculated to destroy all confidence in M. Martos and his friends, They came into the Republic late. They came in only when the King had gene and there was no other place—ex- cept to go with Zorrilla’ down to Portugal. They promised to support the new Republic. To that extent they were upon their good behavior. Now they break out into demonstrations of dissatisfac- tion. Some of them will not be returned, So they want to remain. But what does Spain care for one man or a hundred? Until we have anew Cortes, @ new government, a steady, well-devised, satis- factory constitution, how can we have peace? how can we have recognition? England and France and Germany say, “Let us see if Spain really ap- proves ef the Republic before we recognize it.” The republicans want to take Europe at its word, and appeal. to Spain, And these ambitious politi- cians ‘say, “No, we want power because we have the majority, And the people who believe in a Republic, and who compelied them to leave the Cabinet before, now teel like men exasperated, and say in their anger that if this Republic is crucified to gratify a majority of the Cortes, which is little more than a remnant of the dynasty of Savoy, they will take affairs in their own hands.” MADRID GROWS ANGRY. We were walking slowly down the Alcala when these words were spoken, ‘There was unusual movement in the streets, Above all arose the cries and strange noises which one hears so late and so early in Madrid—the clamors of a clamorous city: We turned into one of the narrow, connecting streets that passed from the Alcala. It was rain- ing—a light spray of rain—enough te dampen the earth, no more. There were groups here and there in wordy convérsation. ‘This is the working class,’* said my friend. “Yon don’t find themaway from home unless there is a bull fight or a revolu- tion.” We went into a café—one of the largest in Madrid. it was crowded to excess. A republican Deputy, well known to me, and who had spoken many times in the gayest and cheeriest manner about the new Commonweaith, sunniest of all sunny men when the sun was shining, sat at his table, his coffee unsipped. Things were not happy, he said. The Republic did not go on smoothly. Affairs were worse and worse. All this came from trusting aristocrats. Tney had no heart with the people. Now they meant to overturn everything only because Martos was not Prime Minister, The Republic needed peace—peace and recegnitien. Europe must be compelled to accept it, And now we were being dragged into a crisis more danger- ous becAuse more unnecessary than any other, But this would be the last—no more trifling, We passed from the café toward the Cortes, The issue was tn debate. The thin rain had sharpened and increased and the night was cold and muddy. But around the Cortes was a dense body of men—men of the working class, Now and then there was acry of ‘Viva la Republica!” but, like Spanish crowds, mainly it was sullen, Whena member who was known as @ republican enterea or departed from the Cortes he was cheered. When ene of the other class appeared cheers were given for the Republic and Figueras and Castelar. The lights from the Gortes palace fell upon the crowd and gave it a flickering, uncertain character. The night was dark, amd it looked larger than it really was. The voices in the air made a constant hum, that came on the air like a harsh growl. As we walked up the Cortes stairs we looked out from a window. “What a monster a mob is!’ said my friend, and, with a pause, “Whata giant the peo- ple is—so gentle and patient, and yet so savage and strong!” THE ANXIETY OF PRESIDENT MARTOS. So into the palace of the Deputies, where the eye Sawa flushed and angry scene. The Cortes was unusually full. Martos was in the chair. The Min- isters were on their bench. The republicans were unusually excited. Why follow the debate? You have read it all by telegraph, and I confine myself to the celor of the scene. Martos was uneasy. When an excited member ran into a violence of rhetoric he rasped out a sharp, querulous speech and rung his bell every moment or two, for no other purpose, one thonght, than to tranquilize his mind, He was in sore perplexity. He alone had called the opposition inte being. His mind had de- veloped the new danger to the Republic. His am- bition had affitated Spain amd now threatened its peace. The party he had led to the Rubicon was enly too anxious to cross. But would he, could he lead it? Beyond the Rubicon was—what ? He had only to go to the-palace window and see the giant eutside, an angry, growling giant, that might arise in wrath as giants of that species had arisen before. Ofcourse he was in power in that chamber. The Ministers were in his power. But he knew, and so did the clear minds in that hall, that Figueras or Castelar or Margall had only te send a despatch to a dozen centres and to-morrow Spain would rise under his feet in insurrection, And where would insurrection end? He had made @ venture for supreme power in Spam—for his party’s supremacy—to “make the clections” and be perhaps the Thiers of Spain. But no one had joined him in his venture—none of the men outside of his party who could be heard in Spain. So the hours passed on with a debate as loud and sense- Jess as the clanging of bells, As the night grew Martos saw more and more Clearly where he was drifting. About nine o'clock, amid the most pro- found silence, he left the chair. MARTOS ABANDONS HIS PARTY AND IT FALLS. He left the chatr, said @ word or two to Figueras in a whisper, which seemed to caim the President's troubled face, moved over te a Deputy’s bench and sat down quite alone and looked up at the blazing lights, Another Deputy had the floor and amid ex- ultant cheers from the republican benches was de- picting the horrors and dangers of the impending revolution and the awful responsibility assumed by men who, for their ambitien, would imperi) tne Republic. Some of the radicals came to Martos, and there was a hurried and not a satisfactory con- sultation. At length he arese and begar his specch. Winding in and out of his subject—now advancing @ proposition only to recede from it, fortifying his attitude with every feature and phrase of rhetoric at his command, recognizing that for Spain all must yield all—he abandened his pledges, his party and their dearly laid scheme, and amid the cheers of the republicans, the groans of one portien of his followers and the silence of others he an- nounced that he withdrew from his opposition to the government, and would suppert the preposed measure of dissolution, There was, of course, a painful, exciting scene, Martes, as leader of the radical party, had advised this opposition, had led its members into it, had done so solely from his ambition, and now, without consulting his party, had suddenly abandoned his greund. Seme of his followers reproached him ; others left the chamber; others announced that they had resigned from the Cortes, The radical party, which came into power not ayear ago, to save Spain, establish a reformed monarchy and plant Amadeus on the throne—this party, which sought power amid the prayers and hopes of liberal Europe, fell in a night, fell in anger and strife and sore dismay, and again the Repubiic was triumphant. THE MIDNIGHT SPEECH OF CASTELAR. Amid these angry scenes the vove was taken, the government was supperted by an almost unant- mous vote—a hundred members, I should think, not voting at all, and the Congress adjourned in afever. The crewd was cheering outside, As fre- publican after republican passed out they were cheered by name. “Viva Don Fernando Geredo,” said the crowd as that famous and bold republican came te the door. ‘No, no,’’ he said, “don’t cheer for me; cheer for Spain and principle.” And the crowd cried “Viva! to Spain and principle, not oxmatting, however 00d, brave Non-Keruande, (Assembly aA. TO Will Dave heard by | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, MARCH 31, 1873—TRIPLE SHEET. . When Castelar came there was 8 rush and clamor- ous cheering. This was the darling of the peo- ple, and now they could fraternize, Castelar quietly freed himself and stood up on a ledge or balcony and spoke, his marvellous voice sounding in night like @ chiming silver bell. “Friends,” he said, “lam sorry to see you here, It is not well that the people should assemble around the place where the Cortes sits, It is against the law. Republicans, you must trust your representatives, you must observe the law and respect those who make ié. You must not seem to coerce er influence the Cortes, This gath- ering seems to be for that purpose and I deplore it. Ibeg you to depart, to go home, to go in peace, Trust those who have given you liberty, who mean to give you were liberty, Again! ve- seech you to disperse, to go home, and feel that all is well with Spain, and that the Republic is safe.” ‘The cries arose for Castelar and the natien, but the words of the young orator were heeded, and ina few minutes the crowd had scattered, and Madrid once more slept peacetully under the sombre, gloomy night and the dreary patter of the rain. Dangers Beset the Republic. Maprip, March 11, 1873, Last night there was a reception at the house of the British Minister which gave unmistakable evidence that ail the brilliant world of Madrid has not yetrun away, though, as you aiready know, the emigration has been very great. There I heard Political topics pretty freely discussed, and I send you the summary of what I remember of this gen- eral interview with everybody. Ex-Ministers, Senators and actual Deputies admitted that in the present government there are able men. All de- clared Figueras, Castelar and Piy Margall to be actuated by honest motives. This from many po- litical opponents seemed high praise; but, having paid this compliment, my informants generally in- sisted that the Republic, despite some talent in its management# cannot _ last. All were of the same opinion, but considerable dif- ference was exhibited respecting the probable duration of the present crisis. It is unnecessary to reiate in detail the sentiments, the hopes and fears expréssed by each person with whom I con- versed. A résumé of the information I gleaned from all will suffice. The new election, it is as- serted, will return a federal majority, but that must net be taken as the real expression of public feeling, for the veting will be manipulated. The visit of President Figueras to Barcelona, it is believed, will, for the moment, smooth matters in that hetbed of Communism where the International has worked hard and has made many proselytes. Three hundred of the society’s agents in that town have made 2,000 afities. The west of Catalonia, of which Bar- celona is the capital, will declare itself a separate State, and a battle between the government and the Communists must there be fought. Fortu- nately Barcelona is no longer a fortified town, otherwise it might defy the efforts of the govern- ment when the day of struggle shall arrive, In the last speech made by President Figueras he still expressed federal sentiments, although admitting local government and reserving for the chief executive power simply the administration of the army, the Post Office and the tele- graph lines. The Commune, as understood by Figueras, is nat the Commune as in- tended by Barcelona. The former means local direction of affairs, the latter socialism. Now the government, in order to gain popularity, has, it is feared, committed itself to federal principles. Sooner or later it must break with the “reds,” which at present it cannot do, for it has no army or money. Moreover Figueras and his Ministers know that whenever the rupture comes, an appeal to arms will be the result. OPINION OF A DEPUTY, “It is a mistake to believe,” exclaimed a Deputy, “that Spain is at heart republican. The Spaniards are an impressionable people, and the recent events in France—the revelution, the Commune—which they watched with intense anxiety, inflamed their minds. For the moment they have lost their heads, but in reality they do not desire a fed- eral republic, much less @ commune, but @ government which will insure order. Whatever may be our faults we are patriotic and desire the welfare of our country. The present promoters are able and energetic. If they would determine to establish a Republic such as M. Thiers is striving todo in France, we would sup- portthem. But they must break entirely with the federais, for we believe a federal republic would be the ruin of Spain. We believe that the govern- ment is fully aware of this, and is playing with the federals in order to gain time, for the great question is how to form an army. Our only hope is in the army, and that at present is thoroughly demoralized. Camps should be formed to move the troops irom evil influences, and generals ap- pointed in whom the troops have confidence, | Unless this is done the worst May be expected.” THE SPEEDY END OF THE REPUBLIC. “What do you think,’ I inquired, ‘‘will be the re- sult of the present crisis.? What form ef gevern- ment will be established 7” “The actual state of affairs cannot last. Shortly, very shortly, perhaps within fifteen days, every- thing will be changed. A military chief will take the reigns of power—will, in fact, proclaim himself dictator, With respect to what form of govern- ment will ultimately be established our line is al- ready‘drawn. It will be @ monarchy. Who will be King of Spain is another question, but you may rest assured he will not be Don Carlos. The Car. lists, in spite ef their strength in the north, have ne influence in Spain. Don Carlos is not popuiar, for his person does not inspire. Asa party the Carlists may be said not to exist, for it is held to- gether by one man alone, General Cabrera, an able soldier, but a vulgar, commonplace personage.’ “Then you are of opinion, without deubt, that the Aljonsists will be triumphant ?’ “Well, Don Alfonso has a good chance, and if he were twenty-five instead of fifteen years of age it would not be long befere he entered Madrid as King. As it is, he will probably ascend the throne, unless Isabella II. should ruin his prospects by her absurd conduct. She has broken connection with the Montpensier party, and continues to be inilu- enced by Marfori and his clique. Thus the mother is doing irreparable injury to the prospects of her son. AS GOES MADRID SO GOES SPAIN, Madrid is the key to the whole position, No matter what ceurse may be adopted by Malaga, Valencia, Barcelona and other large towns, Madrid will ultimately decide the future of Spain. This capital will influence the whole country as cem- pletely as did Paris influence France, and Madrid is by sentiment and interest anti-republican.” It was evident that in the opinion of all with whom I conversed, instead of approaehing smooth water, we are daily drawing nearer the rocks, Political clouds are fast gathering and a hurricane 1s about to sweep with intense fury over this un- fortunate country. It was pointed out to me that the attitude of Catalonia is the cause of great un- easiness to the French government. The Commune in Catalonia, adjoining the French frontier, would fan the slumbering fire of the Mido into fame and encourage the admirers of the ex-Dictator Gam- ‘ betta to unfurl the drapezu rouge. Indeed Barce- lona has been well chosen as a@ base of operations by the International A Commune once established at that point—and it may be so immediately, unless President Figueras succecds for the moment im pouring oil upon the troubled Waves—will be the signal for a civil. war. The rad- icals are willing, for the cause of order, to support the actual government, but they declare that tt is @ mistake to suppose they have not sufficient strength to dominate, and that rather than permit the federals to gain the mastery they will actively resist, AN INAUSPICIOUS FORELOOK, ‘The situation is plainly fraught with threatening dangers. Everything indicates that as yet we are but witnessing the first act of a Spanish drama, which for thritling sensations may cast into the shade the startling scenes of the late Parisian tragedy. To-day, however, advices from Barcelona are of a more cheering character, and it is expected that Figueras will be courteously re- ceived; therefore the government may have yet breathing time, With energy the present Ministers may succeed in earning the blessings of their coun- trymen, bat the political horizon is gloomy with storm clouds. Sefior Martos, the President of the tendered his resignation. The choice Of 6 new Presidemt lay between the Marquis de Peratles ang Seiior Rivero, Tne former refused the henor, and it is probable that one of the Vice Presidents wilt preside until the dissolution or suspension of the National Assembly, ‘ : BOOKS AND PUBLISHERS. Somebody ought to devote a year or two to e& certaining the peculiar qualities of the American novel. As the works of our writers come under our ‘notice from time to time we find them, with ome exceptions, individually bad, This is not much te be wondered at, for there is really no enoourage- ment for the American novelist, A Ifan unknown writer carried the manusoript of @ new novel to any of our publishers he would scarcely get a respectful hearing, however bril- liant his work, not because there are any cliques in literature, but because the American pub- lisher is naturally the enemy of American letéers.. One house is publishing six seriais, the authors of which are Lord Lytton, Wilkie Collins, Charles Reade, F, W. Robinson, Miss Thackeray and Miss: Braddon. Yet the same house did not publish “The Coming: Race,” though it is certain that if Lord Lytton had. been known to be the author it would not have lett the only genuine literary sensation of the last twe or three years to one'of the minor houses, Our publishers ought to be called the repube lishers, They are mostly only the wholesale agents for the works of English authors and publishers, Harper’s ‘Library of Select Novels,’’ though 10 comprises nearly four hundred volumes, has not & single American work of fiction, If the writer of a novel om Amegican soolety came to us to-morrow with @ novel better a thous sand times than Dr. Maye’s “Never Aghin,” we should not know where to send him, assuring hing that he and his work would meet with polite treat ment. Outside of fiction there is less difficulty, as is evi dent from a very handsome book now before us, Mr. Charles Hallock’s excellent volume, “Tae Fishing Tourist,” just published by Harper & Brothers, makes its appearance at the moat dtting season of the year—just as the Spring is coming im to remind us of the sports of wood and streamt, Theugh Mr. Hallock calls nis work a sort of refer- ence book for anglers and tourists, it has a deeper and prefounder interest for the lovers of nature. Unfortunately the scope and size of the work are not in harmony, and its readers are compelled te be content with a few hints of the haunts of the American game fish, these hints only serving te sharpen the appetite for more. A book which may have some interest is a little volume by Seth Wilbur Payne, called “Behind the Bars.” It will be remembered that Mr, Payne waa sent to the Albany Penitentiary for some words im the Utica Bee, of which he was editer, reflecting ew Judge Doolittle. This volume is the record of his prison experience, and, though unphilosophical im tone and thought, it gives some hints ef prison life and prison fare which are valuable. As was to be expected, this is about the time for works commemorative of the old anti-slavery leade ers. The latest volume of this kind is a memoir of Samuel J. May, published by Roberts Brothers. To a considerable extent it is autobiography, and.it is rich in the flavor of the anti-slavery times. James Miller has just published a new edition of Mrs. Kirkland’s “Holidays Abroad,” the two volumes bound together. Among the other new editions recently issued are Mrs, Julia 0, R, Dorr’s “Sibyl Huntington,” by J. B, Lippincott & Co., and “Wild Times,” a tale of persecution in the days of Queen Elizabeth, by Cecilia M. Caddell, published by the Catholic Pabe lication Society, All the way from the Pacific coast comes a trea ise on the “Law of Judgments,” by A. C. Freeman, published by A. L. Bancroft & Co. The work is worthy the attention of the legal profession, for if it should not in itself be accepted as an authority it Will at least be valuable as an index te authont- ties on the subject of which 1t treats. Another work which commends itself to the care= fal scrutiny of the Bar of this city and State ia the new draft of the Revised Statutes, of which the third Part has just been printed. The work of the Com- missioners will soon be completed, and itis im- portant that their lavors should be thoroughly uo- derstood by the Bar and Bench before,the Legisla- ture is asked to sanction the compilation. Few books of real importance are coming from the press, and very few promisimg freshness os originality are to be expected. Still anew poet ora new novelist ora new his- torian may burst upon us at any time, and he need have no fears about finding a publisher after tha the world has recognized his genius, ART MATTERS, To-Day and This Evening. At half-past three this afternoon and at eight this evening, the collections to which we allude@ yesterday, as being on exhibition at the Leavite Art GaUery, will be sold at auction at that gallery and not at the salesroom at Clinton Hall. The paintings, water-colors. pastels, chremos and en- gravings will be disposed of in the evening and the bronzes, statuary, clocks, ornaments. silverware, &c. in the afternoon. To-night Mme. de H. Hazard will give her penul~ tersection of timate soirée at her rooms, at the East Seventeenth street and Union place. A num- ber of vocalists, instrumentalists and ether pre- fessional artistes will assist, and Mme. Hazard! little gallery of statuary wil! be thrown open, Snedecor’s Pictures, Last Thursday we alluded at some length to tha best of the contents of the Somerville Art Gallery, occupied as it now 18 with selections from the rooms of Mr. John Snedecor. The water color drawings are remarkably fine and include recent and imported works from the French, English and American schools, The display will remain ope all the week, day and evening. It is, moreover, free. The sale oecurs on Menday and Tuesday evenings of next week. Mr. Louts Durr’s Gallery. Mr. Louis Durr has arranged the second story of the new German Savings Bank, at the intersection ef Fourteenth street and Fourth avenue, into six cabinets and hung them with 300 valuable paint- ings presently to be exhibited. Nine-tenths of these paintings were bought by him in this city during the last fifteen years, and are ie reg rman Hospitalin ity. thevdrat eabinet. are hung apedimen mens of the ole masters up to the time of Rubens; the second and fourth are aeveted te the Dutch and Flemisiy schools, the third to the French Italian, the fftn to the Italian and Spanish and the sixth to aintings. Very old, very unique and very Invereating exsuples are to be found here, The Kensett Salc—Finale. ‘The sale of the Kensett pictures, which closed on. Saturday night, deserves record as one of the most remarkable and interesting that ever took place in this country. Of course this was im a vas® measure due to the innate genius of the late Mra Kensett and to the prestige which his name had acquired, But there was also a deep reverence fom the man apart from the artist, and it is not beside: the mark to admit that the humorous magnetisng of Mr. Somerville and the shrewdness and knowledge of the world which his auctions eering experiences have ground into him, had much to do with the glibness and smoothness witty which the sales passed off. Besides Moere, Knoed4 ler, Avery, O’Brien, Butler and oe of thi city, there were Williams & Everett, of Boston Haseltine, ot Philadelphia; Meyer & Hayden, o Baltimore, and BE. Meyer, of Chicago, all of the own picture dealers, and all of wi largely. The totai result of the six even- ings’ sales amouted to $137,715 40. The sales fort the six evenings respectively ranged thus:— AN INSANE WOMAN MISSING. Mrs. Margaret Nenf, who is partially insane, haw been missing from her residence, No, 266 Franktin street, Greenpoint, since nine o'clock, Saturday morning. Mrs. Neufis forty-six years of of light complexion. She wore @ light ‘arene “black & 4