The New York Herald Newspaper, December 3, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1872.—TRIPLE -SHEET. NEW YORK HERALD]. Pesssace mewngette epor BROADWAY. AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston streets.—Leo axp Loros- UNION SQUARE TUEATRE, Broadway, between Thir- {ecuth and Fourteenth streets.—AGnes. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— Menay Wives or Wurnsor. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway ana Thirteenth street.—Oun Amenican Coustx. THEATRE COMIQUE. Livingstone AND STANLEY. ( BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth 514 Broadway.—Araida; on, avenue.—Roueo anv JULIET. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway. between Houston and Bleecker sts.—Kent.worta. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Lorrery oF Lire—Tas Larix Daisy. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner Thirticth st.— On Hanp, Aiternoon and Evening. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st and Eighth av.—Rounp tax CLoce, \ ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth strect.—Irauuan ‘Orges—Micnon. MANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street, noar Third aneDatt Kisenns Kezuze—Euzieouncs Resuvrars. MRA F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Bon or tax Nigut. ' STRINWAY HALL, Fourtecnth st.—Lecrore on Live ‘tn Cunraa Arnica ayp Horrors or rae SLAve Traps. BRYANT'S OPERA BOUSE, Twoaty-third et. corner 6th av.—Nxcre Minsrkeay, Eocenrmiotry, &c, WHITE'S ATWENAUM, No. 585 Broadway.—Srumnpip ‘Vaniaty or Novxitins. OANTERBURY VARIETY THEATRE, Broadway, be- Sween Bleecker and Houston.—Vanterr ENtkRtsINMENT. TONY Pat R'S OPERA HOUSB, No. 201 Bowery.— Graxp Vantkry Eercaeeatonanes 4c. Matinee ane fAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, corner 28th st and Broadway.—Ermiorian Minsrevisy, &c. ‘ BARNOM’S MUSEUM, MENAGERIE AND CIRCUS, Fourteenth street, near Broadway.—Day and Evening. . NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— ‘Fcwrncey ap ARt, ————— TRIPLE SHEET. —== New Yerk, Tuesday, Deo. 3, 1872. —————SSS SS THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY. ‘To-Day’s Contents of the Herald. *THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE! HIS REPORT FOR THE YEAR AND HIS REQOMMENDA- TIONS TO CONGRESS"—FIRST EDITORIAL ARTICbE—SixTH Pace. OUR NATIONAL PROGRESS! PRESIDENT GRANT'S ANNUAL MESSAGE TO OON- GRESS: THE LEGISLATION NEEDED: CUBAN SLAVERY: FOREIGN RELA- TIONS— INSURANCE BUSINESS— FousTu Pas. THE LAMENTED DEAD! MR. GRELLEY'S RE- MAINS LYING IN STATE: A FLOWER- CANOPIED BIER: MUNICIPAL AND SOCIETY ACTION—THrep PacE. YHE FRENCH TURMOIL OVER! THIERS AND HIS CABINET HARMONIZED! GENERAL DUCROT. CALLED TQ ACCOUNT ! FEARS OF A COUP—SavgnTH Pace, WASHINGTON. AND CONGRESS! AN “ERA OF GOOD FEELING:” MR, GREELEY EULO- GIZED: BLAINE AND THE OREDIT MOBI- LIER: SUMNER’S DESIRE TO ERASE ALL EVIDENCES OF CIVIL STRUGGLES: BANKS’ OHAIRMANSHIP—Targp Pag. SECRETARY BOUTWELL’S REPORT UPON THE FINANOES! THE NATIONAL DEBT: RE- OEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES: COMMERCE: A NON-SPECIE BASIS—Firto Pacs. PONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS—THREE MEN BURIED ALIVE—MARINE NEWS—Tentu Paag. AUSTRALASIA! TRADE WITH JAPAN—EURO- PEAN NEWS BY CABLE—SEVENTH PaGE, PERSONAL NEWS — AMUSEMENTS—A ‘NEW STEAMSHIP LINE—REPORTS OF THE WEATHER—SEVENTH Pace. ON 'CHANGE | EFFECTS OF THE MESSAGE AND DEPARTMENTAL REPORTS: MR. BOUT- WELL’S VIEWS REVIEWED: THE PACIFIC MAIL ROCKET FIZZLE—E1quTH Pacs. LEGAL PROCEEDINGS! THE VALIDITY OF JUDGE M’OUNN'S WILL: MOTION TO QUASH THE TAMMANY RING INDICTMENTS— Eicntn Pags. WHO KILLED LEE? TESTIMONY AND VERDICT IN THE CASE—NEW YORK REALTY: THE SALES AND PROSPECTIVE OPERATIONS— ART SALE—FirTu PaGE. Present Grant's Messacz is silent on the Pubject of St. Domingo. So this ghost, which po terribly disturbed the peace of the liberal ‘pnd democratic household, is laid at last. , Gewenat Bayas yesterday offered his resig- nation as chairman of the Committee on For- 'pign Affairs of the House of Representatives. ‘he House, by a handsome majority, refused fo accept it. The resignation was due to Gen- tral Banks; the refusal was creditable to the House. . Tae Lovrsvii1e Courier-Journal thinks the best way for the democrats to defeat Grant, if he should run fora third term, would be to nominate him themselves. The democratic plectors have an opportunity to set the ball in motion, in the absence of any candidate of Pheir own, by voting for him in the Electoral (Lolleges to-morrow, _ Tae Commssionzns to Revist THE Con- prirotion of the State meet in Albany this week. One of their recommendations should De an increase in the pay of Senators and iAssemblymen of ten dollars a day for the Benate and eight dollars a day for the As- 5g with power to the Governor to pro- @ the Legislature at his will after the expiration of the regular session. By these wBmendments we might secure o better class of Fepresentatives at Albany, and hold a whole- Bome check upon corrupt legislation at the lose of the session. Re peer Grant's Messacz 1s SILENT on subject of amnesty. Probably he believes that pordoning has gone far enough and that any ex-rebels now disfranchised may be re- stored to their civil rights for the asking. But the President expresses his regret that any ne- essity should have existed for the execution bf the Enforcement act and his-hope that the hnecessity ot applying it may never again arise. At the same time he signifies his determina- tion to pat down all attempts to interfere with the rights of citizens to vote, wherever they may be made. Let the South stop the Ku Klux and the President will stop the Enforce- mont act. A fair bargain for both sides. the Year and His Recommenda- tions to Congress. General Grant is evidently a sincere be- liever in o superintending Providence over the affairs of men and of nations; and that this abiding faith, with its ever-present senso of responsibility, has had and has much to do with the discharge of his public duties we cannot doubt. We dccord him, therefore, the full weight of his words when, in the opening of his fourth annual message to Congress (which closes up his regular accounts for his first Presidential term), he says that “it is with thankfulness to the Giver of all good that as a nation we have been blessed for the past year with peace at home, peace abroad, and a general prosperity vouchsafed to but fow peoples."’ Such official recognitions of the Supreme Power above us touch gratefully the hearts of a believing people. Gratefully, too, will they appreciate the President's flattering testimony to that spirit of energy and perse- vetance exhibited by the people of Boston and Chicago in rising above their overshadowing calamities; and gratefully will they accept the opinion that ‘‘as far as haman judgment can penetrate ths fatura no cause seems to oxist to threaten our present peace.” Proceeding, then, to business the President informs us that when Congress adjourned in June last a question had been raised by Great Britain—that ominous question of in- direct or consequential damages—‘“‘which, for a time, seriously imperilled the settlement by friendly arbitration of the grave differences’ between the two governments; but that tho arbitrators disposed of the difficulty ina man- ner perfectly satisfactory to our government, Next, the award of the Genova Tribunal of the gum in gross of fifteen million five hundred thousand dollars upon those Alabama claims isaccepted asa happy settlement of a long- standing difference; and this decision, in con- nection with the award of the Emperor of Germany on the San Juan boundary question, leaves England and the United States ‘with- out a shadow upon their friendly relations.'' But if this business were still open for argu- ment we might here resume the old disous- sion, As it is settled we can only say with honest Sancho, “Let us bid God bless the The thanks and congratulations returned to the respective States and to the arbitrators (especially to Mr. Adams) and to all con. cerned in the arbitration aro, of course, emi- nently justand proper. But the parties directly interested will be particularly pleased with the recommendation that a board be created at once to examine the claims of individuals in the premises, with a view to the distribu- tion among the sufferers from England's peculiar neutrality of the British geld awarded as our indemnity. We sincerely hope that these men will not share the fate of those unfortunates involved in the claims arising from old French spoliations upon our com- merce ‘‘prior to the year 1800." From his long and intimate official connec- tion with and services in the matter of our San Juan boundary claim at Washington, London and Berlin, Mr. Bancroft, with its perfectly satisfactory settlement, is fairly en- titled to the Prestdent’s thankful acknowledg- ments. Weare pleased, too, to hear of ‘the prompt, spontaneous action of Her Majesty's government in giving effect to the award,” in the removal of her troops from the joint occupation of San Juan Island. And it is something to say that this is the first time in our history that we have been without a boundary dispute with England. But stilla joint commission is necessary to determine the line of the Haro Channel and another to fix the boundary between Alaska and British Columbia, and these are recommended. The President seems to be of the opinion that a few hundred miles or so to the right or the | left in our Alaska boundary will be a matter of no consequence to either party, and in this opinion we concur. Upon the question of the Northeastern fisheries and the reciprocities agreed upon in the Treaty of Washington as between the United States and the New Dominion, in view of the action of the imperial and provincial governments on the other side, the President recommends to G@on- gress the needful legislation in the same direction in order to establish the treaty stipulations. All right. And so in regard to our northern boundary between the Lake of the Woods and the Rocky Mountains; and so with regard to our amicable relations with all the States of Europe. The peace picture of the message is here all that could be de- sired. Nor can we suppose that its recom- mendations touching the Vienna Exposition, the Statistical Congress, our approaching fiational centennial celebration and other in- cidental subjects will be neglected by the two Houses, in view of the great objects of uni- versal peaco and brotherhood among the nations. Miah giao Our border relations with Mexico have been anything but agreeable; they are still unset- tled; but General Grant is hopeful of better things from the present Mexican gov- ernment, and recommends an appro- priation which will enable ‘the Bor- der Commission on our part to resume its labors, This is all that we have in the message on Mexico, and perhaps it is enough. We dare say that between President Grant and President Lerdo de Tejada there is a harmoni- ous understanding ; and yet we think that a word of encouragement from the one for the other in his efforts to establish law and order and industry and enterprise in Mexico would not have been ont of place in this Message. Upon Cuba the Message touches the vulnera- ble heel of Achilles in touching the system of Spanish slavery which still prevails in that island. The opinions submitted on this sub- ject, however, will avail nothing, unless hard- ened into some action on the part of Congress which will compel Spain to remove this crying evil—one of the few remaining vestiges of slavery on this Continent and its islands. General Banks, Chairman on Foreign Affairs of the House, has always been a liberal in regard to Cuba, and now, with these broad hints from the administration, he may surely ven- ture upon a joint resolution which will ring the death knell of Cuban slavery and open the way for Cuban independence. And why not, when England is moving to expel the last vestiges of slavery and the slave trade, even from Africa ? ‘The Treasury receipts and oxpenditures for ee ed giver, nor look the gift horse in the mouth,’’ | the fiscal year ending the 30th of Juno last are given in the aggregates as follows: — Totat net receipts.... ‘Total disbursementa. Treasury balance, Jun For further details of these Treasury opera- tions we refer the reader to the Message. It gives us a fair exhibit of the condition of the Treasury ; but we aro sorry to hear that it is doubtful whether any further reductions in our national taxations will be practicablo for the present. Dismissing the exhibits of the other depart- ments, which we have already published, and numerous incidental recommendations, which sre generally well considered, we come to a catalogue of internal improvements suggested for the action of Congress and to a list of recommended steamship subsidies sufficient to make the bones of “Old Hickory’ rattle in their coffin, These jobs would be enough, perhaps, to occupy the exclusive attention of the two Houses for a seasion of twelve months’ duration ; and yet they furnish such grand opportunities for Congressional log-rolling that we may expect to find somo of these proj- ecta, with their canal and steamship subsidies, dovetailed into the appropriation bills. Here we think the Prosident is launching into a sea of expenditures, the shores of which can never be reached, although he puts in the saving clause that he is not prepared for these inland adventures until it is clearly shown that they aro of national interest and will pay. But on the steamship subsidies he says that “an expenditure of five millions of dollars per annum for the next five years, if it would re- store to us our proportion of the carrying trade of the world, would be profitably ex- pended.” Yes ; but would the end in view be gained by this subsidy system? Woe fear that this money would be wasted, and we hold that this is not the way to build up our carry- ing trade. On the question of amnesty the Executive is inclined to be generous, and hopes for tho restoration in the South of order and security to life and property ; but, meantime, he has no further recommendations of amnesty to make. He holds to his Indian policy, and recommends territorial rights to the Indian reservations; he gives a good report on tho Public Lands, the Census, the Agricultural . $74,108,867 2 °BT7,478,216 484,042,753 Bureau, the Signal Service, Pensions, Patents, and the Bureau on Educa- tion. To bring the intractable Mormons of Utah to terms a revision of their Territorial law is recommended ;~ liberal appropriations for Washington city ‘are sup- ported, and the Message closes with the adherence of the President to his policy of civil service reform. It is a valuable State paper, brimming over with all the vast and multifarious concerns of the country at home and abroad. Unpretending in style and prac- tical in its aims, it may be pronounced a good Message. But upon his steamship subsidies and inland canal schemes General Grant is entering upona field of costly experiments, compared with which our enormous Pacific railway grants and bonds are merg trifles and the seven millions paid for Alaska wero a bagatelle. But if the grants of money sug- gested as the beginning of these commercial subsidies are appalling, what will “they be in their full development? If we could boast the full redemption of our national debt there would still be something alarming in these stupen- dous propositions of trans-Alleghany canals made and steamship lines supported by the Treasury ; but as it is, in our judgment, we have but the alternative of abandoning these costly schemes or the ultimate repudiation of our national debt. The Late Crisis in France—The Presi- dent and the Ministers Reconciled. Our news this morning regarding the situa- tion in France encourages the belief that, for the present, the crisis is ended. On Sunday two Cabinet Councils wore held, and the sit- tings were protracted. After full deliberation upon the situation the President agreed to continue at the helm of affairs if the Ministers would withdraw their resignations. This, considering the difficulties which might arise in the event of the resignation of the Presi- dent, the Ministers consented to do ; and so, for the moment, at least, the calamity which seemed impending has been averted. The general prospect is somewhat clouded by the report that General Ducrot has been sum- moned to Versailles to reply to certain charges which have been made against him. The General is known to be an imperialist; and it is charged against him that he had his troops in readiness to act against the government in the event of a crisis, and that he had issued circulars to the gendarmerie in his district instructing them to make inquiry into the political opinions of the inhabitants, In the present state of affairs in France there is great temptation to a man like Ducrot to undertake the réle of Monk and to attempt a restoration. According to the Débats the important com- mand nbich Goneral Ducrot polds is not reng- Suring to those who fear® coup d'éat, If President Thiers is strong epough he ought to take his command from Ducrot at once, If he is not strong endugh or daring enough to do so it is because he believes that the army is with the Empire. It is dangerous to dismiss a man like Ducrot and it is dangerous to retain him in power. One great difficulty has been got over; but it is impossible that such a nondescript govern- ment as that of M. Thiers can long control a great nation like France. A’ government which exists by sufferance had better be moved out of the way at once. Wao Saati tae Exectons Vork For?— The Democratic National Committee held a meeting yesterday in this city, and announce through their Chairman, Mr. Augustus Schell, that they do not.regard it as within the scope of their delegated authority to advise the electors of the States which favored tho clec- tion of the Baltimore candidates as to the course they should pursue in view of the death of Horace Greeley. The situation isa novel one, and it is not deemed gdvisable to establish a precedent in a case for which future national conventions will probably pro- vide, Meanwhile, the suggestions of outside parties are numerous. One paper advises the electors to vote for O'Conor ond Adams, dropping Gratz Brown, while the use of the name of Charles Francis Adams, Senator Hendricks, Judge Davis or Lyman Trumbull is proposed by others, Tho majority approvo @ unanimous vote for President Grant or the casting of a blapk for the first office, The Meeting of Congress. Yesterday at noon the last session of the Forty-second Congress convened in the Capi- tol of the country. There is very little senti- ment now attaching to these gatherings, in whose results so much of the fate of the nation lies. It is, therefore, worthy of note that the first step taken by the House of Rep- resentatives was a joint resolution of regret for the death of the great journalist and states- man whose mortal remains are lying for the last few hours above earth in this city. In unani- mously honoring Horace Greeley Congress performs a worthy action, and one which, while showing that the bitternesses of a Presi- dential campaign do not lie very deep in the national character, will, we hope, tend to soften the asperities of such contests in fu- ture. Mr. Cox, in making restitution to the deceased, made some very feeling remarks, creditable to his culture and sensibilities. In the Senate a piece of sentiment, too, opened the proceedings, in the presentation by Mr. Wilson, Vice-President elect, of a bill for the relief of the sufferers by the Boston fire. Having sent this to committee, the work of the session commenced with Senator Sum- ner laying before that body his plan of civil service reform and the battle-flag resolution. Speaker Blaine, in the House, resigned the chair to Mr, Cox, in order to present a resolu- tion asking for a committee of inquiry into the Crédit Mobilier scandal with which he and other grave legislators were charged in the heat of the canvass. A sensitiveness to per- sonal reputation is no doubt at the bottom of this resolution, and for the satisfaction of Imowing whether our most trusted ond honored legislators are honest or otherwise it may be vaguely profitable; but the question may well be asked, now that the heat of the fight is over, and tho battle won into which this and other scandals were vainly introduced as engines of war, whether it is worth while spending the money of the people and the time of Congress in deciding Mr. Blaine’s pecuniary approachability or the contrary. In refusing to accept the resignation of Gen- eral Banks the House paid a marked compli- ment to that gentleman, which is and may be variously interpreted, but which preserves its complimentary character nevertheless. Not- withstanding the “era of good feeling,’’ indi- sationg are plentiful that party lines are about to be closely drawn by the majority, and this will, of course, lead to a solidification of the heterogenous opposition, With the great legislative machine thus pleasantly in working order, and a national campaign four years off, let it be hoped that our representatives will selite to the nation’s business without more ado. The Exhibit of the Secretary of the ‘Treasury. It appears from the report of tho Secretary of the Treasury that the resources of the gov- ernment remain overwhelmingly abundant, though Congress has abolished many taxes. The gross receipts have exceeded the estimates and have kept the Treasury gorged with sur- plus, unnecessary and unprofitable capital. The total net receipts for the year ending June 30, 1872, amounted to $374,106,867. Out of this $216,370,286 was from customs and $130,642,177 was from internal revenue. The net ordinary expenditures, including $117,- 357,839 for interest on the public debt, were $270,559,695. This leaves for current ex- penses, exclusive of the interest on the debt, $153,191,854. There has been raised, then, a hundred millions by taxation over the amount necessary to carry on the govern- ment, including the interest on the debt and the enormous expenditure of more than a hundred and fifty-three millions for the sev- eral departments, The balance went for tho redemption of the principal of the national debt. We are told that a fraction less than a hundred millions, or, in figures, $99,960,253, was applied to that purpose. But notwith- standing that, as we have said, the Treasury gemains gorged with surplus money. The sum of a hundred and fifty-three millions for current and ordinary expenditures, exclusive of interest on the public debt, is far too large for times of peace. It is double the amount expended before the war. But admitting this enormous expenditure, why should the people be taxed now a hundred millions a year in addition to paying the principal of the debt? A fourth of that amount would be ample. The credit of the government would stand as high by paying twenty-five millions a year as by paying a hundred millions, It is unjust and unreasonable to ask the present generation, which has borne the brunt and cost of the war, to pay more. Succeeding generations, when the country will be more populous and much richer, ought to bear a portion of the burden and would be better able to bear it. The Secretary of the Treasury seems to be intent on keeping up burdensome taxation for the purpose of liquidating the debt rapidly and for fhe tification of hay- ings plethoris treasttty. Ho does not conalder | that such vast revenue and surplus amount in his hands are the greatest temptation to extravagance, Taxes might be reduced seventy-five millions, at least, and then leave an ample fund for the redemption of the debt besides a liberal provision for the necessary expenditure of the government, There are other matters in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which we shall consider at another time, The principal feature is that relating to the revenue and expenditure and the policy indicated with regard to them, A Noble Proposition from Mr. Sumner. Senator Sumner struck a chord of generous and lofty patriotism yesterday that will vibrate throughout the whole country and give addi- tional lustre to his fame. Immediately after the Senate had convened, and while waiting for the President’s Message, Mr. Sumner in- troduced a bill to strike from the United States flags and the Army Register all records of bat- tles fought with fellow citizens. The Romans in the most glorious period of their history did not celebrate. victories in civil war where Ro- mans fought against Romans, and were de- sirous to efface the memory of such fratricidal conflicts. This is a noble sentiment, and was both characteristic and worthy of that great people. Why should American citizens wish to perpetuate the emblems and records of our national misfortuno? Why keep alive the hatred that was engendered by the civil war when the combatants are and must continue to be one people? To do so would be unchristian-like, ungenerous and highly im- politic It would gerve no good purpose whatevér, and would only gratify sectional | The President om Civil Service Ree and personal vanity at the sacrifice of nobler and better sentiments. Every celebration of victories in our civil war, by emblems on tho flags, by combinations or associations of the victors, by parades, gatherings or public din- ners or in any other way, is wrong. Mr. Sumnor's bill ought to be passed unanimously by Congress, and at once. In fact, everything possible should be done to obliterate the memory of the sad event and to restore har- mony and fraternal feeling among all the citizens of our common country. The President om Cuba—The Outlook for the Republic. President Grant, in his fourth snnual Message, as in his first, sets graphically be- fore the world the unhappy condition of the Island of Cuba. For more than four years the rebellion against Spanish rule has held its own, and during that period the rich soil of the island has been deluged with blood in the futile effort to suppress the insurrection. Acts scandalous to the civilization of the present century have been committed by the volun- teers and probably by the insurgents; tho wor has been made almost a war of exter- mination ; yet, in the words of President Grant, Spain has been unable to sub- due the revolution, while the revolution, on the other hand, has made no head- way towards ultimate success. After four years of slaughter thesituation is unchanged ; the people are still in arms against the authority of Spain; the Spanish government is still powerless to crush out the revolt; the ‘insurrection has gained no advantages and exhibits no more of tho elements of power” than were exhibited a year ago. During the whole of President Grant’s first term of office, while the United States have been prosperous and happy, blest with peace and growing stronger and richer with every succeeding year, the island “at our door’ has been torn by this terrible conflict, whose termination seems at this mo- ment as far off as on the day when General Grant first took the oath of office as Chief Magistrate of the Republic. The President attributes the long contin- uance of the strife to the existence of slavery on the island. ‘A terrible wrong is the natural cause of terrible.ovil,”” and he hopes that the present liberal government of Spain will do something to hasten emancipation. President Grant could not say less than this ; probably he could not consistently say more. But the matter is now in the hands of Con- gress. We know how much relidnce we can place on the promises of the Spanish govern- men to free the Cuban slaves. For four years we have labored with Spain to wring from her this concession to the sentiment of all civilized people.” For two or three years we have reasoned, protested, almost threatened at Madrid ; but our efforts have ended in words, and in words alone the response has been made, We have already urged upon our government, upon Congress, and especially upon the republican party the duty of adopting some decisive measures by which we can at least free qurselves from the scandal of aiding Cuban slavery if we cannot accomplish its immediate, destruction. The President very properly denounces. those American: capitalists who hold property in Cuban slaves; but we must not forget that our government, by affording a rich and ready market for the slave products of the island, keeps alive the institution and renders Cuba a valuable possession to Spain. Shut out the sugars of the slave drivers from the American markets by a prohibitory tariff—because they are the product of slavery—and freedom will soon be proclaimed in Cuba. There is probably a speedier way to ensure freedom to the Cuban slave. The constitution of the Republic of Cuba proclaims the abo- lition of slavery for ever. Let the revolution succeed and the island is as free as our own government. The failure of the Spanish authorities to repress the rebellion in four years, and the fact that they are as far from victory to-day as they were when President Grant was inaugurated in 1869, warrant the tecognition of Cuban belligerency by all nations, however friendly may be their rela- tions with Spain, The revolutionists may not have made headway in the meantime, but the fact that-they have held their own, that they still successfully resist the authority of the Spaniard, is of itself a victory to their cause, The recognition of their belligerent rights would, it is claimed, render the Re- public a success, The contest is, as President Grant says, ‘at our door.’ Why should Congress hesitate to do justice to a struggling, suffering people? By what right could Spain complain of such an act as one un- friendly to herself? The continuance of the Cuban war can Work nothing but mischief and misery to Spain. The establishment of the Republic of the West Indian Islands Honig he ¢ en Ciyilization and a credit to world. England is prepared to cast off her colonies; she finds it to her profit to do so, Spain will do well to follow her example, and to give freedom to the Cuban slaves and to the Island of Cuba at the same time, ee a = <- t he Apourmon OF THE At, COLLEGE. In view of the annoying complications that might have occurred had Horace Greeley been elected by the people and died before the Presidential electors had cast their votes, the Cincinnati Enquirer asserts that “this whole Electoral College machinery should be abol- ished and the people vote directly through the several States for President and Vice President, Then, if the popular.choice should happen to die before his inauguration, the office would fall where it constitutionally de- volves—upon the Vice President, whois elected with a view to such a result.’’ We are certain to make this change sooner or later, and Con- gress at its present session should take the initiative steps necessary to alter the pro- visions of the constitution regulating tho mode of electing the President and Vice Presi- dent, Jupoz Fancuen Promises To Br an Acquisi- tion © New York. He yesterday denied the motion for a stay of proceedings in the case of Henry Rogers, the Kings county murderer, who is sentenced to be executed in Brooklyn on Friday next. If the gallows once escapes being cheated of its just dues we may hope that there may be a revival of justice, and that our long string of murderers, rich and poor, may be worked off at last, In that event peaceable citizens may again walk the streets without cody righ of gagegsination, r form—Foreshadowing ef Opposition. The President avows his determination to adhere to the policy of civil service reform. Hitherto, he says, federal offices have been regarded too much as the reward of political services, and no one will question the truth of the assertion. The doctrine that to the vie- tors belong the spoils has assuredly been potent in Presidential elections, and has proved one of the most trying penalties of victory. What living man ever heard of a valuable and influential federal office being bestowed upon any person but an active poli- tician, or of any other test than political in- fluence being applied to candidates for subor- dinate positions? This pernicious practice the President is bent upon discouraging, and he looks to civil service rules regulating the tenure of office and the mode of appoint- ments to aid him in the work, or at least to secure @ continuance of the principle after his retirement from office. “While I am in office,”’ says President Grant, “I will by my appointments secure the greatest possible civil service reform; but it will require the direct action of Congress to render the en- forcement of the system binding upon my successors."” Wo wish the President every success in hia endeavors to reform the public offices, and we have no doubt of his honest determination to study character and capacity in his appoint- ments. But opposition is already foreshad- owed to his proposed civil service rules. An administration organ announces that Western Congressmen are in’ arms against the reform and boldly declare that they carried the elec- tion on the issue of opposition to the system. If we had not avowed ourselves in favor of bestowing office in reward for political ser- vices, and fathered the civil reform humbug on the liberals, say these representatives, wo should not have been successful at the polls. We may therefore anticipate a contest between the Executive and Congress on thia question; for it will, no doubt, be pushed for- ward by the opposition if neglected by the re- publicans, and brought to the test of a vote. Tho case of the Philadelphia Postmaster has alarmed the politicians, and, unless it can be privately explained away as a harmonious ar- rangement all round, it is likely to induce them to take very bold and open ground against a principle that may turn all their office-seeking supporters adrift. After all, of what real value aro civil service rules, and are they not over-estimated by the President and other reformers? The best protection aguinst the appointment of incom- petent and impropér men to office is to be found in the honesty and firmness of the appointing power. If a President, with reso- lution and spirit to back him, desires to apply to applicants the Jeffersonian test—‘Is he honest? is he capable? is he faithful to the constitution?” instead of the political test— “How many votes can he control?’’ he will do so without civil service rules or any other restrictions to bind him. His own conscience is his guide in the matter. President Grant intends to follow a civil service rule of his own, and the people are willing to trust him to do so. As to the necessity of Congressional action to compel his successor to be equally honest, we would suggest to the President— first, that Civil service rules, however strin- gent, can readily be evaded and made a farce ; and next, that when an opposition Executive is elected he will probably carry with him an opposition Congress, and in that event civil service rules would be sweptaway much easieg than they can be enacted. The President and the Postmaster Gens eral on the Postal Telegraph. President Grant, in his’ Message, recom- mends the appointment of a committee or commission to take into consideration the best method of acquiring the title to all telegraph lines now in operation for the purpose of con- necting the postal and telegraph services on & basis just to the people and equitable to those who have invested time and capital in the es- tablishment of such lines. The argument of the Postmaster General in favor of the gov- ernment system is a forcible one and puts the case before the people ina plain, practical manner which they will readily understand. He shows many of the evils of a private mo- nopoly in 4 strong light, and expresses the belief that the press would be especially bene- fited by the change. The experience of Euro- pein governments is cited to prove the advan- tages to the people of the postal telegraph both in lowness of rates and increase of facili- ties, and the views heretofore advanced by the Henatp as to the success of the system in this country are thoroughly endorsed. The Postmaster General's report gets forth ic dheats Ry ot gece seeped a his proposition that the investment will be a remunerative one for the government. His estimates are based on the right of the gov- ernment to purchase existing lines at cost, without rogard to the good will of their business whether profitable or unprofita- ble. While it is abstractly held by lawyers in Congress that cost -pricg & all that the companies would Be entitled to even OX € doriputsory purchase, the genoral fecling has been that such a course would be inequitable were the property to be arbitrarily condemned for public use. It appears, how- ever, that by voluntarily accepting the act of 1866 the companies have obviated this diffl- ctlty, and there can be no injustice now im the government taking their lines for such an amount as it would have to expend in the erection of similar ones were it to go into the businoss independently, as, of conrse, it has a perfect right to do, The basig of purchase, ta be equitable, must be capable of application to! all the companies, It would certainly be un-i just to pay for the lines of one company in{ accordance with the profits which monopoly and high rates have enabled it to realize and® to compel’ another, barely meeting expenses, to yield up its property at less than cost. After all, it must be remembered that the charters of the companies are granted solely im view of the public benefit which it is supposed they will confer. The inventor of the tele- graph was given a franchise in the shape of & patent, from which he realized large profite, as has the telegraph company from its charter; but at the end of a certain time he was 4 to yield up the franchise entirely, compensation, True, the inventor: bad & legal monopoly; but that is no reason why tho franchise of the one should be freely surrem- dered and the government be obliged to pay for the gurrender of tha other @ pempetual tem ee