The New York Herald Newspaper, November 22, 1872, Page 4

THE EUROPEAN DRAMA, A Bird’s-eye View of Continental Poli- tics---What the Kings and Com- moners Are Doing---An Extra- ordinary Gathering at Geneva. The Friends of Divine Right Jubi- lant---The Spirit of God Moving the Nations and the Chris- tian Kings to Return to Their Thrones, NAPOLEONISM AND THE NAPOLEONISTS, A Defence of the Emperor---How France Can Only Be Great Under His Dynasty. THE LAST BEFUGE OF THE COMMUNE A Commune Colony in Swit- zerland. F {nterview with General Cluseret-~Hlis Escape from Paris in the Guise of a Priest---The Commune to Succeed in Two Years. Be ee Bismarck and His New German Empire. Germany To Be Made the Spiritual Head of a Great Protestant Church—Why Bismarck Expelled the Jesuits. ENGLAND AND FRANCE. Will There Be An Alliance Be- tween Them to Check the Ag- sressions of German Power? WAAT GEAMAN ANTI-PRUSSIANS THINK, Did Prussia Provoke the War with France t—Is Bismarck Scheming To Be President of a New German Republic % eee ae ae Extcaordinary Excitement in Germany. The German Financiers Running Wild and a Panic at Hand. A GLIMPSE OF THE KAISER WILLIAM. st 2 Seg ad ot! What a Great King Pays for His Breakfast. Genxva, Nov, 4, 1872. should be calied, I think, “the City of The other day, for instance, there was this coincidence:—In one corner of the largest hotel in the place was Duke Charles of Brunswick. In another corner was Prince Jerome Napolcon, cousin of the second and nephew of the first Em- peror. In the coffee room Gcneral Cluseret, the “Secretary of War” in Paris during the Commune, ‘was smoking and chatting with some American friends. Avout this time an open carriage drove along the Quai Mont Bianc, containing a young lady and a middle-aged genticman. The lady was the wife of Don Carlos, an aspirant to the throne of Spain. The gentieman was-the Count de Cham- ‘vord, or, a8 his followers say, ‘Henry V., King of France,” and heir to the Heuse of Bourbon. That morning train brought to the same hotel the heir to the Bourbon throne of Naples; but the noon train carriel him away, and we had only a tran- sient glimpse of his sacred countenance. ‘What ambitions, hopes, disappointments, dreams of dcad royalty, dreams of royalty thet has no life, were embraced tn this curious assimilation! All phases of rale, from the “divine” right Henry to the anything but “divine” right Cluseret—this little Swiss Repub- lic protects them all. Henry V. has been here for some time as the guest of the wife of Don Carlos, who is closely connected with him. Don Carlos bimself has not recently been here; at least your correspondents have not found any trace of him. Now and then @ Spanish Bourbon slips into the town and horries away on an errand of mystery. When Don Carlos was here there was a little court around the thick-lipped, sheep-faced, olive-eyed young man, composed matnly of priests. Iam told there is a gratifying amount of praying in the Bpenish Pretender’s chateau, and that the resident clergymen up at the Cathedral have their hands full An the way of masses for the success of Don Carlos {n his efforts to reach the Spanish throne, As for Charles, Duke of Brunswick, poor fellow, he seems fo belong to no per He ca Nhe early summer with waxen complexion and eyes of the fish—a sepulchral, ghastly face— and crept to his room, aum spends his time chess, His suite consists of some out-of-the-way people, mainly of the fascinating persuasion, and a mumber oflackeys and “secretaries.” Duke Charics fa quite an old man, looking older than he really Is—aixty-eight they say—but with the look of a man of ninety. , Descendant of the great Duke of Brunswick, Who served with sach distinction under Frederick—son of “Brunswick's fated chieftain,” who was killed at Waterloo—he ascended bis little throne, with an area about as large as Island and a population somewhat less than rooklyn, when he came to manhood, and was dis- in 1830, the German Diet passing a resolu- ion that he was “unfit to govern.” If all tories are true he led @ most unlively life and , in his old age, spends his time between and Paris. Prince Napoleon comes here oc- to visit his chateau. I saw him the other , ond he seemed to be rather stouter than when America, He has still the sathe startling resem- to the great Emperor, and cultivates it care- by keeping a smeoth face and curling @ lock ver his forehead. The hetr to the Bourbon throne ef Naples hurried through in company with 8 Yavorite Jesuit confessor. He looked haggard and forgotten—anything but a king—and I am told keeps ‘Rimself in a high state ef prayer for the recovery Of his dominions. We may have the ex-Emperor of the French at any time, as some of his agents fave been here, and there is a ramor that he means to return to his old home in the Chateau of Arenaberg. The movements of these peopie— their coming and going, with their trains and fol- towing, their admirers and their emissaries—makes Geneve at all times an important and very oftena busy city, Them we have & constant swarm of mouchards, ot pelice epies, from the great capi- am, watehing the doings of the rer and anything-but-illustrious exiles, and acquainting their masters of the outiook. At present we have a prelude of the Jesuit cxodus—the fret drops of the coming shower—irom Germany. [am afraid, however, the exiles from the cloister, like tnose from the barricade, are not as weicome us the ex- iles from the throne, Geneva still breathes the spirit of Calvin; her laws forbid the Jesuits on her Soil; and it would not surprise me to see & move- ment against the Jesuits, like which is now seen In Germany; fer although there is a law banishing the Jesuits, tt has not been enforced for a long time. It looks now as if its enforcement would bo rigid. THE TROUBLES OF BISHOP MEIMILLOD. Twas informed for instance that there had been 4n emissary here iro Germany to discover # chateau near Geneva, large enough to hold # cou- clave of forty or filty. The purpose was to use it for shelter and consultation by the rejected Jesuits; and as if to add to the embarrassments of Geneva she has her own trouble with Monseigneur Mer- millod, the Bishop of Hebron, in partibus infedelium, and acting Bishop of Geneva, Monseigneur Mer- millod is a bright, keen, busy prelate, with unusual eloquence, and at the head of the Catholic Church in Switzerland. Catholicism in Geneva is not a alominant influence, and there are chapters in the town's history showing as much severity in the treatment of members of religious houses on the part of the authorities ag was ever shown towards Protestants in Catholic countries, I have not been able to discover the real difioulty with Monseigneur Mermillod; for in all of these troubles there is a real diMlculty behind the apparent one, ‘The apparent diMiculty is a question of jurisdiction. The Council of State exact from Monseigneur that he shall hold his oMice under their political license. Monseigneur, like his German brother in Ermeland, thinks that any such recognition would be a viola- tion of his duties to the Pope; and so he is for- bidden to exercise episcopal functions, and all who serve under him are likewise forbidden to give him any episcopal recognition or comfort. This is the apparent reason; but behind it we see the influence of Germauy—the resolution of the Protestant Canton of Geneva not to welcome the Jesuits to its protection, and a furtherance of Bis- marck’s policy to make Germany a great Protestant Power. Mouseigueur Mermillod has been very active in his sympathy for the Jesuits and in his devotion to France and the French interests, His dispossession is a new move in the great game now being played in Central Europe. WHAT POLITICAL BLEMENTS AGITATR THE CONTI- NEN: Whoever looks carefully over this political horl- zon will see omens that have not been seen since the French Revolution, From this city of shelter and neutrality, during the leisure permitted by other and more exciting duties, Ihave been read- ing these signs as best I could, to see what they be- tokened. To make my report clear you must re- member the parties that are here represented :— 1, right, who follow Henry V. ; and the Naples Prince: . The Jesuit, the Ultramontanists and the f lowers of Don Carlos, who believe in Papal premacy, infallibility and the inquisition, paren: adventurers in royalty, like the Bona- rtes, 4, fhe German party, who mean that Germany Shall hold a religious induence as the head of the Reformed Church as great as that of the Czar as the head of the Greek Churea, or the old Bourbon Kings as the eldest son of the Papacy, 6. Gambetta, the International and the Com- mune, A HERALD CORRESPONDENT AMONG THE INTRIGUERS. to follow each division here indicated, as repre- sented in its leaders and advocates, to interview the active representatives of each cause in some cases, in others those who had an intelligent cog- nizance o1 their work. THE CHAMPIONS OF DIVINE RIGHT IN A HEAVENLY STATE OF MIND. I was fortnnate cnough to meet some of those who were nearest to Henry V., Don Carlos and their cause—for their cause is the same, One of the most intelligent was a clergyman, my inter- monologue :— UENRY V. AND DON CARLOS. “My friond, God is now breathing His spirit over these European lands. It was necessary to have and his son in Madrid, and even the Commune in | Paris, before the nations could sce their real want. | Divine right must come with the Divine spirit, | and see what noble examples of the Divine right | we have in that saintly heir of st. Louis | and the worthy young man now un exile from his throne in a bad God koows his way. | See how he is showing his presence, Frauce scourged by the heretic throws hersetf at the feet | of the Blessed Mother. Have you heard of the miracles down in the Pyrenees and in Savoy; how the Blessed Mother made herself present in the body? There is now a pilgrimage of one hundred thousand of the best men aud women in France to the sacred place. God will do gome more marvel- lous miracle. He is preparing us for his presence ; for the return of Kings like Henry ¥. and Don Carlos to their thrones, And it will be so in Italy. The curse now rests on that heathen King. punishment must come sooner or later. There will be no murder in this new work. God will so melt and move the hearts of the people that they will take their true Kings to their bosoms with spon- taneous accord. Every day we are growing nearer and nearer to that point. The Commune crimes ‘made diviue right a necessity in Paris. It was well the Tuillerics should burn; it was well that lightning suouid strike the Escorial, tor these were palaces builded by holy men—Kings who feared God and followed Him. God thus shows His ower and His anger. We see His mercy and His love in the manifestations at Lourd He sends His thunderbolts and the fire to destroy the polluted palaces and terrify His enemies. He sends the Blessed Mother to the earth to win souls back to their pans Ss God and their King. Ican- not say What has been or is being done te restore their true Kings os thrones, But nothing is left undone. A e Were never more encouraged than we are now, rayers of the just have becn heard, and there willbe a revolution of peace and love that will return Europe Lo her loyal ings and the nations thereof to their duty towards the Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy Roman Catholic Charch. WHAT THE NAPOLEONISTS ARE DOING. This rhapsody, for it is little more, will give you an idea of the men whe are laboring tor Don Carlos and Henry V., and other wandering princes of the Divine Right school. Passing from that to the other extreme of royalty—the Napoleon school—it would be a mistake to suppose that the The Bourbons and the believers in Divine | It has been my duty during the past few weeks | view with whom I will give briefly in the form of a | the Bonapartes, and that heathen King in Rome, | andin Savoy. | NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY. NOVEMBER 22, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET. | close to him were dead; he was. not a milit man; bad korvants gained pow and #0 ca troubles, But he was prince to have atoned for that trouvle and to bave nied further dis- aster iad be beeu permitted. Tucn ou must LOL expect infallibility in any fre except the Pope. See what the Emperor did France in his twenty ears of rule, See how rich and great he made the pire. Look at Paris, for instance—what a Paris made! And so in every part of the country. leon was the creator and savior of France, and in his twenty qa of reigning he added to the nation’s wealth fourfold, You can see what. leon did when you look at the loan, These claqueurs of M. Thiers’ aie throwing up their hats for him on account of that loan, Why, the old man could net have borrowed a thousand francs but (or Napoleon, It was to the France of Napoleon—the Empire that this man had consolidated by his patience and enits and the wealth he added to the country, that Hurope loaped mor That loan is the highest tribute to Napoleon's genius, and afl fair men must 80 consider it. PBR? TRILEMEIBR es, rianon SUE, | ConannEoy ray ‘Sy eavn, ai krauce 60 turn peror ? 1 against the we Monsisur B.—Yrance did not turn against the Em- peror, The Empire was never stronger in the ; Minds of the people. Just now the peieaie. are | busy over Henry V, and the boys are playing with & Kepublic and tue old legitimists want to see the white flag, because it is in sympathy with their white hair; but the heart of France is with Napo- leon, A few journalists may tell you to the con- trary, but the journalists are never heard outside of the boulevards, Go into the rural communes and in every cabin io will find a portrait of the Emperor—! mean the first Biaperit, and the two are united, The Frenca are dckle and like change, but their heart always turns to the Emperor, They tried everything before—Bourbonism, under Louis and Charles X.; Orleanism, under Louls Phillippe; a Republic, under Lamartine and that: party—and they came tothe Empire, and nothing but unprece- dented disaster in war, united with treason and anarchy at me, overthrew it. Europe wants the Emperor, Lam sure that even now he could make tering with the Prussians that would surprise the world, And, taught by his experience—for experi- ence helps kings as it helps common people, he would go on in @ new career of greatness, Napoleon Never wauted war. He was always in favor of settling the European questions by peaceful means. Did he not, some years ago, propose a Congress of all the great Powe:s, to discuss the European ques- tions upon a harmonious settlement and then dis- arm? You people talk about arbitration ut Geneva. You forget that the Emperor proposed arbitration himself nearly ten years ago. But the great Powers were proud and jealous and would do flier See how much war would have been spared, and Europe, instead of being an armed camp, would be the home of industrious and peacetul nations. I tell you it was a grand idea, But no one thinks of it now. You see the Emperor is down, and when a Man is down the world often forgets the good he has done. No, the Empire was & protest against war. The only wars it made were for ideas. It fought Russia to aid England and Turkey. [t fought Austria to free Italy. WHAT NAPOLEON MEANT TO DO WITH MEXICO. CORRESPONDENI—Hlow about Mexico? MONSIEUR B.—Mexico was a blunder ; but @ nobie, generous blunder, Napoleon saw your country rended asunder and that tine Mexican territory golng te anarchy andruin. So ho said, “I will save fexico, I will give it European institutions and a | European prince, and make it, like Brazil, un_or- nament anda glory to the civilized nations.” But the United States have their Set like other Powers. They won their war. They did not mean to let Mexico go to..ny Power but their own, and 80 they drove out the French—a proceeding as un- justifiable as the annexation of Alsace and Lor- raine, and only permitted by France iu the interest of peace. The United States were the cause of Napoleon’s troubles in Mexico; but Napoleon } meant well, M. THIERS AND IIS BLOODY RULE. CORRESPONDENT—Do you anticipate another coup @'élat in favor of Napoleon + MonsiezUk% B.—It will not be necessary, France willsummon the Emperor in good time. ‘I presume people have stopped talking about the coup d'état since old Thiers shot 10,000 Communists in Paris, and has continued te sheot a batch or two every mow and then gince, ‘Talk ot Napoleon's coup d@état? This republican Thiers Nas killed more Frouchmen in cold blood than all the monarchical governments of F1 1e combined since the time of the St, Bartholomew trouble, He has brought back the Reign of Terror and surpassed it, People begin to see it more and more, and you will lave him with his old um- brella, and his face covered with a false beard and his. head. with a biack wig, hurryiug over to England to take lodgings in Leicester square. ESPONDENT—So 1 infer that the Emperor's friends are neither silent, terrificd nor dead. MONSIEUR B.—No, my triead; France wedded the Empire. The Empire means her glory, her power and her wealth. France cannot be untrue to the dynasty that gave her these, and which alone Lond sessea the power toredcem and strengthen her. Napoleon will return, and beautiful France will again be resplendent with the glory of the son of | Austerlitz, Having exhausted the Napoleoulsts and the al- vine right people, your coreespondent then turned his attention to the Communists. THE LAST REFUGE OF THR COMMUNE. In a retired section of Geneva—tar back irom the ake, and approached through long, uarcow | streets, with the bulky, quaint, overhanging | houses of the sixteenth century, quiet, sleep; obtrusive, up hill and down hill, with queer terranean passages that must have been useful in the days when the Savoyards were swarming outside the walls and sending war missiles within— you will find the last refuge of the world-famous and bloody Commune. ‘here is u small corner { café, with a cluster of pine bushes in front, inclos- ing a narrow space in the pavement. Over the doorway is a glaring sign, on which you read in red letters, tall and very red, “CATE Dé LA COMMUNE.” You pass in at the low door and a middle-aged, undersized person greets you with that Continental gesture of welcome which mects a stronger every- where. ‘the smallish man has in his arms @ well- grown girl baby—say about five months—who | sprawis over him and fingers his cars for the small ear-rings. Around bis neck is an intense crimson cravat. The face is iu!-bearded, with a Gascon ex- ssion about the cycs and pleasant communica- ive voice, He looks at you curiously, tor we may be mouchards—spics from the enemy of the human race, Monsieur Thiers. But in a moinent this sus- Pi dissolves, and we learn that we are wel- come, as citizens of free America, and he who bids ‘us welcome ig the famous Gaillard pere, the -‘Com- mune chief of the barricades.”” You see he is called “Gaillard pére,” because there is a “Gaillard fis” likewise, who had his own eminence in the Commune, This is “Gaillard Js,” who looks at us inquiringly out of a psir of as blue eyes as ever gazed upon these Jura Moun- tains. A slender, sad, sorrowing face, with poetry in it, and lnes of fervor, and heavy, rushing Masses of brown hair—forcing their way from under a slouched hat—in years not more than five and twenty. He paints and writes verses, his father informs us, Some of his pictures are on the walls, and you cal purchase photographs of them, with accompanying rhymes, for w franc or two, Here, for instance, is a composition of merit, en- titied “The Victims of Versailies,” You see the | plain of Satory, the embankment, covered with the snow and frost. There ave three firing parties, the guns at an aim and the smoke from the dis- | Raph rising inthe air. There are three posts, from which three persons are falling mn varying attitudes of distress, The onc nearest is Ferré, the middi2 | one Bourgeois, the farthest the ill-fated and mach pitied Kossel. [should think there were forty lines of pena ipa mah pm you can fancy wiiat the friends of the deposed Emperor are idle. The vis- its of Prince Napoleon to Geneva, though clouded under a pretence of dissipation or gallantry, or a desire for a gee od of scenc, have a political Meaning. It is noted that whenever the Prince arrives he is surrounded with an active company of persons, with whom, while here, he remains in consultation. Isought out one who js known to be an active friend of the Emperor, and questioned him upon the hopes and condition of his party. He said my notes show those points which may be of interest. I give it in the form of a dialogue :— NAPOLEON STILL LIVES. CORRESPONDENT—Theu you poleonism in Fi ~oegind trom fe a Iie wer L Re MONSIEY r from it, Were, what is stronger in a ed Took at the newspapers in Paris. There are more bonapartist newspapers than of any two of the other parties. People would not read about the Empire if they did not believe init. Look also at the imperial infuences under Papa Thiers and his government. mission of Pardons is as Bonapartist as any institu- tion in France. See bow it fort. It was more than the Empire would do. CORRESPONDENT—But that was for bis Com- muneism? “ MonsixUR B.—Rochefort was not in the Com- mnne. He wrote some wild articles in the news- paper He was condemned for those wickea, ignoble Lanterne iibels. Look at the generals who surround Thiers, They are all for the Empire. ‘They feel that if the Empire met with a disaster at Sedan the Empire could have remedied it. you sup} the Emperor could not have made peace with Bismarck at Sedan, and saved hree milliards and Lorraine and a good pact of Alsace? Why, Bismarck wanted peace, and Napo- leon could have made it. Butno. Jujes Favre and Gambetta and crore ery jose canailie must needs bays, 4 repu le, wit! joons and speeches and emis and skyrockets. And see what came of it. ve milliards gone, two provinces gone, the Com- mune, and poor France raced! Oh! it makes one shed tears; and all this 60 that old Paps Thiers may toddle sua down ar beach at ayile see 8 ere baby. He watches those ins ike a boy at a sete, He is in his second childhood. And he has not a man about him who has any force. Old usa goes to sleep in the middie of a dinner. Cissey Madam when she is. hed his second childhood, and betta on the other, who is in his first—a mad, vain, angry boy, who, five years , used to drink beer in the Latin Quarter with dirty cuff™—France is in a de: plorable condition. A DRVENCE OF THE RMPIRE. CORRESPONDENT—Does not the Hmperor deserve much of the blame for Sedan and the causes lead- ing to it? a loNSTEUR B.—The Em} ris No more to blame n C pero: thirty-eight millions of other 'renchmen. JORRESPONDENT—Yes; but how can you explain the circumstance that he walked into a war with- out guns or amm' ? was he to know? it was MonstEuR_B.. He was deceived, as any & case of bad service, ruler may be deceived: Moray and Niel and others spoke with the utmost reserve. From what was | do not think Na- | That Com- | unished the fool Roche- | lines must be from the tableau, | THE “CAFE DE La COMMUNE,” | Pere Galtlard—Colonel Gaillard, “Gaillard of | the Barricades,” or whatever you choose to call | him, for he wears all these titles—is now a pliin tavern keoper. ‘This room, into which we have en- | tered and in which we see a dozen persons drink- ing beer and thin red wine—very thin, | fancy, and } Dot very red—is the last refuge of tho Commune. As | we enter there is a silence and a kind oj whispered “Ht pleut’—"lt rains—a signal to cease talking olitics and to go into inditferent topics until it ts Enown we are not police spies. This fact Soon er) dd, the chgtte commeD ceg—"' France, ' et titiy rae a¢ hé old chorua, Most ; the party wear blouses. ‘They are very young, an | it would seem very poor. Plain, frank, intelli- gent, very French faces, types oj revolutionists, | and capable of singing the Camagnole to the bloodiest accompaniment. They spoke of M, Thiers with bitterness and ‘had little ré- spect for Gambetta, their lives and pur- poses being farapart. 1 discovered that there are in all about five handred Communisis in Geneva and all very, very poor. Gaillard had | some property in Southern France, which he sold, and bought this tavern. Some of the Communists say that he stole the money when he was ‘“‘Gall- jard of the Barricades,” But as he might stolen five millions as easily as five thousand in those times, and gone to America and become a Governor in @ jt-bag State, the accusation did not seem altos er credible. The Communists have been ae ted by Switzerland, but not wel- comed by people, lien have # hard time, ‘They work at all kinds of odds and ends, One or two practice medicine, some write, but the princi- pal number have their own trouble to live. Then hey have factions. When they are not denounc- ing M. Thiers and Gallifet, they denounce each other. Between. “Gaillard of the Barricades” and the famous General Cluseret, for example, there is @ pronounced antipathy, into the merits of which Idid not dare to venture. This was certain, Ciu- seret did not drink his beer at the Café de la Vom- mune, THK FAMOUS GENERAL CLUSERET. I took some trouble to find Cluseret, as a repre- resentative character of the Oummune rule in Paris. His house was in the suburbs of Geneva, and he came into town but rarely, When, at last, Isaw the famous Gencra! he was emoking a long cigar, and wearing a broad, italy wel hh He looked stout and weil—unusuaily well, with a biack mustache, a keen, eager eye—the bearing of a bourgeois, He was ‘glad to see an American, and asked many questions about America, He had not much confidence in Grant, and seemed to have high regard for Mr. Greeley. Mr. Sumner was his idea] statesman, aud he was honing. the Senator would come to Geneva and see him. We had a lon; conversation about French affairs, which I wil compress into this dialogue as the substance of what was said :— CORRKSFON DENT- condemned to death for coutumacy. GENnkRal—Yes (laughing), I saw it in the Journat de Geneve, wut have not read the trial, Ihave Htte curtosity on the subject. Connsgsronpant—How iong have Tapes GanBaai—About ax months. | Beigiam ia General, you have been | such a crisis is by no mea! I was only two. The ericaD iter, Me. Jor i het leave, that the Council of on tae haat give me and so I hurried here. I guess he lidn’t want to have any bother with me, and was glad to get mo out of Belgium. CORRESPONDENT—' did you loave Paris? HOW CLUSERET BSOAPED FLOM fARIS—A PRIEST ‘WHO 18 A GOOD SAMARITAN, GENERAL—I left Paris in November, hiding ‘or six months. CoRRESPONDANT—We all heard you were dead. Would roe object to giving me a narrative of your esca| GENERAT—Not at all, with proper reservations, The attack upon Paris was made by M. Thiers on Sunday evening. 1 was then in command at Mont- martre, 1 remained there until Tuesday morning, ‘the advance of the Versailles showed that they could not be driven back and that the Com- mune Causg Wa ‘Oat. fas jast out of Mazas Yethon. ve Thad been locked up by Delescluze ahd som I wasio ‘of the others who did not believe in “mill- turyism,” and distrusted mo because I wore the orca Of honor azd was a soldier. So Lhad merely anominat Commapd. 2 fon = france eg Aw American friend it He lontmariy * that gave him my views of é wituation, “I sam It Unless the Prussians interfered there would be suv.. @ massacre a8 was never before known in history and deeds would be done which would astonish and pain the world, Lasked him if [ could in any way cocape He said he saw no way—that, of course, the American Legation would do BOM, whioh i knew well, as Mr. Washburne was not friendly, 1 then remembered that when Iwas in the War OMice a priest had come to me to see the Archbishop, WbO was confined in Mazas, for the purpose of confess- ing him and giving him the sacraments of his Church, I gave the priest permission to do this, and I remembered his gratitude, I went to his dwelling. He wasin. “Do you know me?” | said. “T do,’ was the reply. “Well, | suppose you will denounce ine to the Versailles people?” “No,” he replied; “you are im my house, you are my gucat and I will protect you.” So for six months I re- mained in one room, At last affairs became ver; guiet and my protector dreased me up like a pries I shaved my face smooth and together we went to Belgium, where Mr, Jones gave me a warning that T must leave. CORRESPONDENT—Were you molested? GENERAL—Not at all. Thad a breviary in my hands and read prayers all the way. COMMUNE FRUDS, CORRESPONDENT—Do you see many of the Com- munists in Switzerland? GaneRAL—No. Iam not very popular with some ofthem. Gailliard and his people do not like me. ‘They think I have @ great deal of money, but I have uone, I have to write for subsistence. ‘I write for Be, Roaiiah Magazines and am busy with my me- COMMUNISM TO RETURN IN TWO YEARS. CornksPonDENT—What do you think of Commun- ism as # political question? Is it dead? GuNeRAI—Never more alive. We have evidences of its life everywhere, It did not have a fair show in Paris; that was not the Commune in its best shape. Some leaders were Communists, others not. Look at Delescluze. He was not a Commun- ist; he was an old Jacobin, as much a Jacobin as Robespierre, Who was as urgent for centralized government as Thiers, In two years we shall have the Commune again and J shail’ return to France qamioue the danger of being shot at the buttes of jatory. WHAT 13 COMMUNISM ® CornresronpENT—How do the Communists differ from the Jacobins ? GENcRAL—In one essential point. The Jacobing believed that Paris shouid rule the provinces; that the metropolis should be the heart and the head of France; that the governing power in Paris should be the governing power of the nation, That was Robespierre’s doctrine; but no advanced thinkers hold those views in this age. Victor Hugo sometimes writes that way. Delescluze was a Jacobin, and about the only one Lknew pane ng ithe Commune, He meant that the Commune should conquer Paris, and that Paris should conquer France. Now, Communism means that the State should be divided into communes or communities, large or sinall, as the case may be, according as they a@re in city or country, and that every com- Moke should govern itself, just as New York and Philadelphia govern themselves, juland and the Girondists believed this, after a fashion. You fee how radical ideas have advanced, What was Tadical wader Robespierre no one believes now. What was conservative under bim in the Gironde is radical with us. CORRESPONDNT—About these notions of division of property and land and 80 on. TENERAL—Well, some think one way and some another. Communism has really nothing to do with these questions, any more thau republicanism has lo do with tue philosophy of Mi, Greeley abont free trade, Louis Blanc, for instance, 1s not a Com- munist, but he 18 a socialist, Blanqui is. socialist. Idon't tiink Rochefort cares anything about the question. Communism ag @ political principle is lmited to the distinctions I have drawn, and all you hear to the contrary to its discredit is like What you used to hear about the republicans in America being in favor of negroes marrying white women. THR KILLING OF MONSEIGNEUR DARBOY. CORRESPONDEN(—Had you anything to do with the arrest of the Archbishop? GENERAL—Not at ail, Raoul Rigawt arrested the Archbishop. {| remember tie occasion well, A woman, who, by the way, was herself a connection of Monseigneur Da: boy, came to Rigault one even- ing demanding ‘justice’ against Versailles, as her husband had either been shot or taken prisoner. Rigault asked what conid he do. “Well,” said the woman, “there is Monseigneur Darboy, my cousin, a friend of the Empire ana M,. Thiers; arrest him and hold him as @ hostage.” And from that came the idea of arresting the clergy. Rigault gave the order thatevening. Allthat 1 did to Darboy, as Mr. Washburne can testify, was to make his prison lite as pleasant asI could. We would have re! up Darboy and any tive other prisoners if iers had given us Blanqui, I told Washburne go and in- duced the Commune to agree. Washburne went to Versailles and reported that Thiers would not hear ofit, So you see that Thiers could have saved Dar- boy. My idea is he wanted him shot, for the odium it would throw on the Commune. CoRRESPONDENT—Was there any notion of shoot- ing him when arrested ? ENRRAL—1 never heard it mentioned. The Communists did not want @ Reign o! Terror. Delescluze favored such a reign, but no one agreed with him, and we burned the guillotine. hen Thiers began to shoot our iriends on the sidewalks there was no saving the priests or any one else connected with Versailles. Thiers began to shoot our people on Monday morning. The Communists shot Darboy on Wednesday morning. CORRBSPONDENT—Who gave the order for the exe- cution ? ‘WHO BURNED THE PALACES ? GENERAL—1 don't know. You sec | was in hiding from Tuesday morning and knew nothing of what was donc at the Hotel de Ville and La juette. But | have no doubt the order was given by tne au- thorities at the Hotel de Ville. And so ut the burning of the palaces. I was not in the Commune when that was determined; I was in Mazas Prison. But L have no doubt Velesciuze and the last leaders resolved upon it as a final act of terrible deg) . When men are being ground to powder between two armies and expect to be shot in an hour the; will, if they bave power, do desperate things. An the Commune certainly had power. It was a grave error not totreat with them. M. Thiers took the lite of the Archbishop. THE GOOD AND BAD OF THR COMMUNE. Corrgsroy 1 presume the Commune had all kinds of men in thetr authority. GENERAL—All kinds of men, just as you find them in every large body of men. There was Flourens— & sweet and noble character, and most accom- lished, He was a Greek scholar, and was killed in one Of the sorties, There Was Courbet, than whom no better painter exists in France, Ferié was an enthusiast, but a good man. Rossel had very little mind, and was an tntriguer., I placed him inthe War Oftice, and he used his place to overturn me. He had Napoleon’s ideas, and actually contemplated a renewal of the eighteenth Brumaire. ‘There was nothing whatever of Kos- sel. Rochefort was simply a writer. People gan to think he hud no personal courage, and so his induence came to an end. CORRESPONDENT—Gambetin, 2.80, had no part in thé Commune * . GENERAL—Cambetta is a time-server and a poll- tictan, He ran away during the Commune, and was neither for it nor agatust it, He was like Louis Blanc and the rest of the party. ‘They could just Well have made Fhe Vomiuye a Huccess As not bath Base é fruits of their apathy and inde- cision, There can be no republic without the Com- mune, and the republic will be the Commune. DID BISMARCK AID THE COMMUNK? CORRESPONDENT—What conuection had Bismarck with the Commune? Gungrat—When I was Secretary of War bis- marck was very friendly. His agent came to see me, and said that the Germans would do nothing against us, and, if we succeeded, would as svon recognize us as old Thiers. In fact, Bismarck was the only foreign Power who showed the Commune any attention, I couid saya dd many things about that, but I think I had better not. er ee Oe you think of returning to erica, GungraL—Yes, I think of doimg so aiter my me- moira are ended, I have sgreas many friends in America, and should be glad to see them. THE COMMUNISTS HOPEVUL AND ENTHUSIASTIC. ‘This terminated an interview the substance of which is here given, I saw others of the Commune leaders and followers, but in my con- versation with them I find nothing from hed 8 growing that Sarna we said differing materially im what ba ad Cluseret, He represented his class. They Will have something to say about the fature of Europe—a future that is rapidly com- ing. Asitis, here they live poor, e: tant, en- thusiastic, quarrelsome, fanatical, own as they walk lake and jook over its bine su which has exiled them from its shores. meantime the Republic still lives in that loved and ungrateful land. But it is not the republic they would see, and there is enough evidence to show that it is ® republic rather tolerated than accepted by the people. It is a repunlic of M. Thiers; a per- sonal government, living over @ mine that may at moment explode and scatter it to the winds. UM, Thiers should die, or if ‘hiera should grow angry with the Assembly and resign, who shall say what form of government would succeed him? in the present complexion of the National Assembly iunprobable. The New German Empire, MAYEnon, Sept. 28, (672. Having exhausted Geneva, 60 far ea useful iufor- abation Was Concerned, your corresvonden: pushed ;¥p into Germany, taking Bale and Oarisrahe on the » to gee what opinions were expressed upon the relations of Germany to France. Without a knowl- edige of these opinions stid a soratiny of the new German Empire the inquity assigned to me would be incomplete. Carlsruhe was cold and damp, and Srraying herself for the Autumn rush of students, I did not go to Baden, as I had no desire to see the English tourtets and the gamblers, and was sure I Would find no useful information, Frankfort was bright and busy, with every evidence of growth nd activity much improved, aa I was told, by the Prussian rule. And the country around Frankfort down to this lovely Rhine city was rich and fruit- ful, the generous earth big and bursting with the wine harvest. The Empire certainly looked peace- ful, there being no signs of war but the ever- present Pickelhaybew or spiked helmet which rep- resents the armed but now silent power of Prustia. A PRUSSIAN’S VIEW OF PRUSSIA, I was fortunate enough to meet a Prussian ol- Acer, whose views struck me as full of interest. He was 9 dest, thoughtful, accomplished man, who had fought all (preugh me war, and wore his order of merit on his breast. tac 0% 4 deep interest In America, and believed fuity in the policy whicn 98 made Bismarck powerful and renowned, ~~. WHY BISMAROK EXPELLED THR JESUITS. “What,” Tasked, “is the meaning of your war” upon the Jesuits? Prussia is not afraid of a society of priests?” “No,” was the response. ‘Prussia feara nothing she can see, and few things she cannot see. She can’t see Jeguitiam, andthe removal of the Jesuits does not remove Jesuitism. Their smooth and winning priests will all be here next summer. If they don’t come in their sacred cloth they will come in tourists’ jackets or ride as couriers in second class cara. Of course you cannot drive them out. But we had to do two things—to break their organized, disciplined power and to make an appeal to the moral and religious sentiment of the Protestant world. For you must always remember, my American friend, that we have an empire to build, to cement and harden, as it were. We cannot do this in a day any more than you can build @ mountain in a day. Ewpires grow like mountains. In one you see political formations, iu the other geological formations, Each comes by the slow processes of ages, This is a new forma- tion to the German Fmpire. We knocked France on the head. ‘hat was one step. We put up Alsace and Lorraine as a barrier aud a kind of pro- gress towards Luxembourg, and France is as far from us as she is from England. You see we did that just as Engiand did with Belgium, England took Beigium and made it into a kingdom to leasen the power of France. And when old Louis Philippe wanted to make vhe Duke of Nemours, his son, King of Belgium, remember what a row Palmerston Made and talked about war and so on. They would not even have a French prince on the throne. 80 they took old Leopold, one of their own family, and who had married George IV.'s daughter, and made him King, and allured him to marry Louis Philippe’s daughter as a solace to the shrewd old devil. What England did to Bolgium we have done to Alsace and Lorraine, only ae we have more princes and grand dukes now than we want as rulers ofour empire. We didn’t take the trouble to hunt up a king in Saxe-Cobarg or Hesse Darmstadt, but just sent a good cavalry commander down there with instructions to keep things straight.” PRUSSIA TO BE THE HEAD OF PROTESTANTISM, “Did the Jesuits,” I asked, “interfere with Alsace and Lorraine or any features of that policy?” “fT don’t know that they did,” replied my Prus- stan friend, “But as 1 was saying, after pptring up this Alsatian barrier between Frauce and the Rhine the next step was a moral one. We dismiss the Jesuits. Well, it is not because we are afraid of the Jesuits, but we make an appeal to the Protestant world. The German Empire wants a sentiment behind it—I mean a sentiment that will commend it to other nations. Just now we have the ‘Fatheriand’ and “United. Germany’ and other high, animating principles and rallying cries. To usthey are all, To the world they are nothing. Now we say to the world, ‘Behold, we are the champions of Protestantism. ‘(think of that, and as an earnest of that we dismiss the Jesuits,’ and T’ve no doubt thatin every Protestant church in England and America prayers are offered for ‘the good Kaiser William, detender of Protestantism,’ ” PRUSSIA’S PROTESTANT TRADITIONS, “Ts that the avowed policy in expelling the Jesuits?” “Avowed policies are merely phrases, I am speaking now of what the Parisian mind thinkson the subject. I don’t suppose Prince Bismarck cares more for one faith than for another, and his idea of &n appeal to the Protestant sentiment of the world isnot anew one. It came from Frederick William, the blue-faced father of the great Fritz, who wasa stern Protestant and iiked to sit up at night and talk divinity with the doctors, and flog his generals ifthey did not agree with him about Protestant- ism. From him the ‘house of the Hohenzolierns took their strong Protestant bias.” “Is the Kaiser a zealot in religious matters!" “The’ Kaiser has pronounced religious convic- tions more than Fritz, who will come after him. The Imperial Princess is pious, with a good deal of Scotch theology in her. But that makes no differ- ence. Frederick the Great, or ‘Alter Fritz,’ as we call him, was an atheist and the friend of Vol- taire, and believed in nothing, and carried poison in his pocket, like a heathen; but ell England re- garded him as ‘the Protestant King’ and com- pene Bt ministers to give him moncy. He in- erited the legend from his ‘ather—he waa too great @ statesman not to see its value—and 80, while he exchanged iree-thinking lettera with Voi- taire and disc materialism with Algarotti, he ‘kept the chaplains ce psalms. Prince Bis- marck is simply giving life to an old tradition.” “What do the friends of the Prince think will be‘ the result of this new policy ¢” ‘THE TROUBLES OF THR NEW BMPIRE, “The same old result. Germany is fighting her way to.an empire, surrounded with cruel diflicul- ties. You do not comprehend them. We beegoing through an agony as great as the ny of war, We kuow very well that the public opinion of Europe is inst us. In Kurope pubiic epinion has been controlled by three nations, First came the Greeks, then the Italians, now the French. We have taken Alsace and Lorraine. France has her revenge in every povsnepen in Europe. Look how they vex poor Harry Van Arnim in Paris. You cannot oes &@ more exquisite terture. In England, and, rh there are thousanas who believe every Prusi soldier carried @ bag in his knapsack and brought it iome filled with clocks. But behind this public opinion Of society and newspapers, which jibes at Prussia and coldiy insults us in every way, there ts a gtaver public opinion which, in time, must com- mand the other. To that we have made an appeal which will staud us well should there be, ag is now ae an alliance between France and Eng- bn 4 “An alliance between France and England ?” WILL THERE BE A NEW ALLIANCE? ‘Oertainily. That is the reply England will make to the meeting of the Empe ors. Russia and Prus- sia and Austria came to an agreement on the Nastern question—an agreement that can never be friendly to ingldnd’s plans, and especially her de- signs upon Egypt Se England makes overtures to France, for France, crippled as she 1s, has even now the second army in Europe aud amazing resources, and England always finds other men to be killed jor her own in battles, English valor, as we Germans understand it, means subsidies. Tiis alliance wae Palmerston’s way for settling the Eastern question, and we expect to sec England in suct an alliance sooner or later. But it cannot last, any more than the old alliances between a land and Austria could last in George toe Second's time, when he was Elector of Hanever. The people will never consent to any alliance with a @athuilc Power against a Protestant Power, Andin that I see the great victory of Prince Bismarck over French-tinted public opinion." ALSACE AND LORRAINE, “You were speaking about the difficulties in- curred by William tn founding his Empire. How Is it im the new provinccs—the Retchsgeblet of Al- ‘Lorraine? That of the Reichsgebict ts one of the most vexatious, but not among our greatest troubles, We mean to do well with Alsace aud Lorraine; but we have not hadachance, Prussian discipline is strict, but Kindly, and we would fost accept the new provincials as brothers and treat them with the fattest kind of fatted calves. But how can we? Every Prussian is ivsuited. The women hide be- hind their sex to torment us, as they did with your Butler when he commanded in New Orleans. We have not been as severe as your Butler, perhaps, if all that is sald of him ts true; but we mean to be." CONCILIATION WITH FRANCE TMPOSSIBLE, “Would not a policy of conciliation be of value ?”’ “Conciliation! How can you conclliate Who wili not even talk German? Go into a shop 10 Metz or Strasbourg and ask & question in German, aud the attendants will stare at you as though you were talking Chinese. And they all talk German. Alsace and ine were German until Louls XIV. stole them from the old Reich. We took them; apa urh cto wma ey are Ours jemn them. Prasat a will exhanst the or her Bapire to defend and hold (nese proviaess, just to eaten. hold Sch! O14 Frits to hold Schiesien, and the young Frits it seven years for Alsace and Lorraine. Tae wil pid Frits had Rugsia, Austria and more ‘SQ “ Cilation “Value enough, reh—and cares ior no war. Ho 1s @ kindly old man aud don’t faucy it. Then we have lost h. Great God} oily think brothers. and ouaaemane ny flauds aad ts rs col flcids of France!” Is that Rok a prieo Set jermany wi repeat the We did uot seek it. The tre ORY he gave the order fer the mobilization of , We shrank trom ak Shep we shrink now. Yet, if we cared to conelliate France, we could hot. Sn has made concession and conciliation impossibie, We might withdraw the armies, perhaps, and re- duce the indemuity, if we saw any disposition im $0 Mbyitl6add in a condition of t ngs as evitable as the overthrow of Napoleon aiter J defeat of Waterloo, But compromise with France now would be to do a mad thing. It would be called weakness. When this war was over there waa no’ feciing of anger Ger- many. The triumph was too grand to ad- mit of nger, yO German felt there was some! in sudden overthrow of 80 many splondid traditions, of such a noble and imput2s a, Sanaa aaah, we fae not but feolBad over 2 valor, .euok heroism, the ors sity ike Pari, ‘The war left Germany im tan would have gone a8 warmly " Sotnug in Germany, malas it fi veape i " nds ex} another-war, will destro; Rs the ise Napoleon dewtro; Veni next war cry ‘be “The Dest: HOW HAS. DEPAMED GEBMANY, : “Ig it not just possible that you are disposed revenge upon Fran your Tesepttsat at the oe lic opinion of Europe 7’ “Not at all, France has made this public epinion. And yet, what European nation oxce; nmark and Sweden sympa‘ dd with Branco ta het last wart Rassia and nd to do 90, bus why didn’t they when there was war? her chance to break the Black Sea ul oe chance to ocoupy Rome. And if they pew France now, it i8 not because France is because ay up. Public opinion is always with the heaviest guns. We quer public opinion as we have conquered political Supremacy." “Doyou see any disposition towards a republici Germany ?” NO REPUBLIC POSSIBLE. “A republic? Not in your life or mine, or the lives of any living men. A republic must come with strength, and before strength there must be force, We are now in our transition from force te strength. But it will take a long, long ti ra ree weme the gee hog andl heed Fri is son, are bot! men, pepular who would be ked in all countries." pone “Will Prussia consent to the extraordinary ar- Maments now going on in France f” WHAT PRUSSIA WILL DO WHEN PAID. “What difference does it make how much France arms and drills, 80 —— as a German army hoids the Vosges mountains? This army costs us neth- ing. France pays her own conqueror’s board bills. So long ag France offers no overt act of war have nothing to do, nothing to say. We wi money. When that money is all it tame for us to ask France what she means bj armaments. If we do not get a sati answer—and such an answer can only be a tion of the army—then we can iusist upon our Fharenceos and hold France by the throat, justes japoicon held Prussia. Kest assured we shall never yield an advantage we have over Fi even if we have to occupy Rheims, We cann fight this warover again, and we don’t mean togur- render @ Single point. The Prussian army—indem- nity or no indemnity—will never leave France antl we have our own assurances of peace—until we see that war upon the part of France is. impossible. If we have to ight, ayain it had better be at Kheima or Nancy than in Germany. And ti France compels us to wiip her again we shall treat her as the Re- mans did Carthage. If we cannot have peace with France we shall destroy France." “Does not that policy mean war with Europe ?”’ “We don’t know and don’écare, Prussia cam fight Europe and come out of the war with an em- ire Snlarged by one-third, Our treatment of rance will make. the other nations cautious how they meddle with Prussia, We have no better friend than our army. It has made Prussia great, and it will consolidate our greatness.” " ‘THE ANTI-PRUSSIAN SIDE OF THR GERMAN QUESTION. ‘This is the Prussian side of the story. But you would have an imperfect knowledge of the German question if you supposed there was no anti-i side to it. At the same time it is diflicult to any German voice without a Prussian accent, the presence of Prussian force the protesting volee of Germany is silent. I have spoken with maay Germans up in Hesse and Baden, with Bavarians also, im my efforts tosolve this interesting problem. From these notes J select an interview with a Ba- varian, that seems to have many features. of the anti-Prussian argument, My friend was a man of flection apparently, certainly a man of inteill- 2 This is what passed between us, or much as you will care vo print of a long atternoon’s talki— eral Soquiasaonce “Do you,” Lasked, ‘finda in the Tule of Prussia among the people “Of course,” was the reply;,“there will be a general acquiescence in circumstances over which one has uo coutrol.. Prussia holds the purse and the sword of Ger , and what more does she want? There is no Power to antagonize Prussia, Austria no longer has a voice in German affairs, and of course Prussia has power to command the smaller States." HOW PRUSSIA HOLDS GERMANY, ‘Docs not the new constitution put Prassia under severe restrictions?” “Not at all. The new constitution provides that the Prussian King may command the whole army of the North Gerinan Confederation, and that he may tight them as he pleases in @ defensive war. For offensive wars there must be the approval of the vassal Powers. But Prussia is too smart to have any but defensive wars—like the war against France, for instance,” DID PRUSSIA PROVOKE THR WAR WITH FRANCE? “Was that not a defensive war?” “A defensive war | You may have thought so in America, but no one here except a few Prussian cor- respondents of English new: thought so. pee ak opens her Leys som will find, = , ‘ussia prepared for that war and fough' when she was These Prussians ever talk i i is the only European nation that hes thought of is ie 01 i She fights when tt suite her ig. She took it, and quiescence. She ted and more territory. She ustria, and bullied have 1d France, and when she wants Holland she wil hip Engiand. Now fora “peaceful” nation this isnot a record. That war with France was cl Tanged by Prussia. It was the next step in sian poltey. First Schieswig—then then the Rhine, with William on the throne of Charlemagne as Kaiser of the Holy German and Boman Empire." “Bat Germany accopts it all gladly." “Germany accepts it, because it ingome respects realizes the German dream of unity. That, of course, every German wants. But no one wants a united despotism, a military code that turns the whole nation into a camp and takes a half million able-bodied men away from the farms and indus- trious callings. We want a Germany for the good of the Fatherland, not for the glory of a little up- Start vrussian prince, whose Danie is not muct older than the Bonapartes’ crown.” “Is mine feeling you cxptess prevalent in Gere tmany GERMAN DISTRUST OF PRUSSIA. “More than you would be apt to ptrnter is, of course, the republican party. feo Y the Empire because it isastep toward the anity wil hous frign there would be no republic, So th support Bismarck now, hoping that in time he will turn around and them, and be first Presi- dent of a United The republicans ip There wing how much financial credit a Republic may have in tue European world. Then you have the Ultramontanists. They are strong enough to BS voke Bismarck into open war with them, which ae a great deal. They want a Germany with Aus- tria at tho head, or, if not Austria, which is appa- rently impossible, then Bavaria. [t would not be the lirst Bavarian prince who was Kaiser, The wer which made William Kaiser could make udwig, just as it was in the old German Reich be- fore Napoleon overturned it, That will give general and genuine satisfaction, and secure amore perfect representation of the German people. Then there are the followers of the King of Hanover, the citi- zens of free towns like Frankfort, and all who be- Heve in a Germany that means more than Prussia,” “Does not Bismarck mean something more thay Prussia *"' AN UNFRIENDLY VIEW OF BISMARCK. “Noone knows what Bismarck means. The Ho henzollerns have made him a prince, which is what he wanted. But you cannot tell how long William will reign. Bismarck has controlled the vld Ki bus anew one must come one of these days, ai there is no ver: t love between the Vhancelior and the Imper! ince. Bismarck is a good deal of arowdy, Iknew him when he lived in Frank- tort as Minister to the German Dict. He was under a cloud—di<n’t pay his bills and all ind of thing, The Frankiort People, whoare ag proud as the ojd Grecks, and very rich, did not seine, mach, of iibbsitig on shinee cae a used ° 18tol BI was gene! precnaPngnt with somebody. “Xe Chancellor he bi and leads his subordinates 4 he is a queer fellow that Bismarck! Well, he made Frankfort pay for the way it treated, him and his wife when the Prussians took it i 1866, Lwould not be surprised to sec him at ai time a republican,”” FINANCE. “Docs not the indemnity now being paid to G many, by, France, make the country rich?" 2 coun! tite King ‘and bis party are rious, Fhe Kavsor {i the money up at 0 prepare for