The New York Herald Newspaper, October 20, 1872, Page 8

NEW YORK HERALD SROADWAY AND ANN STREET. ————— JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. « All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Hzaavp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. pee fate ems ed THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Annual subscription price $12. 4 ADVERTISEMENTS, to a limited number, will be in- serted in the WEEKLY HERALD and the European Edition, JOB PRINTING af every description, also Stereo- typing and Engraving, neatly and promptly exe- Cuted at the lowest rates. AMUSEMENTS TO-MORROW EVENING. f BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Buraxgrs—His First Procapi..o, GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third at. and Fighth av.—Kor Caxorrs. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Broadway, between Thir- teenth and Fourteenth streets.—AGyxs. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway. between Houston and Bleecker sts.—Oruns Bourrs—La Gixanvr Ducuxsse. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street.—Itauian Orgna—Faust. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner Thirticth st.— Taexx Mos-xx-reers,’ Atternoon and Evening. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—loucxry—Tun Powsx or Music. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, ‘Diawonns. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street.—PYGMALION AND GALATKA. Twenty-fourth street. — BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth ayenue.—ARRAB-NA-POGUK. e MRS, F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Diamonvs. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Montagne st.— @ Lire’s Devan. Twenty-third st. NTRICITY, Ke. BRYANT’S OPERA HOUS: corner 6th @v.—NeGRO MiNsTAMLSY, 72 BROADWAY, EMERSON'S MINSTRELS.—Granp Emuorian Eccunteicirixs, { eee WHITE'S ATHENZUM, 585 Broadway.—Nwero Mix. STRELSY, &C. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HO Guano Vanixry Enrxaraunwent, &c No, 201 Rowery.— Matinee at 2... SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, St. James Theatre, corner of 28th st. and Broadway.--Ermortan MinstRKLsy¥. BAILEY'S GREAT CIRCUS AND MENAGERIE, toot , of Houston street, East River, } eb DAN RICE'S CIRCUS AND MENAGERIE, foot of ‘Thirty-fourth strect and East River. aes ASSOCIATION HAL! )“Taa Puxat Laws anv 23d st. and 4th av.—Lvcrurg, ‘werm Consxauences.” (AMERICAN INSTITUTE FAIR, TI r., bet we 4 ATCA 2 R, Third av., bet ween Gd NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 613 Broadway.— Scrency any Ant, QUA "New York, Sunday, Oct. 20, 1872. _ THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY ones a TLo-Day’s Contents of the Herald. ba lal WHAT MYSTERIOUS CUBAN ARREST! THE HERALD COMMISSIONER RELEASED BY THE CAPTAIN GENERAL! HE CAN LOOK THROUGH THE ISLAND, BUT MUST PRE- SERVE SILENCE!—NINTH PAGE. “FATHER BURKE AND MR. FROUDE! THE IN- SIDE, THE OUTSIDE AND BOTH SIDES OF THE CONTROVERSY:” EDITORIAL LEAD- ER—EIGHTH Pace. CABLE TELEGRAMS FROM ENGLAND, FRANCE AND SPAIN—CENTRAL AND SOUTH AME- RICAN NEWS—NINTH Pace. OUR AMATEUR OARSMEN, PEDESTRIANS AND BATSMEN! THE REGATTA OF THE NEW YORK CANOE CLUB: GOOD WALKING AND BASE BALL CONTESTS—SEVENTH PAGE. A GAME BATTLE! YOUNG CROKER DEFEATS PATSY HOGAN IN SEVENTEEN ROUNDS— THE TROTTING EVENTS AT PROSPECT PARK AND LEXINGTON, KY.—SEVENTH PaGE. ASNTERESTING ITEMS OF NEWS FROM WASH- INGTON—BARLOW’S = DE! MENTS OF THE MERCANTIL TWELFTH PAGE. NEW YORK AND KINGS COUNTY POLITICS ! THE CONTESTS FOR CANDIDACIES AND THE NOMINATIONS ALREADY MADE—Firra Pag. THE MUSICAL AND DRAMATIC NEWS OF THE METROVOLIS—FirTH PAGE. ‘SWEDISH SUBJECTS IN AMERICA! FEALTY TO THE NEW KING, OSCAR I.—FROUDE AND THE IRISH NATIONALITY—CENTRAL PARK MUSEUM—SEVENTH PaGE. ‘CHANGE! FURTHER RISE IN PACIFIC MAIL! MONEY AND GOLD ACTIVE—SER- GEANT BATES AGAIN HOISTS TEE FLAG— CLEARING OLD SLIP—ELEVENTH PAGE. “SPECIE PAYMENTS, THE FRANCHISE, THE COT- TON TAX, USURY AND SHIP CANALS, AS VIEWED BY THE NATIONAL BOARD OF TRADE—TENTH Pace. LEGAL AND LOCAL MATTERS—IIOBOKEN’S TAXPAYERS COMBINE FOR RELIEF— TENTH PAGE. OF THE DIFFERENT DENOMINATIONS AND THEIR MINISTERS: SECULAR EPIS- TLES—Sixta PacE. oN DOIN CommasstonerR Dovatass’ INTERNAL REVENUE Report.—We learn from our Washington cor- respondent that the Commissioner of Internal Revenue feels very happy over his receipts and the flattering prospect in the future. The changes made in the internal revenue taxes and system, which went into effect on the Ist of July, have proved most satisfactory. Mr. Douglass estimates the income from internal revenue sources at one hundred and twenty- five million dollars, which is twenty millions over the amount that the Treasury Department and Congress supposed would be realized after the changes made, The revenue from whiskey 28 well as from malt distillations has exceeded nll expectations, and that realized from tobacco is twenty per cent over the amount calculated. It is evident that Congress can still reduce greatly both internal taxes and duties on im- ports. We do not agree with Mr. Douglass that this exhibit looks so favorable that no recommendation for improvement can be sug- gested. The improvement to be recommended isa farther and large reduction of taxation, so that the people may not be unnecessarily burdened and that government may not be induced to extravagance through having an paormous surplus revenue watner ourke and Mr. Froude—The Inside, the Outside and Both Sides of the Controversy. The excellent temper which has ao far char- acterized the discussion betwoen Mr. Froude, the eminent English historian, and Father Burke, the distinguished Irish priest, leads us to suggest its continuance. We are ready to admit, with Father Burke, the proposition that when an Englishman undertakes to ex- plain the sorrows and miseries of Ireland he can only look at these questions from the out- side; but, at the same time, we wish to remind this eloquent Irish champion that an Irishman can only regard the issue from the inside. As impartial judges in this novel controversy the American people ought to look at it from all sides, and this is the principal reason why we desire the discussion between these able men to go on in the same good temper which has so far char- acterized it. If we are to enter into the merits of the differences between England and Ire- land and to judge of the whole case we can better fulfil our functions as arbitrators in this new species of what the lawyers would call a feigned issue, after hearing the facts and argu- ments of both parties to the case, is a novel one, and admits of a: new principle of the res adjudicata, It is our privilege to criticise the advocates as well as fo decide the issue. Nor need we wait till the case on both sides and the counter-cases have been fully presented before exercising our functions as critics and as judges. With this view of the matter we met the appeal of Mr. Froude as it was presented in his first lecture, and with the same view wo shall meet the plea of Father Burke. We think Father Burke would have done better if the courtesy with which he treated his antagonist had been equalled by the calmness with which he argued his cause. It is perhaps expecting too much to expect a cold and judicial treatment of the question from one who necessarily looks at it from the inside. But in this connection we cannot overlook the fact that Mr. Froude’s outside view induced him at the outset to endeavor to confine his case within a certain and defined limit. The American people will only smile at the fiery zeal of the Irish priest, but they will also say to the English historian that the merits of this controversy and the value of the American judgment both turn on the very question which he s0 carefully excludes from the case. An old lawyer, distinguished in this country for his learning, his ability and his judicial fairness, used to say, when the North and the South were hotly arguing the question of slavery, the one side holding that Congress was bound to exclude it from the Territories, and the other that Congress was bound to protect it in every part of the national domain not pro- vided with State governments, ‘‘the power to legislate at all is the power to legislate either way.’’ In this case the right to judge at all is the right to judge of his country’s duty in the premises free from Mr. Froude’s outside restrictions in behalf of England, or Father Burke's inside convictions of what is duo to Treland. It is a curious point in this controversy that the question of blood is brought so promi- nently forward. Mr. Froude, in referring to a supposed kinship which no real American feels, tells us of the excuse of an American sailor in China for interfering with other people's quarrels—‘‘blood is thicker than water.’’ And in replying to Father Burke's rather reckless assertion characterizing the famous bull of Pope Adrian for the subjuga- tion of Ireland as ‘‘a thumping English lie’’ Mr. Froude reminds the Irish priest of the purity of his Norman descent. As regards the question of the gen- uineness of Pope Adrian's bull the historian has the priest at o disadvantage. Until within a few years its authenticity was not doubted, and even Lingard, the Catholic his- torian of England, speaks of it without any suspicion of its being a forgery. It is true, there is another side even to this question. The fact that King Henry IL did not bethink himself of using it as his credentials for the subjugation of Ireland for twenty years after it was written, and only brought it to light after the death of the Pope who authorized it, suggests at least reasonable grounds of cavil ; and the claims of a dissolute and bar- barous King, who excused his own ra- pacity and punished it in his subjects, on the ground that what is right with him is wrong with others, by which King Karrott justifies his taking of bribes himself, but corrects itin his Ministers, to the right- ful possession of a document so remarkable and so sacred are not the best evidences of the truthfulness of his allegations. But it would have been better if Father Burke had not denied what was so long unquestioned, and, adopting Mr. Froude’s theory that blood is thicker than water, had met the historian with the reminder that at best this famous bull was only a letter of questionable authenticity, ad- dressed by an English Pope to an English King. We cannot follow this controversy into the minutim of attack and defence adopted by the champions on both sides. The theory of Mr. Froude’s first lecture was the assumption that Irishmen were not fit to be free, and his sec- ond lecture was a tale of barbarity and blood- shed intended to fortify a position so boldly assumed. Father Burke's answer was the admission of the existence of sorrow and misery, which cannot be denied, but he attri- buted the lamentable condition of Ireland to English rule. But apart from these views of the condition of Ireland, which are inseparable from any discussion of the question by an Englishman and an Irish- man, and the thumping references on both sides to Pope Adrian’s bull, the controversy as it now stands affects most nearly the period of Trish history which was the golden age of Ire- land, Though these eminent men differ on a point so essentially unimportant, we cannot refrain from reminding them that it matters very little when was Ireland's golden age in the past if the future has in store for her a silver or even an iron age. ‘The wrongs of the past matter very little if the rights of the future can be secured. This is a truism so palpable that both Mr. Froude and Father Burke would be willing to admit it, and yet it | ig in their wanderings from it that the Ameri- con judgment of their ease is impeded and em- barrassed. The fight, as we now find it, is a fight over [extraneous issties. The battle rages along the NEW YUKK HERALD, SUNDAY, skirmish lines, and both sides are exposing their weak points to the other without finding the strong positions which must be carried Mr. Froude is weakest in his rescrvation of the limits to which the American judgment is to extend. Father Burke falls below the merits of his cause in failing to argue in Ireland's behalf solely on the broad basis of liberty, which all Americans recognize as among the rights of nations and of men. Both are strong in the possession of great faculties and sincere convictions of duty, but neither can fully appreciate in advance the calm, perhaps cold judgment of a tribunal composed of the whole American people sit- ting in judgment on the differences of two nations embittered by seven centuries of strife and contention. We are disposed to treat their quarrels as we would treat the domestic in- felicities of any other ill-matched couple. If reconciliation were possible we would reconcile Mr. Froude’s appeal to the American people | them and have them happy ever afterward. If reconciliation is impossible we would ad- vise them to separate at once and for- ever. So far both of the lecturers have only succeeded in impressing upon us the desirability of the independence of Ire- land, but this we concede to be impossible, and we are compelled to concede it on very much the same grounds as those upon which we would recommend Irish independence, While England has the power to hold Ireland in sub- jection Ireland will not be free from English domination. A middle course, then, is all that is possible, and we shall not be surprised if Home Rule, which was once extorted from England, may not be accorded to the Irish as a voluntary gift from their English masters. This would searcely satisfy Ireland, but it would be a gracious concession to that American public opinion which Englishmen are invoking, and it would undoubtedly pave the way to a better and more prosperous era of Irish history. If even this much can be gained for Ireland, the discussion of the points involved in the case by these eminent representatives of the two peoples will not be without good results, nor Mr, Froude’s visit to America entirely fruitless. The Outrage on an American Citizen in Havana—Dir, Henderson’s Relerse and Danger. A Hexacp special despatch from Havana, published to-day, brings intelligence of the re- lease of Mr. A. Boyd Henderson, the American who was arrested in that city on Tuesday last by order of the Spanish authorities. For sat- isfactory reasons wo refrained yesterday from stating that Mr. Henderson is a Herauy cor- respondent, commissioned to visit Cuba for the purpose of gathering reliable information of the exact condition of affairs in the island; but his connection with this journal was known to the Spanish Minister at Washington and to the Spanish Consul General in this city, and has no doubt been the means of procurivg his prompt liberation. We also publish to- day, in connection with this affair, the partic- ulars of an interview between a Heratp attaché and M. de Uriarte, in which the latter gentleman endeavors to explain the cause of the arrest and gives his reasons for desiring that it should have been kept a secret from the American people. Mr. Henderson left New York on his special mission a short time ago furnished with letters from Admiral Polo, the Spanish Minister in the United States, who was courteous enough to extend,) to him this favor after receiving the cor- respondent's pledge that he would carry no secret communications to the revolutionists from the Cuban Junta in New York. This pledge M. de Uriarte apprehends has besn disregarded, for he can imagine no other ex- cuse for the arrest. In this we believe the Consul General will find himself mistaken. We know that Mr. Henderson has nosympathy either with the Spanish authorities or the Cuban insurgents; that he cares nothing about either, being simply intent upon efficiently discharging his duty as a cor- respondent, and we are confident that he would under no circumstances violate the promise given to His Excellency the Spanish Minister. We should deeply regret and promptly resent any act of bad faith on the part of our correspondent calculated to place Ad- miral Polo in a false position with his own government, and we presume that Mr, Hen- derson’s early release from confinement will satisfy both these gentlemen that their sus- picions in this direction are unfounded. The arrest was no doubt either the result of the feverish suspicions of the officials in Havana or was found necessary to satisfy the insolent demands of the government party, who seem to rule the authorities instead of being ruled by them. The prompt liberation, while no doubt due to the influence and power of the Heratp, must be accepted as conclusive proof that the arrest was unjustifiable. We regret that we could not comply with the wish expressed by the Spanish Consul General, that the outrage committed upon our correspondent should be kept from the knowl- edge of the American people. A suppression of the story would have been unjust to every citizen of the United States in Cuba, for it would have emboldened the Spanish authori- ties to other acts of a similar character. It is time that the adherents of Spain in the dis- turbed island should be made to understand the necessity of curbing the passions and pre- judices engendered by the rebellion, and of respecting the rights of the citizens of a friendly Power. America sympathizes with the struggling Cubans and earnestly desires to see them gain the freedom which is the birthright of every human being; but that does not justify the Spanish authorities in treating all Americans as enemies and crim- inals and depriving them of their liberty whenever a suspicious official points them out as dangerous persons, or whenever a blus- tering volunteer demands their arrest. If Spaniards do not desire their injustice and tyranny in Ouba to be exposed they should refrain from the acts that have disgraced their rule in the island ever since the rebellion came toa head. The apprehension expressed by M. de Uriarte that 9 newspaper discussion of the affair might irritate the Spanish party and operate against Mr. Henderson, is of itself a proof that passion has usurped the place of reason in Cuban rule, and that justice has given way to revenge. If our cor- respondent had been really guilty of an of- UCTOBER 20, 1872—QUADRUPLE SHERT. test of the American press against the outrage might incite them to take revenge on an inno- cent life, We have our fears that Mr. Henderson is in great peril. Although he has been released from confinement, we believe his troubles and dangers are not yet over. Indeed, they will probably be greater now that he is at liberty than they would have been if he had been kept under the lock and key of the Havana jailer. He is now a suspected party; he has been charged with complicity with the hated rebels, and the assassin’s bullet is more certain and leas embarrassing than a State trial, short, sharp and fatul as the latter may be. A street roworan ambush on the road may afford an excellent opportunity for a stiletto in the back of a Yankeo rebel sympathizer at any moment, or new charges may be found against the liber- ated man and may lodge him again in a prison cell. If these are groundless suspicions they are certainly justifiable in the light of the fears expressed by M. de Uriarte as to the con- sequences of a discussion of Mr. Hender- son’s case in the American press, We now desire to say that if any harm shall befall our correspondent in the absence of any criminal act on his part the government and the people of the United States will hold the Spaniards to a terrible accountability. We make the Spanish nation responsible for Mr. Henderson’s safety—for his life. and his free- dom. He is on a mission in which the whole American people have an _ inter- est, and he will perform it faithfully and fearlessly, for we know our man. His busi- ness is legitimate and his conduct will be honest and straightforward. He must not be molested. While he respects the Spanish laws the Spanish laws must respect and protect him. If they fail to do so the people of the United States will insist upon retribution, and the punishment will fall heavily on the nation whose authorities are reckless and insane enough to commit or connive at the outrage. sin. It is decidedly arausing to notice with what tremendous energy and vigor theologians can keep up a quarrel and m&ke one where there is none, and how savagely they can lay the stripes on an erring brother. Some months ago the Rev. George F. Pentecost, one -of the most eloquent Baptist divines in Brooklyn, following the indication of Providence, the convictions of his own heart, and the plain teachings of the Word of God, administered the sacred emblems of the Saviour’s death to a dying believer, a member of his own church. There were present in the sick man’s room, by invitation and from friendship, a couple of Methodists and of Baptists, a Presbyterian and two Friends, all believers in Jesus Christ, and all partook of the sacrament together. For this act Mr. Pentecost has been pretty steadily abused ever since by the big and the little Baptists, the D. D.’s and the other D.’s, But a few weeks ago he published a full and unequivocal ex- planation of the whole transaction from its in- ception to its completion, and it was supposed that that would end the matter. Not so, how- ever. This defence simply increased the ire of his close-communion brethren, and fresh bat- teries were opened upon his defenceless head, and such eminent ministers of the gospel as Rev. Dr. Fulton, of Boston, have engaged in this crusade agaiust a brother minister. From the importance which they attach to the event one might almost think that the fate of nations or of the Christian Chureh depended upon the performance or nonperformance of that act. And the whole question resolves itself into this, that there was not water enough used on the occasion or that all the participants had not been immersed as a con- dition precedent to the communion of the body and blood of Christ. The Saviour’s command to his disciples ‘‘ this do in remembrance of me”’ goes for little or nothing so long as it is not done according toa particular standard. And the Apostle’s declaration that as often as we do this ‘we do show forth the Lord’s death till He come’’ is of no moment whatever unless we have been immersed before we partake. But remove the stumbling block of immersion from the Lord’s table and we have no doubt thousands would be immersed where tens now go under water. No Methodist, Presbyterian or Congregational minister will refuse to bap- tize converts by immersion, so that they need not go to the Baptist Church for that rite. And notwithstanding all the outcry made against Mr. Pentecost, there is no evidence connected with the original institution of the Lord’s Supper that it was or was to be depend- ent upon baptism in any mode whatever. But why are not Baptists as strenuous in maintaining the original forms of the Lord’s Supper as of the other sacrament. It is al- most as certain as a mathematical deduction that Christ and His apostles did not eat bread broken into little pieces off silver plates, nor did they drink wine from silver cups, ‘nor did they eat at all in a church or a synagogue, much less kneeling atan altar. And yet to be consistent we should be at least as particular about the form and mode of administering one sacrament as we are about the other. Paul, who has been quoted by some of Mr. Pente- cost’s opponents, declares that the Lord sent him not to baptize, but to preach the Gospel, and he names a few persons whom he had bap- tized. And yet there can be no question that he made converts by the hundred wherever he went, And it is morally certain that he insti- tuted the sacrament of the Eucharist among them also. If our Baptist brethren, as well as others, would go in for the salvation of sinful men and women with the same earnestness that they denounce Mr. Pentecost and defend immersion, they would be able to count a much larger number of churches and of con- verts in this city to-day than they have. It is this kind of hairsplitting over forms among Christians themselves, while the substance is allowed to perish, that gives the enemies of Protestant Christianity their sharpest weapon to strike it with and their strongest arguments against its divinity and porpetuity. And it is high time that on end was put to those petty bickerings in the Church. Last week the Long Island Baptist Asso- ciation held its annual session at Babylon, and as there was,a rumor afloat beforehand that Dr. Pentecost and Rev. J. Hyatt Smith would be disciplined for heresy, because fence against the laws of the country there would have been no need to de- sire secrecy as to his concealment, If his arrest was an arbitrary and unjustifiable they believe in, preach and practice open communion, there was a full attend- ance of lay and clerical delegates present. The press of this city and of Brooklyn was ‘also represented, and, Proceedings which have come to us, we are free to say that a body of pot-house politicians could not be found capable of lowering them- certainly a harmless way of getting out of a difficulty, considering that not a few delegates had gone to the meeting, it is said, deter- delegates left Babylon for their city homes on Wednesday afternoon, and when it was sup- posed that Messrs. Smith and Pentecost were also on the road the trap was sprung again these brethren, when they re-entered and de- manded that the resolution be read again. After 8 good deal of hemming and hawing it was read, and then the association began to feel ashamed of its unchristian mode of attack, and several amendments were offered until the original was whittled down to a point where it would condone Pentecost’s sin, but would punish Mr. Smith. Dr. Pentecost refused to accept the sugar-coated pill and told the as- sociation very plainly that he was afflicted with the same disease from which his brother, Smith, was suffering, and that the same medi- cine would answer for both. The whittling process was continued in true Yankeo fashion until there"was nothing left of the original expelling resolution but the shavings, and these were ultimately thrown into the waste basket. But what shall be said or thought of a dignified ecclesiastical body that could thus stultify itself, and, lacking the courage to face the erring brethren (if they do err) and to re- prove them, could take even a paper dagger, and, crawling stealthily behind, stab them in the back? We need not characterize the act; it speaks for itself. It is another proof of the meanness of sectarian bigotry, which should be heartily condemned. Prince Bismarck and the Reconstruc- tion of Germany. A few days ago it was announced that Prince Bismarck was somewhat seriously un- well. On a later day the report was in a qualified manner contradicted. At the present moment, however, there is a general feeling that the hard work which the Chancellor has gone through during the last six or seven years has told even upon his vigorous consti- tution, and that his health is really not so good as his friends would wish it to be. It is not wonderful that, in such circum- stances, the question should be occupying the minds of many persons, What would be the immediate effect of Bismarck’s death— would the work of reconstruction and con- solidation go on, or would it be effectually checked? In modern times no statesman has dared as Bismarck has dared; nor has daring, either in modern or in ancient times, ever been rewarded with so much success, German unity has been the dream of German poets and the desire of the German people for many generations ; but the desire and the dream, up until 1866, in spite of certain efforts which resulted in failure, seemed equally vain and foolish. What Ger- many wanted was a practical man to give shape and form to her thoughts and wishes. Such a man must have a mind to conceive, a will to dare and endure, and power to give effect to his thought and purpdse. Such a man might have arisen in Austria. He might arise in Prussia. It was not possible he could be found in any of the smaller German States. Ata critical moment the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty presented itself. Bismarck seized the opportunity, and the result was Sadowa. Austria was crushed and compelled to retire from what was called the German community. Prussia was mistress of Germany and Bismarck was the master mind of Prussia. German unity, if not yet a fact, had at least become a prob- ability. The incorporation of the Kingdom of Hanover, the subjection of the Kingdom of Saxony, the confederation of North Germany and the treaty arrangements with the South German States revealed the tendency of events as well as the force and purpose of the man who was guiding the ship of state. It was doubted by some whether what seemed so grand on paper would stand the test of the battle field. The Summer and Fall of 1870 brought another opportunity, and German unity, which was encouraged by Sadowa, became a fact at Sedan. Since Sedan Ger- many is confessedly the mightiest Power in Europe, and Germans, everywhere the wide world over, feel and reveal increased indi- vidual importance. The dreams of the poets have become realities, The crows have fled from the hill under which the Great Frederic slept and the Emperor has reappeared. All this wonderful work has been mainly accomplished by one man. But for Bismarck, so far as the human mind can judge, Germany would to-day have been divided and weak. To him, in the great future, the praise and the glory of unifying the Fatherland will be un- grudgingly given. Unification is a fact; but consolidation is only in progress. If Bis- marck’s brain was necessary for the one task, it seems to us indispensable for the other. In the Germany of to-day there are many vexed questions to settle. Now that the war is over the smaller States feel and fret at the loss of their individual importance. The nation bas won; Prussia has reaped all the glory; but they have lost. The Catholics of the Empire are exasperated almost to the point of revolt by the harsh measures of the Chancellor, sanctioned by the Protestant majority in the National Council. Towards Prussia the King of Saxony has become cold and the King of Bavaria is sullen, It is the strong band of Bismarck which holds the Empire together. It is his stern policy which prevents, the oul- —_———_———., from the reports of the | burst of dissatisfaction’: bag satatirng- along with it—is necoa ty to complete work of consolidation ; ax: it is diffieult to reist the conviction that the, Géath of the great Chancellor at this particular « would be to Germany what Sadowa wa? to Austria and what Sedan was to France, \ His death would reveal strange discontents @Toughout the Fatherland, and it might be the oy porta, nity of France. When so much upon the life of one man it is difficult to immediate future of Burope. ¢ Our Religious Press Tale and’ the’ Crumbs of Comfort Found Thereom, The columns of our religious contemporaries do not present a very brilliant array this week, either temporally or spiritually. The politi- cal feature which has for some time past given an air of liveliness to the pages of some of our ecclesiastical e@itorial brethren seems suddenly to’ have disappeared: From a per- fect aurora borealis of thought and setion it has subsided into the merest scintillation of an idea that there is such an event as a Presi- dential election pressing closely upon us as & people. How and why is this? How is‘it that the Christian Union has suddenly become’ dim ond somnolent? that the Golden Age sheds no more golden rays upon the field of, Politics? that the Independent wields no longer its ponderous battle-axe, like Hereward ‘the Barbarian, in behalf of its favorite? that the’ gentle Hvangelist lisps not a word upon the, Pending crisis, or what was only a short time ago a crisis? that the sagacious Observer has not a sentence upon local or national cor- ruption, or the dangerous tendencies of the age’ in regard to the distribution of the school fund, or the approaching important election, or any, other matter of general consequence? Why, we repeat, this silence? Do these papers, which were wont in double-leaded articles to’ plead for their particular candidates and to. denounce the candidates of their adversaries, in no measured terms, see on the one hand a bow of promise in the skies and on the other’ a bloody chasm that may only be the entrance to the bottomless political pit? Briefly, since’ the recent State elections, do these politico- religious prints consider that, in vulgar and. profane phrase, ‘‘the jig is up,’’ and that they had better dance to pious church nmsic hereafter and lect the brawling orgies and, indecent songs of the pothouse politicians alone? ‘’Tis a consummation devoutly to be wished.” The Observer tenderly teaches the governs ment how to treat the poor Indian, and pro- tests against the policy of Generals Sheridan and Crook and a Western religious contempo-' rary that ‘‘bayonets should precede mission- aries” in the treatment of the savages, The Observer asks: —‘‘What use would there be for missionaries after the bayonets had finished their bloody work, unless to civilize Crook and Sheridan and what may be left of their followers?’ Our Presbyterian contemporary need give itself no uneasiness on this subject. The building of railroads in the Western wilds: and the steady march of immigration following upon or bordering their tracks will soon push’ unfortunate Lo to the verge of sundown and pitch him over if necessary. “Students and Strong Drinks’’ is also the subject of an editorial in the Observer. It appears that the ‘Society for the Increase of the Ministry in the Episcopal Church’’ has been considering the subject of some legisla- tion respecting the personal indulgences of students assisted by the society. Among other things they are expected, as long as they receive aid from the society, positively te abstain from the habitual use of tobacco and from alcoholic drinks as a beverage.” The following substantial reasons are given for this conclusion: — ‘That the articles named are luxuries, and luxuries are inconsistent with the professions and ition of a beneficiary. That the purchase of such luxuries: consumes money needed by the purchaser for other purposes. That they injure the health and mental tone of young men in sedentary habits. That, as some devout persons believe the habitual use of strong drinks to be wrong and derogatory to the influence ana character ofa Christian minister, their opinions in this regard should not be offended by their beneficiaries. To these conclusions all pious people will ejaculate ‘‘Amen!”’ The Evangelist discourses on what it terms the “Old Catholic’ Congress at Cologne, and says that however strongly the old leaders may cling to old associations, yet, so far as Rome and the Papacy are concerned, they are Prot- estants. According to the Evangelist ‘they cling indeed to tho ‘Catholic’ name, and among them there may be some who still cherish the delusive hope that the present sep- aration will prove but temporary. But the Congress as a body were almost unanimous in the adoption of measures which make the gulf between them and Rome impassable.’’ The Independent is powerfully eulogistic upom the “Plymouth Pastor;’’ but Mr. Beecher has become so accustomed to what Sam Slick would call ‘soft sodder’’ that the most ful- some flattery fails to raise a bashful blush to his cheek. The Independent also touches upom the ‘‘White House Disense,”’ butit is not quite so prevalent as it was a couple.of weeks ago; in fact it may be said to have subsided alto- gether, so far as one patient was concerned. The Examiner and Chronicle has been think- ing during the present political campaign about the Christian doctrine of election; and, especially, about Peter's charge to the churches—‘‘Brethren, give diligence to make your calling and election sure.’’ It ventures the assertion that ‘‘not a single local politi- cian—from the very keenest to the most ob- tuse—has sent back to headquarters the as- tounding intelligence, ‘If Grant (or Greeley) ; is to-be elected, he will be.’ Insteadof that, ’ they send to their leaders—along with protes- tations of personal diligence and; fidelity— , earnest appeals for speakers and money and.’ documents, The fact of God's sqxereignty—{ his, overruling Providence—does. not in the; slightest degree paralyze their effoxts.”” And, now, concludes the Examiner :— Messicurs Politicians, why domit you manifest the same common sense with reference to tive affairs of the soul that you manifest with referonoe to your political concerns? Why did you think it such a shrewd thing to say, during our last revi- val, “If lam te be saved, f shall be saved,” yet utterly repudiate the principle now? The Golden Age modestly appeals to the demooratic party to abandon its ancignt name and adopt that of the “liberal party,” This is Dundreary's solution of a puzading conun- dram—‘‘If the dog don’t wag the tail the tail will wag the dog.”’ The whole affair of the coalition between the democrats and th’; liberal republi- cans seems to have been a piece of waggery from the start. |, The Cutholic Review veryzcleverly reviews the