The New York Herald Newspaper, June 29, 1872, Page 4

"4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY 4ND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume XXXVII._ = AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Cauruxten or Rovrx— Nick or tHe Woops. Matinee at 2 WOOD'S MUSEUM, by corner Thirtieth st.— D FROM Sing Sing. Matinee at 2. BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth avenue.—Enocn ARpEx. Matineo at 1%. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway. —Carcaco Brroxe que Fiux, Dunia tax Fige ann Arren tux Fix, Matinee. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, lth st. and Broadway.— Tax Fain Oxx wits tae BLonpx Wig. Matinee at 2h, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Scunstpse: oR, Tas Qup House on Tux Raine. Matinee at 2. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street.—On tnx Jury. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, 72) Broadway.—Grorota Minsrexis. Matinee. ah TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 21 Bowery.— Nuouo Eockxrnicrries, Buniasaus, ‘c. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN.—Gaupe Instavwantat Concxxr, iB TERRACE GARDEN, S8th st., between 8d and Lexing- ton ava—Summen Evenina Concerts. PAVILION, No. 683 Broadway, near Fourth street.— Lap Oncuxsrna, ye NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 613 Broadway.— Scuunce axp Ant. DR. KAHN'S MUSEUM, No. 745 Broadway.—Ant arp Scimnce, WITH SUPPLEMENT. New York, Saturday, June 29, 187: CONTENTS OF TO-DAY'’S HERALD. LPR Paz. Advertisements, 2—Advertisements—Marriages. 3—Marriages and Deaths (Continued from Second Page)—Dead by the Law: Execution of John WwW. ren at Hackensack—The Convcits’ Emeute: Details of the Insurrection tn Au- burn State Prison—Aquatic: The Amateur Championship of Harlem River for Four-Oar Shells — Brooklyn Affairs—The National Game—Important Railroad Settlement—“Ad- miral O'Keefe"’—Sad Suicide of a Merchant. 4—Evitorials: Leading Articl ‘The Gladstone Ministry on the Ballot tn nd and the Prospect for the Relormers"—Amusement Announcements, S—The Alabama Claims: History of the Procced- ings of the Arbitration Court During 'Thurs- day and Friday, June 27 and 28; The British Cabinet Statement; The Question in Washing- ton—Preparing for the Fourth of July in Paris—The War in Mexico—Cuba: Reported Surrender of Insurgents—iIhe Edgar Stew- art—Bioody Riot in Peru—News from Wash- ington—Business Notices. 6—Stokes: Examination of Witnesses Continued; Purther History of the Shooting; Fisk's Coach: man on the Stand; Counsel for the Prisoner Developing Their Line of Defence—Interest- ing Proceedings in the New York and Brook- lyn Courts—At the Tombs—Sunday School hildren’s Picnic, T—Advertisements. liege ~Commencements:—Another Batch of Candidates for “Holy Orders ;’? Our Future Female Teachers; The Archbishop at Manhat- tanville—The Labor Crisis: Another Day of the Eight-Hour Movement—The limpeached Judges—The Weather in the City—The Elec- toral College Under the New Apportionment— Ben Wade on the Situation—The Richmond Horticultural Exhibition—Art Honored in Newark—Railroad Accident at Voint Plea- sant—Cuba: The Failure of the Spaniards to Suppress the Insurrection; A Spanish Official in League with the Insurgents. S—Cuba (Continued irom Kighth Page)—Financial and Commercial: Rapid Rise in Government Bonds; Money Firmer; Resumption of Specie Shipments; A New Conundrum in Erie—The Red Men: Adjournment of the General Coun- cil—The New Board of Pharmacy—Appoint- ment of Judge Quinn as Schooi ‘Trustee—The Death of James Dougherty—Delirium Tremens and Death—Advertisements, 10—The Jubilee: A Day of Disappointment to the New England Politicians; Greeley Not Pres- ent—Yale College—Long Branch Kkaces—Mys- tic Park Races—Wonderful Escape from Death—Army and Navy Orders—shipping In- telligence—Advertisements. Tae War i Mexico presents to-day a gloomy and almost incomprehensible picture. The ground gained to-day by the government forces is occupied by the revolutionary party to-morrow; and more miserable arrangements were never beheld in the most barbarous of guerilla warfare. According to our special despatch published to-day the capture of Saltillo by the rebels under Trevifio has been confirmed by a despatch from the retreating chief of the government garrison to Gen- eral Cevallos, at Camargo. Thus the rebels are in possession of a most desirable position. Probably owing to this confirmation ramors were afloat in the latter city that Quiroga’s forces were marching thither to attack Cevallos’ command. Of this, however, noth- ing definite had been ascertained. The great sensation in the garrison at Camargo appears to be the prospect of a genuine cavalry hunt after the revolutionary robber and black- mailer, Gomez Portugal, who has been scar- ing the merchants around Matamoros and levying on their produce until the villages have become like a plain after locusts have de- parted. i% Tue Trut or Sroxes.—The ninth day of the trial of Edward 8. Stokes for the murder of James Fisk, Jr., although it added very little to the facts imme- diately relating to the act, developed some of the surrounding evidence on which the prosecution hope, with the aid of the direct testimony, to secure a verdict of guilty against the prisoner. There was also developed something of the theory of the defence. A great amount of curiosity has naturally obtained as to what this would be. It would now seem, from the cross-examina- tion of Houseman, Fisk’s coachman, that one of the main points on the trial will be the question whether Fisk was armed or not at the time of the shooting. From queries directed to this witness it seems not improbable that evidence, direct or indirect, will be brought of Fisk having been armed at the time. As with Chamberlain's evidence for NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JUNE 29, 1872.-WITH SUPPLEMENT. ‘sme Gladstone Ministry om the Ballot fim England and the Prospect for the Reformers. The conclusion come to at Geneva regarding the so-called indirect claims has made an end of much us¢less speculation on both sides of the Atlantic, The result is a gain to civiliza- tion. Itis a gain also to two great political parties. It is a gain to the republican party in America. It is a gain to the liberal party in England. What may be the gain to President Grant we do not yet choose to say; but we have no hesitation in saying that the salvation of the Washington Treaty is the’ salvation of the Gladstone Ministry. Mr. Gladstone to- day is more powerful than when some years ago he was called upon to take the place va- cated by Lord Palmerston. Mr. Gladstone has already made a record which justifies his friends to say that Great Britain has had nosuch statesman at the helm of affairs since the days of William Pitt. The name of Peel will never be forgotten and Palmerston will be lastingly remembered ; but, much as those statesmen did for the prosperity and honor of England, neither of them could make the boast which the friends of Mr. Gladstone can justly make in his name. The present Premier of England, in addition to the services he rendered his country as a great financial reformer, has accomplished great and memorable reforms in the Church and in the army. The disestab- lishment of the Irish Church and the impor- tant modification of the system of Irish land tenure were political triumphs sufficient to reward the Inbors and to satisfy the ambition of any statesman. These reforms redound to the honor and praise of Mr. Gladstone, and of Mr. Gladstone alone. For those great political triumphs Mr. Gladstone is now entitled to claim all the glory which comes from the sal- vation of the Treaty of Washington. If this treaty affair had fallen through Mr. Gladstone would have been pronounced a failure. It has not fallen through, and Mr. Gladstone is the powerful Prime Minister of England, more powerful to-day than ever, and Mr. Disraeli is nowhere. Mr. Gladstone is now in reality master of the situation in England. His reform ten- dencies are not only not checked, they are encouraged. The British people, feeling con- vinced that he has carried them through a great crisis with honor and dignity, will stand by him in any future measure which may call for national sympathy and support. The demand for reform is as strong in England to-day as it was when Mr. Gladstone came into power. The disestablishment of the Irish Church and the important improvement made in the system of Irish land tenure, if they have pleased certain sections of the Irish people, cannot be said to have satisfied the reformers of England. These were but steps in the pathway of progress. The law of entail, the Established Church in England and in Scotland, and the Mouse of Lords—as the House of Lords is at present constituted—all these are bugbears to the reformers ; and one by one, if the reformers are true to themselves, these must pass away. The settlement of the questions which threatened trouble between Great Britain and America leaves Mr. Glad- stone free to prosecute the work of domestic reform. Mr. Gladstone must go on in the path he has chosen or retire from public life. The Ballot bill, which has passed through both houses of Parliament, leaves Mr. Glad- stone no choice but to prosecute the work of reform. His hand has been laid on the plough and he dare not look back. All that is wanted to make the Ballot bill law throughout the three kingdoms is the signature of the Queen; and it is but little likely —‘ that the Royal signature will be withheld. A George the Third is no longer possible in England; at all events, Queen Victoria has never been obstruc- tive, and the power of Parliament has been so little held in check during the present reign that it is reasonable to conclude that royal au- thority will not interfere with the Ballot bill. Now that secret voting is likely to become law in Great Britain, the question is raised whether secret voting will not destroy the mon- archy and make smooth the way for the tri- umph of the republic. There are those who say that the introduction of the ballot marks the beginning of the end of the monarchy. There are others who hold that the ballot is as safe as the open polling booth It is notorious that, while these things are said on both sides of the Atlantic, the passage of the Ballot bill, first through the House of Commons and afterwards through the House of Lords, has scarcely rippled the surface of English thought. The debates in both houses have been uninteresting, and the mass of the people have been absolutely indifferent as to the fate of a measure which, so far as they could judge, was to make them neither richer nor poorer, better nor worse. This state of feeling marks a revolution in itself. Time was, and men still young remember it, when the ballot box was demanded by one class as their one hope of salvation and denounced by another class as the certain ruin of the empire. The ballot is now certain to become law, and the tory gentry are not mad, neither are the people jubilant, All classes accept the situa- tion, and all seem equally willing to make the experiment. With regard to the possible effect of the ballot on the fate of the monarchy and the prospects of the republic, it is sot unimpor- tant to note the opinion given by one of the most prominent English republican writers of the prosecution, this line of defence will de-. the day. In his recent article in the Fortnightly pend on other points not yet developed being introduced, in order to have any real effect on the main issue. That counsel for the defence showed temper and heat at times must be set down as something allowable by the traditions of the bar in such cases, but it is not always wise to keep abusing ‘‘the plaintiff's attorney.” On this the Court passed an opinion. The composition of the well-dressed lounger erowd that hangs about the entrances of Broadway hotels may find some uncomfort- able illustration in the person of Wandle, the “sporting man,’’ who appears in the trial to soy he saw Stokes hurrying along towards the hotel and going in at the ladies’ entrance, and that Fisk followed close after. After the some- ‘what ex officio evidence of Coroner Young and Captain Byrne, and that of Mr. Crockitt, the hotel clerk, the Court adjourned to Monday, giving the twelve blanks on the jury leave to separate in the meantime. Both sides must hayo been perfectly correct in trusting these charming jurors not to retain a fixed impres- sion from anything that might happen in the meantime Review, an article which has commanded a large amount of attention in literary and political circles in England, Mr. Frederick Harrison says, ‘There is no necessary connec- | tion between republic and ballot boxes, stump oratory and the rule of the masses. Nothing is more mindless than the common assumption that there is no republic possible but that of our American brethren. Every sinister fea- ture of their public life is due to the fact of their national origin, not to the fact of their having a republic. We, however, here repu- diate that as the type of the republic, of which it is in many respects a very inferior exam- ple.” “The present writer,” Mr. Harrison says again, “has never confounded republic with democracy. It is not he or his friends who would teach the people the gospel of equality or the revelation of universal suffrage, It is not they who have held up the United States as the eternal model of a republic, forin many things we hold it to be one of the worst.’’ It is clear from this that Mr. Harri- son is not a republican of the American type, + Unt it is not so clear what kind of a republic Mr. Harrison wants. Throughout his elab- orate and able essay there is mani- fest lingering liking for the pres- ent occupant of the throne and for the august accompaniments of royalty. In another part of his essay Mr. Harrison tells us that England, ‘‘in the truest sense of the word, is and has long been a republic, though a most imperfect republic it must be allowed. The republican form, the object of such hopes and such fears, is important enough; but it is, after all, a matter of administrative adjust- ment.”” When the merits and demerits of the republican form of government are being s0 freely discussed in England—when the Ballot bill is allowed to pass both houses with so little resistance, and when the republic is so suc- cessfully working its way to favor on the other side of the British Channel, the young Giant of the West meanwhile alarming the nations of the Old World by his rapid increase of bulk and power, it is not unreasonable to conclude that Great Britain is on the verge of another great political crisis. For some years past the work of reform has been going on with unwonted rapidity. The ballot box cannot fail to give the masses more confidence in themselves, and so to add strength to the reform movement. If the republic is to go on towards perfection the next point of attack must be the law of entail, the Established Church or the House of Lords. All are bound to suffer; and it will be difficult for any amount of foresight and precaution to avert what seems impending doom. The ballot in England must be regarded as a fresh popular gain. Presidential Guns at the Boston Barn. The Yankee showmen at the pine board barn in Boston Back Bay, after expending all their powder, using up all the firemen and old iron they could procure, demoralizing the big drum and getting the final yell out of the twenty thousand throats on the stage, have been compelled to look beyond the hetero- geneous crowd they have already secured, and to seek outside for something in the way of a sensation to keep the remnant of life in the fast collapsing balloon. Their first cast was a lucky one, landing on Back Bay no less a prize than a live President. This new feature in the show served to expand ita little, and the un- wieldy monster once more showed signs of life. All at once hope dawned in the breast of the ‘‘Hub ;"’ her faithful children, who daily perch, like a flock of crows, on the fence surrounding the barn, listening gratuitously to the ‘shindig’’ within, nodded to each other significantly, and several side shows and peanut stands were rescued from impending bankruptcy. The introduction of a Presidential element # the panjandrum proving such a success, the man- agers went fishing again, and this time netted the Sage of Chappaqua, hat, white coat, cow- skin boots and all. Thus the bucolic minds from Cape Cod, ‘Hull and Swampscott, drawn from ‘their rural retreats by the first tap of Gilmore's big drum, may be edified between the eruptions of “(God Save the Queen’’ and “The Star-Spangled Banner,”’ with hints as to the culture of early onions, the grafting of cauliflowers on pear trees or the effect of tobacco on Penobscot strawberries. Nay, the quick-witted Strauss might work up a waltz in agricultural measures and call it the ‘What I Know About Farming Waltz.'’ It would be sure to rival ‘The Blue Danube." Or the Hero of Appomattox might recite ‘“‘Sheridan’s Ride,’’ tell what he knows about flank move- ments and put the Boston Lancers through a lightning drill on the big drum. But this cannot last forever, and the gulf in the managerial exchequer is hard to fill. The east wind brings with it a wail from the myriad committees and the doleful ones on the fence. Grant must get back to his cottage by the sea and his favorite cigar. Greeley is terribly bothered about his cherished onion patch at Chappaqua. But a committee of Bostonians is after him. They wish to cap- ture the old man to fill up the show any how. Let him go and drink a keg of lager bier on top of the big drum. By helping Gilmore in this way, he will capture the German as well as the Irish vote. There are lots of other Presidential can- -didates. There's William S. Groesbeck, who might doa great deal of good in the way of revenue reforms among the Back Bay Athe- nians, by inducing them to sell the barn to some lumber yard and banish the modern Themistocles of music. Then Chief Justice Davis, in the matter of labor reform, could do a great deal of good by making the egotistical committees do some of the work of the unhappy chorus and demented policemen and by limiting the performances to eight hours. Mr. James Black, the temper- ance candidate, should give his views concern- ing the lager beer saloon under the stage and the vile beverages dispensed to the people on the fence outside. But when the managers come to the Dolly Varden ticket, Woodhull and Douglass, what a glorious opportunity there will be for the Lib- eral Club, Faneuil Hall and the denizens of the Neck to display their knowledge of isms, and for the twenty thousand singers to immor- talize themselves in the strains of ‘My Mary Anne” or “‘Doodah!’’ Then the colored sing- ers, who were the characteristic representatives of the Russian day last week, might indulge in a general walk around or a plantation break- down. We should also mention the dyspeptic Train, whose feelings could find a proper vent in the five-acre lot on Back Bay. What a touching feature of the Peace Jubilee it would be to see the Fenian candidate escorted down to the big barn, with the British Grenadier Guards’ band in advance, playing ‘‘The Rocky Road to Dublin,” or “St. Patrick was a Gen- tleman!’’ A trapeze performance, or some new acts on the horizontal bars, would in this instance have a wonderful effect. Then, we must not forget our peripatetic friend, Daniel Pratt, whose views on Presidential pedes- trianism might excite a little interest, and if a circus in the barn can be arranged, why let them engage Dan Rice. After the list of Presidential candidates is ex- hausted the best thing the Boston showmen ean do is to shut up the barn and announce it for sale. The days of Joyce Heths and woolly horses are gone, and not even a bran new Fiji mermaid would draw in this hot weather. But let them do their utmost, their financial account will come out with the balance on the wrong side. Then they must bequeath to their children an obnoxious jubilee tax, worse than that which induced their | ancestors to throw the tea chesta into the babor nearly a century ago. If they treat the barn, calliope organ, piano, anvils and committees in the same manner the verdict of the world will be, “Served them right.” Now, with all the ingratitude that Boston has shown the metropolis of Ameria, we heap coals of fire upon the heads of the Back Bay Athenians by offering them magnanimously the above valuable suggestions, The Treaty and Its Salvation—Pros- pects for Direct Damages—The Glory of the Affair. It may be expected in certain official quar- ters that the American people will throw up their caps and shout hallelujah because the Treaty of Washington has been saved, yet we have seen very little sign of the national jubilation yet. Everything is satisfactory to both sides, say our despatches from Geneva; everything lovely, say the au- thorities at the State Department, while hip, hip, hurrah! comes from the English Parlia- ment, Indirect claims have been kicked out or ruled out of court, as you please, and the arbitrators will meet on the 15th of next month to give us a hint whether we are ever likely to receive’ one cent on our direct claims. The .Plaintiff who goes into court with a demand for heavy damages and finds, to begin with, that the best he or the Court can do will barely secure him his costs, will stand very well for America at present, while the bungling lawyer who begged and bullied and wasefined for contempt preparatory to losing his prepos- terous case, will stand very well for the malign genius who conducted our case at Geneva. The Secretary of State is willing to absorb all the credit. President Grant is anxious to share it with him. Bancroft Davis will de- mand his portion, and arbitrator Adams will not shirk his duty in admitting that his claim to future fame is based on giving way to Sir Alexander Cockburn’s argument at the right time. The popular enthusiasm which may be expected to figure in the canvass before No- vember has not yet shown its head, and is never likely to. The proceedings in the matter may be summarized as follows: —In May, 1871, a treaty was signed. In December the United States went into court with a bulky, inflated case, which cer- tainly succeeded in making the Eagle scream on this side of the Atlantic and the old Lion roar on the other. So long as the Engle screamed all went happily, and Americans looked with some complacency on the flag which England would have rent in tatters ten years ago if she could. But the roaring of the Lion put another face on the matter, and the author- ities in Washington gave it to be understood that the Eagle’s scream was only in jest after all. Then followed the submarine growlings and shriekings to explain this, and the old Lion insisted in the end that if it was a joke America should say so in black and white, This brought about the supplemental. The old Lion, when he came to examine our expla- nation of the State Department's joke, insisted that there was a skulking earnestness about it which caused him strange misgivings. How the arbitrators came to help us out of the slough of muddy diplomacy is already told, and with England presenting its final argument and Count Sclopis innocently talking of interna- tional amity, the curtain drops for the present. There have been two great audiences to this variety performance, whose utterances have been at times singularly alike, although from different causes. The English people found their bitter denunciation of the American “case’’ reflected in the peremptory action of their statesmen. The resentment which found deep utterance in America arose from the fact that our statesmen, like the King of France marching up hill, only did so to come down again. From the moment it was known that our national honor had been used with as little regard to our dignity as a professional swearer at the police courts a senti- ment of morose indifference came upon the people, which is the feeling that has pre- vented any of the begged-for enthusiasm to-day. They know that the careful gravity which should characterize the representatives of a great nation in a matter of this kind has been wanting, and when shame has printed its blush upon the face of the people, let the ad- ministration remember that cheers do not rise readily from the throat. The great question of direct damages, it is felt, must materially suffer, so far as a verdict for America is concerned, by the outrageous failure in the matter of the indirect claims, Although the well known legal aphorism, “Falsus in uno falsus in omnibus,"” may not be pressed in the matter, who will be so bold as to say that it will not have a merited applica- tion when the arbitrators come down to adju- dication upon the claims for actual piracies committed by the Alabama and her fellows? When the history of this whole treaty comes to be written there will be a curious query raised—namely, why America should have writ- ten down claims and supported them at fiery length and parallel expense, while at the same time declaring the undesira- bility of a verdict in her favor? It will be remembered that thesd Indirect claims were fixed in the popular mind by a speech of Charles Sumner in the United States Senate when the Johnson-Clarendon Treaty was rejected. It will be shown, we are sure, that a weak Secretary of State, rather than face the unpopularity of combat- ing Sumner’s sledge-hammer rhetoric, put the indirect claims in the case in order that England might stamp them out for him. This may have been ‘‘cute,’’ but it was the thing which of all others patri- otism would condemn—namely, putting the axe into a foreign hand to strike off the head of a fellow citizen. As American honor rolled in the basket along with the heads of Sumner’s arguments, the American nation must not be blamed for listening without sympathy to the cheers as headsman Gladstone holds up the severed members to show that life is extinct. Summer excursions along the Swiss lakes and mutual good will among judges and law- yers may do a good deal in their way to bring about international amity and all that, but when the glory of the treaty’s sal- vation comes to be. divided in America it will be found to be as small as the damages ever likely to accrue, when the miserable affair is well ended and laid aside for good and all. Jupex Davin Davis has gracefully retired from the Presidential arena. ‘Having accom- plished the object of our expedition,’ os the old army despatches used to read, ‘we retired in good ondgr,” The Partisan Press om the Political Situation. The Providence Journal (Grant) is not at all discouraged by the prevailing general enthu- siasm in favor of Greeley. ‘Brag is a good dog," it quotes, “‘but Holdfast is a better.”’ “The opposition to Grant,”” argues the Journal, “is not greater than was that to Lincoln. It will, doubtless, be more united, but that will give it no greater power.” If the old adage be true that ‘in union there is strength,” will it not apply as well to the Greeley uprising as to any other political event ? The Boston Advertiser (Grant) ‘asks, “Can anybody imagine Mr. Adams, in order to com- pass any office within the gift of any people, pursuing such a course as Mr. Greeley-has de- scended to? The selfish revenge of Gratz Brown has an appropriate counterpart in the selfish folly of Mr. Greeley."’ It is plain that the administration papers are at present fight- ing an up-hill battle. But how long will it last? How long before the Grant batteries will open in earnest? The Baltimore American, (Grant), like the Boston Traveller, (also Grant), ‘‘has yet to hear the name of a single republican in the State who has announced his intention to vote for Greeley.’’ As Maryland is essentially an anti- republican and an anti-administration State by some forty-thousand majority, it does not matter much, it would seem, which way the administration republicans may go in the coming Presidential election. The Baltimore Gazelle (straight democrat, but inclining to Greeley), warns its friends that ‘the contest in which they are about to enter will be waged with a bitterness and intensity surpassing any yet known in our political annals.’’ ‘‘All the power of an un- scrupulous Executive,’’ adds the Gazette, ‘‘will be brought to bear against the endeavors of the opposition.’ It would be very strange indeed if the administration did not exercise all its energies to retain a further lease of power. According to the old axiom: — ree should take who have the power, And they should keep who can. The Oswego (N. Y.) Gazette (democratic), after a careful review of the position of parties, earnestly advocates the acceptance of Mr. Greeley by the Democratic Convention. ‘By doing so,”’ it adds, ‘‘we shall gain the co-opera- tion of a milion of liberal republican voters, and achieve an easy victory for the principles we hold dear.’’ The editor of the Chicago Times (anti- Greeley democrat) has coined a new word in derision of Mr. Greeley’s supporters. He calls them ‘“Chappaquacks.’’ Shortly after perpetrating this joke he unfortunately met with ‘a serious accident, which, we sincerely regret to learn, will prevent our genial contem- porary from indulging in the humorous for some time to come. Says the Boston Traveller (Grant) :—‘‘Now that the nomination of Mr. Greeley at Balti- more is conceded, the republicans everywhere congratulate themselves on the certainty of General Grant’s re-election in November.’’ Adds the Traveller :— We have yet to see the first republican that ex- presses anything but satistaction with the prospec- tive nomination, or to find the first republican voter who does not believe that will be the pest thing possible for the republican party. On the other hand, there are many democrats sulky and dissatisfied, who, if they sre brought to vote for Greeley, will do so with the feoling that they have been betrayed. It would be interesting to see the statistics of the number of republicans the worthy editor of the Traveller sees in the course of his travels, Yet there are a “good many republicans, he must confess, who like the idea of Greeley’s election—but they are liberal ones. The Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser (demo- cratic) says it is the ‘height of madness to think now of checking the Greeley tide.” Why not try, then, Mrs. Partington’s method, and endeavor to ‘‘mop it up?’’ The Omaha (Nebraska) Herald (Greeley) thinks the two-thirds rule will be unanimously adopted at Baltimore. That is because it be- lieves Greeley will be unanimously nominated. The Milwaukee (Wis.) Sentinel (Grant) asks ‘4f it is not about time the hypocritical oppo- sition journals ceased shedding mock tears over the low associations of President Grant.’’ Another Western paper says Grant has ‘out- grown the barroom loafers.’’ But have the barroom loafers outgrown him? The Memphis Appeal (democratic) says the nomination of Greeley and Brown at Bal- timore ‘isa fixed and inevitable fact,”’ and rather likes the idea. The Abbeville (Ala.) Register (democratic) admits that ‘Mr. Greeley has said many harsh things against the institutions and the people of the South; yet, even though these expressions were inexcusable, it thinks it is the part of wisdom for the people of the South to yield Mr. Greeley their hearty, united sup- port, in case the Baltimore Convention should resolve upon co-operation.” A Southern paper relates as a significant fact that an enthusiastic Greeley publican in Dal- ton, Ga., recently changed the name of his hotel from the ‘‘Georgia House’ to the “Gree- ley House,” and shortly afterwards it was struck by lightning. The hotel was immedi- ately repaired, on the principle that lightning seldom strikes twige in the same place, syn: Whe Richmond Whig (Greeley) has a pleas- ant way of allaying the fears of the Southern negroes, who apprehend that they will relapse into a state of slavery in case Greeley is elected. It says: — Greeley’s election will have the effect of beget | them free again, and this time really so, for he wil deliver them from the rascally sway of the carpet- baggers. All these obscene birds will have to dis. appear from the Southern sky when Greeley enters onthe stage. This is a matter well understood, and whites and blacks will have a common cause for rejoicing. But who will take the places of these un- clean birds? Won't poor Sambo be the foot- ball after all? the East—Japan and the Fature of Asia. The remarkable revolution that has taken place within a few years and is still going on in Japan will be one of the most interesting epochs in the history of the world. Occurring in our own days, and when the mind is crowded with the astonishing events of modern progress and of this fast age, we are apt to lose sight of what is transpiring in Asia. At least, people generally are not likely to realize at once the importance of the movements in that part of the world. ‘The fature historian, however, will comprehend the importance of the revolution which commenced only a few years ago and which has made such won- derful strides. There is nothing in his- tory comparabls to it One of the Light in oldest nations of Asia, isolated for thousands | of yours from Western civilization and almost empire in civilization, and will improve our relations with it vastly. Indeed, the sux prising strides that have been made within the last few years are due chiefly to the inter- course of Japan with the United States. China will follow Japan im the: wey of pro- gress before long. The whole of the Mon- golian empires of the East are destined to be revolutionized and to assimilate more end more to our superior civilization. In this revolution the American republic must exer- cise great influence, and we should steadily keep in view the vast commercial advantages which will open to us as these populous na- tions of Asia become more friendly and adopt. our ideas and habits. Rumored European Conference om the International. Last year about this time the idea was ge riously entertained that the meeting between the Austrian and German Emperors, at Gastein, related in some way to the International. The work of the Paris Commune, and the part which a portion of the members of the Inter- national played in the struggles of the second siege spread alarm throughout Europe. It was very natural, then, when Kaiser William and Emperor Francis Joseph, with their right-hand men, Bismarck and Beust, met at the little Austrian watering place of Gastein, according to agreement, that the Workingmen’s Inter- national Society should occupy some portion of their attention. If anything was done in this direction the secret has been wéli kept. Once more we hear of some contemplated ac- tion by the governments of Europe regard- ing the International. A Berlin semi- official journal has recently brought the ques- tion on the tapis. It says that there is a pro- posal issued by the Berlin Cabinet to the vari- ous Powers of Europe calling for a Congress to consider the social question. This is not the first time that this rumor has gained cir- culation. It was circulated once before, pos- sibly by way of a feeler—Bismarck works that way at times, it is said—and then denied. Recently it appeared again, and in a more authoritative way, and no contradiction has followed. Berlin is spoken of as the place where the Convention will be held. If itis really contemplated, and at Germany's solicita- tion, it is more than probable that there will be vacant chairs in that Convention. England, we feel sure, will not join in what may prove a crusade against the International. Frante will hesitate ere she embarks upon such a sea of troubles. Austria will heartily go in, and 80 will poor, weak Spain, which country haa already issued a circular calling for the very action now contemplated, but which scarcely any government gave heed to. Russia will possibly participate, unless governed by the conviction that she is able to manage her own affairs in her own way; and Italy, whose unity. is not yet complete, will join in at the bidding of her new ally. The unsettled state of the labor market, the discontent among the work- ing classes on account of time and pay, and the heavy floy of emigration, especially from Germany, are fast exercising influences re- quiring attention. Should the conference, if it ever assembles, inquire seriously and thoughtfully into the great question now agitating the working classes it may be the means of much good, but should it resolve to have recourse to the ‘‘stamping out’’ pro- cess, to crush the International, it may kindle a flame which it will find it difficult to extinguish. Little Johnny O’Keofe, Admiral. It often happens that great expectations end in small realizations; but that, in effect, proves only that we must not always build our nests in the top of the highest trees. There are cer- tain measures, however, which, when they enter into calculations, always give a good showing for a balance on the right side of our hopes, and such are those which must be con- sidered in the case of the black-headed, gray- eyed newsboy, O'Keefe, who won in competitive examination on Thursday a right to the nomi- nation for the naval cadetship from the Fifth Congressional district of New York. It was a bold and brave democratic idea of Congress- man W 3, Boba show. fhe nominal Speh to the boy from Pepin schools ed district who might win it. Civil service re- form has been attempted in a great many ways, and although no reform of this kind has been suggested for the navy the service will be none the worse for some such hardy blood as John O'Keefe may bring into it This is not exactly the occasion to run into ecstasies over what the newsboy may achieve for himself and his country in the future, nor to call over the names of those mighty movers of men whose early days were those of struggle, obscurity and want. Johnny O'Keefe may be thrown out, though we doubt it, in the examinations, and he may return to work in his uncle’s tobacco factory, perhaps, and his song through life be the story of what might have been. Yet eminently within the range of possibilities is the future that rises like the pages in a fairy tale or an old sea ballad. He may pass through his cadet- ship at Annapolis with all the honors, having demonstrated his prowess among his quarrel- some messmates with the muscles of his arm, as well as the readiness of his mind among the the mysteries of mathematics and navigation. Then he may be assigned to a ship-of-war and carry himself in modesty and manliness until he gains the wardroom. A war may arise (though God forbid) and the O'Keefes and the Porters and Rowans have lots of grim work in hand. The O'Keefe may find him~ self the saviour of the country soma fino morning, and just the man for @ strong _nolitical party to sally round the Newsboy ,